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APR 29 1914 
hy N 
ἔδρα sews 


THE GOSPEL OF JOHN, 


TO 


BY 


HEINRICH AUGUST WILHELM MEYER, Tu.D., 


OBERCONSISTORIALRATH, HANNOVER. 


TRANSLATED FROM THE FIFTH EDITION OF THE GERMAN BY 
Rev. WILLIAM URWICK, M.A. 


THE TRANSLATION REVISED AND EDITED BY 
FREDERICK CROMBIHE, D.D., 


PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL CRITICISM, ST. MARY’S COLLEGE, ST. ANDREWS. 


WITH A PREFACE AND SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES TO THE AMERICAN EDITION BY 
A. C. KENDRICK, D.D., 


GREEK PROFESSOR IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ROCHESTER, 


NEW YORK : 
FUNK ἃ WAGNALLS, PustisuErs, 


10 AND 12 Dry STREET. 


1884. 


Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1884, 
By FUNK & WAGNALLS, 
Tn the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D.C. 


PREFACE 


TO THE AMERICAN EDITION, 


Tue Gospel of John stands pre-eminent among the Gospels, as does 
Paul’s Epistle to the Romans among the New Testament Epistles. It 
is, indeed, except in the identity of their fundamental principles, as 
unlike it as possible. It does not forge, link by link, a chain of impas- 
sioned argument, and construct a reasoned system of Christian doctrine, 
but, in simplest and half-fragmentary utterances, brings out those sub- 
lime truths in which the entire doctrinal system finds its centre and 
foundation. Its eagle flight springs directly to the skies, and it exhibits 
the sublime Being who is its subject, not springing amidst the changes 
of time and the weaknesses of humanity, but having His home in the 
bosom of the Father and the deeps of eternity. Beyond either of its 
fellows it opens to our vision the spiritual world, and portrays the king- 
dom of heaven, not in its more earthly guise and human manifestations, 
but in its origin in the counsels of eternal love, and in the heavenly 
truths which originate and underlie it. Its unique and marvellous opening 
condenses within its compass a whole system of Theology, in the person 
of Him who to a world of sin and error comes with grace and truth, 
and to a world of death and darkness, with life and light. And the 
entire work is in keeping with the Prologue. It is throughout, like the 
seamless robe of the crucified Lord, consistent and harmonious. There 
is in its plan and purpose no momentary wavering. All its topics are so 
selected and treated as to subserve the unfolding of the grand truths 
proclaimed in its introduction, to show us the very heavens opened, and 
the Son of God and the Son of Man, in the paradoxical harmony of 
this twofold nature, re-establishing the suspended intercourse between 
earth and heaven. 

The unerring instinct of infidelity has discerned in this Gospel the 
real battle-ground of Christian Apologetics, and has felt that if the au- 
thenticity and authority of this production could be discredited the 
whole evangelical system sbares its discomfiture, and the battle of un- 
belief is virtually won. Hence it has labored, with equal zeal, learning, 


1V PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. 


and acuteness, to find evidence of its later origin or mythical charac- 
ter, and establish the radical unlikeness of the Jesus of the Fourth 
Gospel to Him who is delineated by the Synoptists, and make out be- 
tween them irreconcilable contradictions. 

And there seems at first view much to sustain these assumptions. 
The Jesus of our Gospel is indeed ushered to our view in a very differ- 
ent manner, and presents in His character some striking diversities of 
feature and coloring. Yet a deeper penetration and a longer survey dis- 
solve the apparent contradictions : the inconsistencies disappear; the 
difference of situations accounts for the difference in the subjects and 
mode of treatment, and the many-sided, or rather myriad-sided, character 
of the Lord, answering to the myriad lights in which its varied relations 
present it, appears rounded into symmetry and completeness, not a 
single feature but harmonizing with, and at last appearing logically de- 
manded by, every other feature of the wondrous portraiture. The char- 
acter, as it rises under the handling of its different portrayers, appears in 
perfect harmony with itself, all that is unfolded in John being poten- 
tially and in germ contained in its sister Gospels, and all that is unfold- 
ed at length by the Synoptists being really presupposed in John as its 
logical consequence or condition, while the whole together forms a 
character drawn with the utmost freedom and independence, with fear- 
lessness of any slight and seemingly discrepant deviations, and exhibiting 
a personality and a life to which the annals of the world furnish no par- 
allel, which no human imagination could possibly have created, and 
whose existence on the historic canvas proves its reality and its divinity. 

The instinct of the Church too, no less keen than that of infidelity, has 
settled the question of the substantial accordance of this Gospel with its 
fellows. Had they been really contradictory, either this or the others 
would have been long ago discredited. They would not have been suffered 
for all these centuries to repose side by side in loving fellowship, the Gos- 
pel of the beloved disciple crowning and completing the others, and 
putting on their work its grand climax: they constituting, as it were, 
the body, this ‘‘the heart of Christ ;’’ they conducting us about Mount 
Zion, this leading us into its inner temple ; each contributing its separate 
share to the marvellous individuality ; but finally the fourth, latest in time, 
unique in character, simple with the simplicity of a child, but sublime 
with seraphie sublimity, breathing the spirit of the disciple who had lain 
upon his Master’s bosom, and sharing the very fulness of those spiritual 
influences which it so fully promises as the gift of the glorified Messiah. 

In Meyer our Gospel finds a fitting commentator. The great 
merits of Meyer as a Biblical expositor are too universally known to 
need dwelling upon here, and for the work of expounding this Gos- 


PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. Vi 


pel he has some very special qualifications. To his wide learning, his 
philological exactness, his exegetical tact and acuteness, his indepen- 
dence and candour, he adds a hearty and Joving sympathy with his author 
that is among the surest aids to a right understanding of him. With 
a hearty interest in Biblical truth generally, an interest which evidently 
grew by what it fed on, Meyer has an especial love for the Gospel of 
John. He has a thorough conviction of its authenticity and its com- 
plete apostolic authority, such a sympathy both with the Beloved 
Disciple and his Master, as it would seem could only have grown out of 
deep communion with that Master’s person and discourses. The mirac- 
ulous works and the theanthropic nature of the Lord he fully recognizes, 
and constantly discerns, under different forms of conception, the essen- 
tial agreement of the Johannean and Pauline Christology. 

To the historical statements of our Gospel, Meyer awards his fullest 
confidence. Indeed, it may be questioned whether he is not unduly 
partial towards our Gospel, and willing sometimes to yield to it an honour 
which places the others at comparative disadvantage. Believing as does 
the present writer firmly in the substantial inspiration and _ historical re- 
liableness of all the Gospel records, it is not pleasant to see any of them, 
even confessedly the most spiritual, unduly exalted over its fellows, 
and awarded, at their expense, the palm of historical credibility. 
Meyer partakes the loose notions of inspiration so prevalent in Germany, 
and carrying out his views allows himself to draw distinctions between 
the Gospels which are not justified by the evidence. To those who have 
carefully weighed all the evidence, and surveyed the phenomena in their 
totality, it would seem that even independently of the question of inspi- 
ration, αἰΐ the Gospels have proved their claim to credibility as faithful 
records of the life of Jesus, and that we both have a right, and are logi- 
eally bound, in judging them, to proceed upon the assumption that their 
confessedly fragmentary notices are equally faithful ; are in themselves 
fairly reconcilable, and that where we cannot unite them into a harmoni- 
ous whole, the fault must be in our Jack of information rather than 
in the truthfulness of records. The Gospels are all clearly in a sense 
fragmentary. None of them pretends to give a complete account of the 
Lord’s ministry ; each of them manifestly passes over large sections both 
of the time and field of His labours ; and none attempts to show where 
and why the deficiencies occur. In these cases it is both our duty and 
our privilege, on the one hand, to read each record by itself, and get 
its full legitimate individual impression, and on the other to bring them 
into close and constant comparison, fill out as far as we can their respec- 
tive vacancies, and take for granted that where we cannot, the reason 
does not lie in any real lack of harmony. The ‘‘harmonistie presup- 


vi PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. 


positions,’? which Meyer occasionally mentions not very respectfully, 
seem to me, while they of course are to be applied always cautiously and 
with judgment, to be yet among the indispensable qualifications of acom- 
plete interpreter of the Gospels. It must be both his pleasure and his 
duty to blend the fourfold narrative into the harmony which the totality 
of the evidence shows must belong to it. 

Tn aiding to bring this Commentary of Meyer in a new form before 
the American public, the editor will state briefly what he has, at the 
request of the publishers, attempted. First, he has transferred to the 
bottom of the page most of its numerous references to the classics and 
other illustrative works, so as, without lessening its scholarly value, to 
present a more continuous and readable text. Secondly, he has appended 
to the several chapters a few notes, partly such as might counteract for 
the general reader the unfortunate influence of Meyer’s free notions of in- 
spiration, and his too great readiness to find discrepancies between John 
and his fellow-Evangelists. He could, however, by no means call special 
attention to al] such cases, and in those which he has noticed he has in 
no instance denied a discrepancy where in his opinion the evidence did 
not warrant the denial. On various other peints also the editor has added 
notes, generally, though not exclusively, where he dissented from Meyer’s 
views. The limits of some twenty to twenty-five pages to which he was 
restricted necessarily precluded, even were there no other hindrances, 
his commenting upon very many of the almost numberless topics of in- 
terest comprised in this Gospel. The points of discussion have been 
partly such as he was specially interested in, and partly selected some- 
what at random, while many on which the editor would have been glad 
to remark have been necessarily passed in silence. He cannot but hope 
that, such as they are, they will not be wholly void of interest and profit 
to the students of this Gospel. 

Most readers οὗ John are doubtless aware that this along with some 
other volumes of Meyer has been recently edited in Germany, with great 
freedom and ability, by Dr. Bernhard Weiss. As the publishers pro- 
posed to reprint Meyer without alteration, only occasional use could be 
made of Weiss’s labours, The editor has, however, had by him 
Weiss’s work, and considering his great ability and eminence as a 
Biblical critic and theologian, deemed it proper, as often as convenient, 
to give Weiss’s view, sometimes of assent, more frequently of dissent 
from those of his author. On occasional points in which Weiss agrees 
with Meyer, the editor has ventured to differ from them both. In 
all cases he would differ from such eminent men with modesty, but in 
most he has the comfort of reflecting that other equally eminent names 
can be cited in support of his opinions. In his own notes he has not cited 


PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. Vil 


many names or authorities. Such authorities are now very generally ac- 
cessible, and the editor would not encumber his pages with unnecessary 
citations. In his extended note on the time of the Last Supper—on which 
he entertains very decided convictions—while he has read various recent 
discussions, he acknowledges special indebtedness to the articles on 
this subject of Dr. Edward Robinson in his N. T. Harmony and the 
Bib. Sacra, vol. ii. 1845. He is glad to learn that Dr. Ezra Abbot, 
whose recent lamented death has deprived our American Biblical schol- 
arship of one of its brightest ornaments, takes the same view with that 
eminent scholar of this alleged disagreement in the Gospels. It is also 
pleasant to reflect that one of the latest efforts of Dr. Abbot’s dis- 
tinguished pen was directed to setting forth the external evidences of 
the authenticity of the Fourth Gospel, on which subject his researches 
shed some important light. He had it in his purpose, I believe, to de- 
vote another essay to the internal branch of the inquiry. 

The translation here given is not quite an exact reprint of the English 
original, That work, though done with conscientious fidelity, has been 
subjected to considerable revision, both for the removal of occasional 
errors and for greater smoothness and sometimes perspicuity of style. 
Still, the editor is but partially responsible either for the defects or the 
excellences of the translation. Meyer’s numerous references he believes 
to be given with great accuracy. The references to Winer’s N. T. 
Grammar have been made to conform in this edition to Thayer’s trans- 
lation. Those made to Buttmann’s N. T. Grammar conform in the 
English work to the American edition. 

The Topical Index at the end of the volume has been prepared by the 
Rev. G. F. Behringer, of Brooklyn, N. Y., who has kindly exercised a 
eneral supervision of the work while passing through the press. 

In conclusion, while expressing his hope and prayer that this Commen- 
tary in its new form may subserve the interests of Biblical truth, and aid 
to the deeper study of this thrice-precious portion of the Sacred Word, 
the editor takes the liberty to borrow from Rev. Dr. Schaft’s Introduc- 
tion to his edition of Lange’s Commentary on this Gospel the following 
beautiful Latin characterization of its human author, by Adam of St. 
Victor, with its English translation by Dr. Washburn : 


“ar 
5 


Volat avis sine meta, 

Quo nec vates nec propheta 
Evolavit altius ; 

Tam implenda, quam impleta, 

Nunquam vidit tot secreta 
Purus homo purius. 


Vili PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION. 


Bird of God! with boundless flight, 
Soaring far beyond the height 

Of the bard or prophet old ; 
Truth fulfilled and truth to be, 
Never purer mystery 

Did a purer tongue unfold. 


A. Ὁ. Kenpricx. 
Rocusster, May, 1884. 


PREFACE. 


Tue Gospel of John, on which I now for the fifth time present the 
result of my labours, still at the present day continues to be the subject 
—recently, indeed, brought once more into the very foreground—of so 
much doubt and dissension, and to some extent, of such passionate party 
controversy, as to increase the grave sense of responsibility, which already 
attaches to the task of an unprejudiced and thorough exposition of so 
sublime a production. The strong tendency now prevalent towards ex- 
plaining on natural grounds the history of our Lord, ever calling forth 
new efforts, and pressing into its service all the aids of modern erudition, 
with an analytic power as acute as it is bold in its free-thinking, meets 
with an impassable barrier in this Gospel, if it really proceeds from that 
disciple whom the Lord loved, and consequently is the only one that is 
entirely and fully apostolic. For it is now an admitted fact, and a sig- 
nificant proof of the advances which have been gradually achieved by 
exegesis, that the pervading supranaturalism—clearly stamped on it in 
all the simplicity of truth—cannot be set aside by any artifices of expo- 
sition. This, however, does not prevent the work of a criticism, which 
obeys the conviction that it is able, and for the sake of the right knowledge 
of the Gospel history ought, to establish the non-apostolic origin of the 
fourth Gospel. Accordingly, in pursuance of the programme which was 
traced for it fifty years ago by Bretschneider, and of the ampler investi- 
gations subsequently added by the criticism of Baur, unwearied efforts 
have been made with augmented and more penetrating powers, and to 
some extent also with a cordial appreciation of the lofty ideas which the 
Gospel presents, to carry out this project to completion. Such critical 
labour submits itself to be tried by the judgment of scholars, and has its 
scientific warrant. Nay, should it succeed in demonstrating that the 
declaration of the Gospel’s apostolic birth, as written by all the Christian 
centuries, is erroneous, we would have to do honour to the truth, which 
in this case also, though painful at first, could not fail to approve itself 
that which maketh free. There is, however, adequate reason to enter- 
tain very grave doubts of the attainment of this result, and to refuse 
assent to the prognostication of universal victory, which has been too 


x PREFACE. 


hastily associated with these efforts of criticism. Whoever is acquainted 
with the most recent investigations, will, indeed, gladly leave to them- 
selves the clumsy altempts to establish a parallelism between the Gospel 
of John and ancient fabrications concocted with a special aim, which 
carry their own impress on their face; but he will still be unable to 
avoid the immediate and general duty of considering whether those 
modern investigators who deny that it is the work of the apostle have at 
least discovered a time in which—putting aside in the meanwhile all the 
substantive elements of their proof—the origin of the writing would be 
historically conceivable. For it is a remarkable circumstance in itself, 
that of the two most recent controversialists, who have treated the sub- 
ject with the greatest scientific independence, the one assumes the latest, 
the other the earliest possible, date. If now, with the first, I place its 
composition not sooner than from 150 to 160, I see myself driven to the 
bold assertion of Volkmar, who makes the evangelist sit at the feet of 
Justin—a piece of daring which Jands me in a historical absurdity. If 
I rightly shrink from so preposterous a view, and prefer to follow the 
thoughtful Keim in his more judicious estimate of the ecclesiastical tes- 
timonies and the relations of the time, then I obtain the very beginning 
of the second century as the period in which the work sprang up on the 
fruitful soil of the church of Asia Minor, as a plant Jobannine indeed in 
spirit, but post-Johannine in origin. But from this position also I feel 
myself at once irresistibly driven. For I am now brought into such im- 
mediate contact with the days in which the aged apostolic pillar was still 
amongst the living, and see myself transported so entirely into the living 
presence of his numerous Asiatic disciples and admirers, that it cannot 
but appear to me an absolutely insoluble enigma how precisely then and 
there a non-Johannine work—one, moreover, so great and so divergent 
from the older Gospels—could have been issued and have passed into 
circulation under the name of the highly honoured apostle. Those dis- 
ciples and admirers, amongst whom he, as the high priest, had worn the 
πέταλον, could not but know whether he had written a Gospel, and if 
so, of what kind ; and with the sure tact of sympathy and of knowledge, 
based upon experience, they could not but have rejected what was not a 
genuine legacy from their apostle. Keim, indeed, ventures upon the 
bold attempt of calling altogether in question the fact that John had his 
sphere of labour in Asia Minor; but is not this denial, in face of the 
traditions of the church, in fact an impossibility? It is, and must re- 
main so, as long as the truth of historical facts is determined by the cri- 
terion of historical testimony. Turning, then, from Volkmar to Keim, I 
see before my eyes the fate indicated by the old proverb: τὸν καπνὸν 
φεύγοντα εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἐκπίπτειν. 


PREFACE. ΧΙ 


The necessary references have been made in the Introduction to the sub- 
stantive grounds on which in recent years the assaults have been renewed 
against the authenticity of the Gospel, and there also the most recent 
apologetic literature upon the subject has been noticed. After all that 
las been said for and against up to the present time, I can have no hes- 
itation in once more expressing my delight in the testimony of Luther 
—dquoted now and again with an ironical smile—that ‘‘ John’s Gospel 
is the only tender, right, chief Gospel, and is to be far preferred before 
the other three, and to be more highly esteemed.’’’ In order to make the 
confession one’s own, it is not necessary to be either a servile follower 
of Luther or a special adherent of the immortal Schleiermacher. I am 
neither the one nor the other, and in particular I do not share the indi- 
vidual, peculiar motive, as such, which underlies the judgment of the 
former. 

Since the publication of the fourth edition of my Commentary (1862), 
many expository works upon John and his system of doctrine, and 
among these several of marked importance, have seen the light, along 
with many other writings and disquisitions,” which serve, directly or in- 
directly, the purpose of exposition. I may venture to hope that the 
consideration which I have bestowed throughout upon these literary ac- 
cessions, in which the one aim is followed with very varying gifts and 
powers, has not been without profit for the further development of my 


1So Luther, in that section of his Preface to the New Testament containing 
the superscription, ‘‘ Which are the right and noblest books of the New Testa- 
ment?’ This section, however, is wanting in the editions of the New Testa- 
ment subsequent to 1539, as also in the edition of the whole Bible of 1534. 

2 The essay of Riggenbach, ‘‘ Johannes der Apostel und der Presbyter,” in the 
Jahrb. f. D. Theologie, 1868, p. 319 ff., came too late for me to be able to notice 
it. It will never be possible, I believe, to establish the identity of the apostle 
with the presbyter, and I entertain no doubt that Eusebius quite correctly un- 
derstood the fragment of Papias in reference to this point.—To my regret, I was 
unable, also, to take into consideration Wittichen’s work, Ueber den geschicht- 
lichen Charakter des Evang. Joh. The same remark applies to the third edi- 
tion of Ebrard’s Kritik der evangel Geschichte, which appeared in 1868, and in 
which I regret to observe a renewed display of the old vehemence of passion. 
Renan’s Life of Jesus, even as it has now appeared in its thirteenth edition, I 
have, as formerly, left out of consideration.—The first part of Holtzmann’s 
dissertation upon ‘‘The Literary Relation of John to the Synoptics’’ (Hilgen- 
feld’s Zeitschrift, 1869, p. 62 ff.) has just been published, and the conclusion is 
still to follow. Of course, before the latter appears, no well-founded judgment 
can be passed upon this essay of this acute theologian ; but I have doubts 
whether it will ever be successfully shown that in the case of the fourth Gospel 
there is any dependencg of a literary kind upon the Synoptics, especially upon 
the Gospel of Luke. 


xii PREFACE. 


work, probably more by way of antagonism (especially towards Heng- 
stenberg and Godet) than of agreement of opinion. In our like consci- 
entious efforts after truth we learn from each other, even when our ways 
diverge. 

The statement of the readings of Tischendorf’s text I was obliged to 
borrow from the second edition of his Synopsis, for the reasons aiready 
mentioned in the preface to the fifth edition of my Commentary on 
Mark and Luke. The latest part of his editio octava, now in course of 
appearance, was published last September, and extends only to John vi. 
23, while the printing of my book had already advanced far beyond that 
point. I may add that the deviations in the text of this editio octava 
from that of the Synopsis in reference to the various readings noticed 
in my critical annotations down to vi. 23, are not numerous, and scarcely 
any of them are of importance exegetically. Of such a nature are those, 
in particular, in which this highly meritorious critic had in his Synopsis 
too hastily abandoned the Recepta,’ and has now returned to it. I 
would fain think that this may also be the case in future with many 
other of the readings which he has now adopted, where apparently the 
‘Cod. Sinait. has possessed for him too great a power of attraction.” 

In conclusion, I have to ask for this renewed labour of mine the good- 
will of my readers,—I mean such a disposition and tone in judging of 
it as shall not prejudice the rights of critical truth, but shall yet with 
kind consideration weigh the difficulties which are connected with the 
solution of the task, either in itself, or amidst the rugged antagonisms of 
a time so vexed with controversy asthe present. So long as God shall 
preserve to me in my old age the necessary measure of strength, 1 shall 
continue my quiet co-operation, however small it may be, in the service 
of biblical exegesis. This science has in fact, amid the dark tempests 
of our theological and ecclesiastical crisis, in face of all agitations and 
extravagances to the right and left, the clear and lofty vocation gradually, 


1J. 18, where the Synopsis has μονογενὴς θεός, the editio oclava has restored 
ὁ μονογενὴς υἱός: iii. 13, where 6 ὦν ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ was deleted in the Syn- 
opsis, these words have again been received into the text. 

2 E.g. with the reading θαυμάζετε in v. 20; in the same way with φεύγει, 
which is found only in δὲ of all the Codd. In the great predominance of testi- 
monies against it, I regard the former as the error of an ancient copyist, while 
the latter appears to me as a marginal gloss, quite inappropriate to the strain 
of tender feeling in which John speaks of Jesus, which perhaps originated ina 
similar manner, as Chrysostom, while reading in the text ἀνεχώρησεν, says 
by way of explanation, ὁ dé Χριστὸς φεύγει. Had φεύγει been the original read- 
ing, and had it been desired to replace it by a more becoming expression, then 
probably ἐξένευσεν from v. 18, or ἀνῆλθεν in vi. 3, to which passage πάλιν in 
ver, 15 points back, would have most naturally sucgested themselves. 


PREFACE. xiii 


by means of its results,—which can be reached with certainty only 
through a purely historical method, and can be settled by no human con- 
fession of faith,—to make such contributions to the tumult of strife as 
must determine the course of a sound development, and finally form the 
standard of its settlement and the regulative basis of peace. And what 
writing of the New Testament can in such a relation stand higher, or be 
destined to produce a more effective union of spirits, than the wondrous 
Gospel of John, with its fulness of grace, truth, peace, light, and life ? 
Our Lutheran Church, which was born with a declaration of war and 
had its confession completed amid controversy from without and within, 
has raised itself far too little to the serene height and tranquil perfection 
of this Gospel. 


DR. MEYER. 
Hanover, 1st December, 1868. 





LIST OF COMMENTARIES 


UPON 


ἘΠ ΣΙ ὟΝ. 


[It has not been deemed necessary to include in the following list more than 
a selection from the works of those who have published commentaries upon St. 
John’s Gospel. For full details upon the literature of the controversy regard- 
ing the authenticity and genuineness, the reader is referred, in addition to 
Meyer’s own Introduction, vol.i., to the very copious account appended by 
Mr. Gregory to his translation of Luthardt’s work on the authorship of the 
Gospel, recently published by the Messrs. Clark. ] 


ΑΒΒΟΥ (Ezra) : Authorship of the Fourth Gospel : External Evidences. 
; Boston, 1880. 
Aurorp (Henry) : Greek Testament with critically revised text and Commentary. 
4 vols. London, 4th ed. 1859, 
Acricona (Francis) : Commentarius in Evangelium Ioannis. Coloniae, 1599. 
Azuzsrus (Alexander) : Commentarius in Evangelium Ioannis. Basileae, 1553. 
Amyratpvus (Moses) : Paraphrase sur l’évangile selon Saint Jean. Salmuri, 1651. 
Aquinas (Thomas) : Aurea Catena in Lucae et Ioannis Evangelia. 
Venetiae, 1775. English translation, Oxford, 1841-45. 
Argrtius (Benedictus) : Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis. 
Lausannae, 1578. 
Astrx (S. J.) : Explication de l’évangile selon Saint Jean, avec une traduction 


nouvelle. Genéve, 1864. 
AvueustTInE : Tractatus 124 in Ioannem. Ed. 1690, iii. p. 2. 290-826. 
English translation, 2 vols, (T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh). 1873-74. 


BarumMuern (W.): Commentar iitber das Evangelium Johannis. Stuttgart, 1863. 
BaumGarten (Crusius): Theologische Auslegung der Johanneischen Schriften. 


2 vols. Jena, 1844-45, 
Baumcarten (S. J.): Auslegung des Evangelii Johannis, cum Jo. Salomonis 
Semleri praefatione. Halae, 1762. 


_ Beza (Theodore) : Commentarius in Novum Testamentum. 
Geneva, 1556; ed. quinta, 1665. 
Brneet (J. -A.): Gnomon Novi Testamenti. Latest ed., London, 1862. English 


translation, 5 vols. and 3 vols. (T. & T. Clark). 1874. 
Bispine (A.): Exegetisches Handbuch zu den Evangelien, ete, Erkliirung des 
Evangelium nach Johannes, Miinster, 1869. 
Brown (Rev. David, D.D.) : Commentary on St. John (in his Commentary upon 
the Four Gospels). Glasgow, 1863. 
Bucer (Martin) : Enarrationes in Ioannem. Argentorati, 1528. 


Buiimcer (Henry): Commentariorum in Evangelium Ioannis libri Septem. 
Tiguri, 1543. 


Cauvin (John): Commentarius in Evangelium secundum Joannem. Genevyae, 
15538, 1555 ; ed. Tholuck, 1833. Translated into English by Rev. W. 
Pringle, 1847. 


xvl LIST OF COMMENTARIES, 


Curysostom : Homilies on the Gospel of St. John, translated with Notes and 
Indices. Library of the Fathers. Oxford, 1848-52 
Cuytrazus (Dav.) : Scholia in Evangelium Ioannis. 

Francofurti ad Moenum, 1588. 

Coox (F. C.) : Holy Bible, with Explanatory and Critical Commentary by Clergy 

of the Anglican Church. 9 vols. The Gospel of John, with Introduc- 

tion and Notes, by B. F. Westcott. Am. ed., New York, 1880. 
CrucicER (Caspar) : Enarratio in Evangelium Ioannis. 

Witembergae, 1540. Argentorati, 1546. 

Cyrus (Alexandrinus) : Commentarii in Sancti loannis Evangelium. English 

translation by Dr. Pusey. Oxford, 1875. 


Danarus (Lamb.) : Commentarius in Ioannis Evangelium. Genevae, 1585. 
Dz Werte ΟὟ. M. L.): Kurzgefasstes Exegetisches Handbuch zum Neuen Testa- 
ment. Kurze Erklirung des Evangeliums und der Briefe Johannes. 


Fiinfte Ausgabe von B. Brickner, Leipzig, 1863. 
DunwELu (Rev. F. H.) : Commentary on the authorized English version of the 
Gospel according to St. John. London, 1872. 
Eprarp (J. H. A.): Das Evangelium Johannis und die neueste Hypothese 
iiber seine Entsehung. Zurich, 1845. 
Exzicott (C. J.) : New Testament Commentary for English Readers. Gospel 
according to John by H. W. Watkins. 3 vols. New York. 
Euruymius ZicaBeNus: Commentarius in IV. Evangelia, graece et latine, ed. 
Matthaei. 4 vols. Berolini, 1845. 


Ewatp (H.): Die Johanneischen Schriften iibersetzt und erklirt. 2 vols. 
Gottingen, 1862. 


Frrvs (J.) : In sacro sanctum Iesu Christi Evangelium secundum Joannem piae 
et eruditae juxta Catholicam doctrinam enarrationes. Numerous edi- 

tions. Moguntiae, 1536. Romae, 1517. 

Forp (J.) : The Gospel of John, illustrated from ancient and modern authors. 
London, 1852. 

Frommann (Ki): Der Johanneische Lehrbegriff in seinem Verhiltnisse zur ge- 
sammten biblisch-christlichen Lehre dargestellt. Leipzig, 1839. 


Gopet (F.): Commentaire sur l’évangile de Saint Jean. 2 vols. 
Paris, 1863. [New ed. preparing. ] 
Grortius (H.): Annotationes in Novum Testamentum. 9 vols. 
Groningen, 1826-34. 


Hernsius (Dan.): Aristarchus Sacer, sive ad Nonni in Joannem Metaphrasin 
exercitationes : accedit Nonni et sancti Evangelistae contextus. 

Lugduni Batavorum, 1627. 

Hemmrincius (Nicol.) : Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis. JBasileae, 1091. 
Hencsrenserc (E. W.) : Commentar zum Evangelium Johannes. 2 vols. 


English translation (T. ἃ T. Clark). 1865. 
Hevpner (H. L.): Praktische Erklirung des Neuen Testaments. 2 vols. 
Evangelien des Lucas und Johannes 2d ed. Potsdam, 1860. 
HInGENFELD (A.): Das Evangelium und die Briefe Johannis nach ihrem Lehr- 
begriff. Halle, 1849. 
Huwnnius (Aegidius) : Commentarius in Iesu Christi Evangelium secundum 
Joannem, Francofurti, 1585, 1591, 1595. 


Hurcurson (G.) : Exposition of the Gospel of Jesus Christ according to John. 
London, 1657. 


JANsonus (Jac.) : Commentarius in Joannis Evangelium. Louanii, 1630. 
Kuzx (H.) : Commentar tiber das Evangelium nach Johannes, Mainz, 1829. 
Kaiorutar (L) : Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis, Viennae, 1862. 


Koéstiin (Ὁ. R.): Lehrbegriffe des Evangelium und der Briefe Johannis. 
Berlin, 1843. 
Kurnoen (Ch. G.); Commentarius in Novi Testamenti libros Historicos. 4 vols. 
Leipzig, 1825-43. 


LIST OF COMMENTARIES. XVii 


Lamps (Εἰ. A.): Commentarius analytico-exegeticus, tam litteralis, quam realis 
Evangelii secundum Joannem. III ‘Tomi. 
Amstelodami, 1724, 1726. Basileae, 1725, 1726, 1727. 
. Lanes (T. 6.) : Das Evangelium Johannis tbersetzt und erkliart. 
Weimar, 1797. 
Lancer (J. P.): Theolg: Homiletisch: Bibel Werk. Das Evangelium nach 
Johannis, 1860. English translation, greatly enlarged. 
Ed. Philip Schaff, London and Edinburgh, 1872-75. 
Laprpe (Cornel. 4): Commentaria in Scripturam Sacram. 10 vols. 
(last ed.) Lugduni, 1865. 
Lassus (Gbr.) : Commentaire Philosophique sur l’évangile St. Jean. 
Paris, 1838. 
Τιῦσκε (G. Ch. F.) : Commentar tiber die Schriften Johannis. 4 vols, 
Bonn, 1840-56. 
Luruarpr (Ch. E.): Das Johanneische Evangelium nach seinen Higenthiim- 
lichkeiten geschildert und erklirt. 2 vols. Nurnberg, 1852-53. New 
ed. Part 1st, 1875. (English translation preparing.) 
Lurxarpt (C. E.): St. John the author of the Fourth Gospel. Translated by 
C. R. Gregory. Edinburgh, 1875. 


Mater (Adal.) : Commentar zum Evangelium Johannis. 2 vols. 
Carlsruhe and Freiburg, 1843. 
Maponatus : Commentarii in TV. Evangelia curavit Sauser. 
Latest ed. Mainz, 1840. 
Marruast (J.): Auslegung des Evangelium Johannis zur Reform der Auslegung 
desselben. Gothingen, 1837. 
MeancuTnon (Phil.): Enarrationes in Evangelium Joannis. 
Wittenbergae, 1523. 
Morus (8. F. N.): Recitationes in Evangelium Joannis. ed. G. J. Dindorf. 
Leipzig, 1796. 
Monter (J.) : Symbolae ad interpretandum Evangelium Johannis ex marmori- 


bus et nummis maxime graecis. Kopenhagen, 1826. 
Mouscuuvus (Wolf 6.) : Commentarii in Evangelium Joannis in tres Heptadas 
digesti. Basileae, 1552, 1564, 1580, 1618. 


Myutus (G.) : Commentarius in Evangelium Johannis absolutissimus. 
Francofurti, 1624. 


Nonnus : Metaphrasis Evangelii Johannis. red. Passow. Leipzig, 1834. 


Oxcontampantits (I.) : Annotationes in Evangelium Johannis. Basileae, 1532. 
OusHAUSEN (H.): Biblischer Commentar itiber ἃ. Neue Testament fortgesetzt 
von Ebrard und Wiesinger. Evangelium des Johannes. 1862. 
English translation (T. & T. Clark). 1855. 
OriIcEN : Commentarii in Evangelium Joannis. ed. 1759, vol. iv. 1-460. 


Partrius (F. H.): In Joannem Commentarius. Romae, 1863. 
Pauuus (H. E. G.): Philologisch-Kritischer und Historischer Commentar iiber 
das Evangelium des Johannes. Leipzig, 1812. 
Pernarcus (Christ.): Commentarius in Joannem per quaesita et responsa, ex 
antiquitate orthodoxa magnam partem erutus. Francofurti, 155). 


Rottock (Rob.) : Commentarius in Evangelium Joannis. 
Genevae, 1599, 1608. 


RosENMULLER (J. G.): Scholia in Novum Testamentum. 5 vols. 
Leipzig, 1815-31. 


Sarcerius (Erasm.): In Johannis Evangelium Scholia justa ad perpetuae tex- 
tus cohaerentiae filum. Basileae, 1540. 
Scuarr (Philip) : Popular Commentary on the New Testament. 4 vols. The 
Gospel of John, by W. Milligan and W. F. Moulton. New York, 1880. 
Scum (Sebast.): Resolutio brevis cum paraphrasi verborum Evangelii Joannis 
Apostoli. Argentorati, 1685, 1699. 


XVlli LIST OF COMMENTARIES. 


Scuuten (J. H.): Het Evangelie naar Johannes, 
Leyden, 1865, Supplement 1866. French translation by Albert 
Reville in Revue de Théologie. Strasburg, 1864, 1866. German trans- 
lation by H. Lang, Berlin, 1867. 
ScHWEIZER (Alb,): Das Evangelium Johannis kritisch untersucht. 
Leipzig, 1841. 
Semuer (J. Sal.) : Paraphrasis Evangelii Joannis, cum notis et Cantabrigiensis 
Codicis Latino textu. Halae, 1771. 


Tarnovius (Paul.): In Sancti Johannis Evangelium Commentarius. 
Rostochii, 1629. 
Turopors (of Mopsuestia) : In novum Testamentum Commentaria. Kd. 
Fritzsche, Turici, 1847, 
Tsouuck (A.) : Commentar zum Evangelium Johannis. 
7th ed. 1857. English translation (T. & T. Clark), 1860. 
Tirtmann (K. Ch.): Meletemata Sacra, sive Commentarius critico-exegeticus- 
dogmaticus in Evangelium Johannis. Leipzig, 1816. 
(English translation in Biblical Cabinet, T. ἃ T. Clark.) 
Toxetus (Franc.) : Commentarii et Annotationes in Evangelium Joannis. 
Romae, 1588, 1590 ; Lugduni, 1589, 1614 ; Venetii, 1587. 


THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


INTRODUCTION. 


SEC. I.—BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE OF JOHN. 


Galilee, probably not of the poorer class (Mark i. 20; Luke vy. 
10), and Salome (Mark xv. 40; comp. Matt. xxvii. 56). To 
his father the evangelists ascribe no special religious character 
or personal participation in the events of the Gospel history ; 
but his mother was one of the women who followed Jesus even up to His 
crucifixion (comp. on xix. 25). To her piety, therefore, it is justly attribu- 
table that John’s deeply receptive spirit was early fostered and trained to 
surrender itself to the sacredly cherished, and at that time vividly excited 
expectation of the Messiah, with its moral claims, so far as such a result 
might be produced by a training which was certainly not of a learned char- 
acter. (Actsiv. 13.) If, too, as we may infer from xix. 25, Salome was a 
sister of the mother of Jesus, his near relationship to Jesus would enable us 
better to understand the close fellowship of spirit between them, though 
the evangelists are silent as to any carly intimacy between the families ; and 
in any case, higher inward sympathy was the essential source out of which 
that fellowship of spirit unfolded itself. The entrance of the Baptist on 
his public ministry—to whom John had attached himself, and whose pro- 
phetical character and labours he has described most clearly and fully—was 
the occasion of his becoming one of the followers of Jesus, of whom he and 
Andrew were the first disciples (i. 35 f.). Among these, again, he and 
Peter, and his own brother James the elder, brought by himself to Jesus 
(see on i. 42), formed the select company of the Lord’s more intimate 
friends ; he himself being the most trusted of all,’ the one whom Jesus pre- 
eminently loved, and to whose filial care He on the cross entrusted Mary 
(xix. 26). Hence the ardent, impetuous disposition, which led the Lord 
Himself to give to him and his brother the name Boanerges, and which he 





trum dicamus maxime φιλόχριστον, 90- 
hannem maxime @tAo.ncodyv,... quod 
et Dominus respiciens, illi quidem ecclesiam 


10On account of his devoted love to the 
person of the Lord, on which Grotius fineiy 
remarks: *‘ Quod olim Alexandrum de ami- 


cis suis dixisse memorant, alium esse φιλα- 
λέξανδρον, alium φιλοβασιλέα, putem ad duos 
Domini Jesu apostolos posse aptari, ut Pe- 


. > δ 
praecipuo quodam modo, huic autem ma- 
trem commendavyit.”’ 


2 _ THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
exhibited on more than one occasion (Mark iii. 17, ix. 88 ff. ; Luke ix. 
49 f., 54),—connected even though it was with an ambition which his 
mother had fostered by her sensuous Messianic notions (Matt. xx. 20 ff. ; 
Mark x. 35 ff.),—is by no means of such a character as to be incapable of 
gradually subjecting itself to the mind of Jesus, and becoming serviceable 
to his highest aims. After the ascension he abode, save perhaps when 
engaged on some minor apostolical journey (such as that to Samaria, Acts 
vill. 14), at Jerusalem, where Paul met with him as one of the three pillars 
of the Christian church (Gal. ii. 1 ff.). How long he remained in this city 
cannot, amid the uncertainty of tradition, be determined ; and, indeed, it is 
not even certain whether he had already left the city when Paul was last 
there. He is indeed not mentioned in Acts xxi. 18, but neither is he in 
Acts xv., though we know from Gal. ii. 1 ff. that he nevertheless was 
present ; and therefore, as on the occasion of Gal. i. 19, so on that of 
Acts xxi., he may have been temporarily absent. In after years he took up 
his abode at Ephesus,’ probably only after the destruction of Jerusalem ; 
not by any means, however, before Paul had laboured in Ephesus (Rom. 
xv. 20 ; 2 Cor. x. 16; Gal. ii. 7 f.), although it cannot be maintained with 
certainty that he could not have been there when Paul wrote his letter to 
the Ephesians : for, in the enigmatic silence of this epistle as to all personal 
references, such a conclusion from the non-mention of his name is doubtful. 
The distinguished official authority with which he was invested at 
Ephesus, the spiritual elevation and sanctity ascribed to him, cannot be 
better indicated than by the fact that Polycrates (Euseb. 111. 31, v. 24) not 
only reckons him among the μεγάλα στοιχεῖα (great fundamental elements of 
the church ; comp. Gal. 11. 9), but also calls him ἱερεὺς τὸ πέταλον 5 πεφορηκώς. 
Of his subsequent fortunes we have only untrustworthy and sometimes man- 
ifestly false traditions, amongst the latter of which is one based on Rev. i. 
9,5 but unknown even to Hegesippus (ap. Euseb. 111. 20), of his banishment 


1Jren. Haer. iii. 8.4; Euseb. iii. 1. 23. It * his youth regarding his intimacy with John, 


is no argument against this, that Ignat. 
ad Ephes. 12 mentions Paul, but not John; 
for Paul is mentioned there as the founder 
of the church at Ephesus, and as martyr, 
—neither of which holds good of John. 
Besides, this silence is far outweighed by 
the testimonies of Polycarp in Irenaeus, 
Polycrates in Euseb., Irenaeus, Clement of 
Alexandria, Origen, Eusebius, ete. To ac- 
count for these, as Keim in particular now 
attempts to do (Gesch. J. I. p. 161 ff.), by 
supposing some confusion of John the 
Presbyter with the Apostle John, is in my 
opinion futile, simply because the silence 
of Papias as to the apostle’s residence in 
Asia proves nothing (he does not mention 
the residence of any of the Lord’s apostles 
and disciples, to whom he makes refer- 
ence), and because it seems scarcely con- 
ceivable that Irenaeus should have so mis- 
interpreted what Polycarp said to him in 


as to suppose he spoke of the Aposéle, when 
in fact he only spoke of the Presbyter of that 
name. It is pure caprice to assume that 
Eusebius ‘‘lacked the courage’ to correct 
Irenaeus. Why so? See, onthe other hand, 
Steitz in the Studien u. Kritiken, 1868, p. 
502 ff. 

2 The plate of gold worn by the high 
priest on his forehead. See Ewald, Alterth. 
p. 393 f., ed. 3; Knobel on Ex. xxviii. 36. 
The phrase used by Polyerates is not to be 
taken as signifying relationship to a priestly 
family (xviii. 15; Luke i. 36), but as symbolic 
of high spiritual position in the church, just 
as it is also used of James the Lord’s 
brother in Epiphanius, Haer. xxix. 4. Com- 
pare now also Ewald, Johann. Schriften, II. 
p. 401 f. 

3 See especially Diisterdieck on the Reve- 
lation, Introduction, p. 92 ff. 


INTRODUCTION. 3 


to Patmos under Domitian (first mentioned by Ireneus and Clem. Alex.), 
—an event said to have been preceded by others of a marvellous kind, such 
as his drinking poison at Rome without injury (see especially the Acta 
Johannis in Tischendorf’s Acta Apocr. Ὁ. 266 ff.), and his being thrown into 
boiling oil, from which, however, he came out ‘‘nihil passus” (Tertullian), 
nay, even ‘‘purior et vegetior” (Jerome). The legend is also untrustworthy 
of his encounter with Cerinthus in a bath, the falling in of which he is said 
to have foreseen and avoided in time (Iren. Haer. 111. 3. 28 ; Euseb. iii. 28, 
iv. 14) ; it is only indirectly traceable to Polycarp, and betrays a purpose of 
glorifying the apostle at the expense of the heretic, however unfounded may 
be the assumption that it is only what we should expect from the author of 
the Apocalypse (Baur, Kanon. Evang. Ὁ. 371). The great age to which 
John attained, which is variously stated,—according to Irenzus, Eusebius, 
and others, about a hundred years, reaching down to Trajan’s time,—gave 
some countenance to the saying (xxi. 23) that he should not see death ; 
and this again led to the report that his death, which at last took place at 
Ephesus, was only a slumber, his breath still moving the earth on his grave 
(Augustine). In harmony, however, with a true idea of his character, 
though historically uncertain, and first vouched for by Jerome on Gal. 
vi. 10,’ is the statement that, in the weakness of old age, he used merely to 
say in the Christian assemblies, ilioli, diligite alterutrum. \ For love was the 
most potent element of his nature, which was sustained by the truest, deep- 
est, and most affectionate communion in heart and life with Christ. In this 
communion John, nurtured on the heart of Jesus, discloses, as no other 
evangelist, the Lord’s innermost life, in a contemplative but yet practical 
manner, with a profound idealizing mysticism, though far removed from all 
mere fiction and visionary enthusiasm ; like a bright mirror, faithfully re- 
flecting the most delicate features of the full glory of the Incarnate One (i. 
14; 1 John i. 1) ; tender and humble, without sentimentalism, and with 
all the resolute earnestness of apostolical energy. In the centre of 
the church life of Asia he shone with the splendour of a spiritual high- 
priesthood, the representative of all true Christian Gnosis, and per- 
sonally a very παρθένιος (‘‘ virgo mente et corpore,” Augustine) in all moral 
purity. From the starting-point of an apostle of the Jews, on which 
he stands in contrast (Gal. ii. 9) with the apostle of the Gentiles, he rose to 
the purest universalism, such as we meet with only in Paul, but with a 
clear, calm elevation above strife and conflict ; as the last of the apostles, 
going beyond not only Judaism, but even Paul himself, and interpreting 
most completely out of his own lengthened, pure, and rich experience, 
the life and the light made manifest in Christ. He it is who most fully 





1 Harlier attested (Clemens, Quis. div. salv. 
42) is the equally characteristic legend (Cle- 
ment calls it μῦϑον οὐ μῦϑον, ἀλλὰ ὄντα λόγον) 
of a young man, formerly converted by the 
apostle’s labours, who lapsed and became 
aleader of robbers, by whose band John, 
after his return from Patmos, voluntarily 
allowed himself to be taken prisoner in 


order to bring their captain back to Christ, 
which he succeeded in doing by the mere 
power of his presence. The robber chief, 
as Clement says, was baptized a second 
time by his tears of penitence. Comp. 
Herder’s legend ‘‘ der gerettete Jiingling” in 
his Werke z. schén. Lit. vi. Ρ. 81, ed. 1827. 


4 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


connects Christianity with the person of Christ,—a legacy to the church for 
all time, of peace, union, and ever advancing moral perfection ; among the 
apostles the true gnostic, in opposition to all false Gnosticism of the age ; 
the prophet among the evangelists, although not the seer of the Apocalypse. 
‘‘The personality of John,” says Thiersch,* ‘‘ has left far deeper traces of 
itself in the church than that of any other of Christ’s disciples. Paul 
laboured more than they all, but John stamped his image most deeply upon 
her ;” the former in the mighty struggle for the victory, which overcometh 
the world ; the latter in the sublime and, for the whole future of the gospel, 
decisive celebration of the victory which has overcome it. 


SEC. II.—GENUINENESS OF THE GOSPEL. 


With regard to the external testimonies, we remark the following :— 

1. Chap. xxi. could only serve as a testimony, if it proceeded altogether 
from another hand, or if the obviously spurious conclusion should be made 
to include ver. 24. See, however, on chap. xxi.—2 Pet. i. 14 also, and the 
Gospel of Mark, cannot be adduced as testimonies ; since the former pas- 
sage cannot be shown to refer to John xxi. 18 f., while the second Gospel 
was certainly written much earlier than the fourth. 

2. In the apostolical Fathers we meet with no express quotation from, 
or sure trace of any use of, the Gospel. Barnabas 5, 6, 12 (comp. John iii. 
14), and other echoes of John in this confused anti-Judaizing epistle, to 
which too great importance is attached by Keim, as well as Herm. Past. 
Simil. 9, 12 (comp. John x. 7, 9, xiv. 6), Ignat. ad Philad. (comp. John iii. 
8) 9 (comp. John x. 9), ad Trall. 8 (comp. John vi. 51), ad Magnes. 8 
(comp. John x. 30, xii. 49, xiv. 11), ad Rom. 7 (John vi. 82 ff., vii. 38 f.), 
are so adequately explained by tradition, and the common types of view 
and terminology of the apostolical age, that it is very unsafe to attribute 
them to some definite written source. Nor does what is said in Ignat. ad 
Rom. 7, and ad Trail. 8, of Christ's flesh and blood, furnish any valid ex- 
ception to this view, since the origin of the mystical conception of the σάρξ 
of Christ is not necessarily due to its dissemination through this Gospel, al- 
though it does not occur in the Synoptics.* Hence the question as to the 


1 Die Kirche im apostol. Zeitalt. Ὁ. 273. icum. Besides, that very remarkable ὡς 


2 Τὸ is true that Barnabas, 4, quotes, with 
the formula sicut scriptum est (which is con- 
firmed, against Credner, by the Greek text 
of the Codex Sinaiticus), a passage from 
Matthew (xx. 16, xxii. 14; not 2 Esdr. viii. 
3, as Volkmar maintains). To find, however, 
in this alone canonical confirmation of the 
fourth Gospel (Tischendorf) is too rash a 
conclusion, since the close joint relation 
of the four, as composing one fourfold 

Jospel, cannot be proved so early as the 
apostolical Fathers; nor do even Justin’s 
citations exhibit any such corpus evangel- 


γέγραπται makes it probable that the pas- 
sage in Matthew may have erroneously 
appeared to the writer of the epistle as 
taken from the Old Testament.—Again, it is 
incorrect to say (with Volkmar) that the 
citation in Barnabas 5 of Ps. xxii. 21 tells 
against our Gospel, since that citation has 
no bearing on the spear-thrust spoken of 
in xix. 34, but simply refers to death on 
the cross as such, in contrast with death by 
the sword. 

3 In opposition to Rothe, Anfange ad. Chr. 
Kirch. p. 715 ff. ; Huther, in Lgen’s Zettschr. 


INTRODUCTION. ὃ 


genuineness of the several epistles of Ignatius, and their texts, may here be 
altogether left out of consideration. Just as little from the testimony of 
Trenaeus ad Florin. (ap. Eus. v. 20) to Polycarp, that in all which the latter 
has spoken of Christ he has spoken σύμφωνα ταῖς γραφαῖς, may we infer any 
use of our Gospel on Polycarp’s part, considering the generality of this ex- 
pression, which, moreover, merely sets forth Irenaeus’ opinion, and does 
not necessarily mean New Testament writings. When, again, Irenaeus! 
quotes an interpretation given by the ‘‘presbytert apostolorum discipuli” of 
the saying in John xiv. 2 (‘‘In my Father's house,” etc.), it must remain 
doubtful whether these presbyteri knew that saying from our Gospel or from 
apostolical tradition, since Irenaeus quotes their opinion simply with the 
general words : 

3. Of indirect but decided importance, on the other hand,—assuming, 
that is, what in spite of the doubts still raised by Scholten must be regard- 
ed as certain, that the Gospel and First Epistle of John are from one author, 
—is the use which, according to Euseb. iii. 39, Papias® made of the First 
Epistle. That in the fragment of Papias no mention is made of our Gospel, 
should not be still continually urged (Baur, Zeller, Hilgenf., Volkmar, 
Scholten) asa proof, either that he did not know it, or at least did not 
acknowledge its authority (see below, No. 8). Decisive stress may also be 
laid on Polycarp, ad Phil. 7 (πᾶς yap ὃς ἂν μὴ ὁμολογῇ ᾿Ιησοῦν Χριστὸν ἐν σαρκὶ 
ἐληλυθέναι ἀντίχριστός ἐστι), asa quotation from 1 John iv. 3; Polycarp’s 
chapter containing it being unquestionably genuine, and free from the in- 
terpolations occurring elsewhere in the Epistle. It is true that it may be 
said, ‘‘ What can such general sentences, which may have circulated anony- 
mously, prove ?”* but it may be answered that that characteristic type of 
this fundamental article of the Christian system, which in the above form is 
quite peculiar to the First Epistle of John, points to the evangelist in the 
case of no one more naturally than of Polycarp, who was for so many years 
his disciple.* It is nothing less than an unhistorical inversion of the rela- 
tions between them, when some (Bretschneider, and again Volkmar) repre- 
sent John’s Epistle as dependent on Polycarp’s, while Scholten tries to 
make out a difference in the application and sense of the respective passages. 

4. It is true that Justin Martyr, in his citations from the ἀπομνημονείματα 
τῶν ἀποστόλων (‘Sd καλεῖται εὐαγγέλια," Apol. I. 66), which also served as 
church lessons,* has not used exclusively our canonical Gospels (the older 


καὶ διὰ τοῦτο εἰρηκέναι TOV κύριον. 


1841, iv. p. 1 ff. ; Ebrard, Zvan7. Joh. Ὁ. 109 ; 
Krittk d. evang. Gesch. ed. 2, Ὁ. 840 ff. ; 
Tischend. Ewald Jahrb. V. p. 188, ete. 

1 Her. v. 36. 1 f. 

2 A disciple of the Presbyter John. From 
the fragments of Papias in Eusebius, it is 


only to useless controversy. See especially 
Overbeck in Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschr. 1867, 
p. 35 ff.; Steitz in the Stud. u. Krit. 1868, 
p. 63 ff., in opposition to Zahn in the Stud. 
u. Krit. 1866, pp. 649 ff. 

3 Baur, Kanon. Evangel. p. 350. 


abundantly clear that he mentions two dif- 
Jerent disciples of the Lord called John,— 
John the Apostle, and John the Presbyter, 
who was not one of the twelve, but simply 
a disciple, like Aristion. The attempt to 
make the Presbyter, in the quotation from 
Papias, no other than the Apostle, leads 


*Comp. Ewald, Johann. Schriften, II. Ὁ. 
895. 

5 For the course of the discussions upon 
Justin’s quotations, and the literature of 
the subject, see Volkmar, Ueb. Justin d. M. 
u. & Verh. 5. uns. Hvangelien, 1853; Hilgen- 
feld, Zvangelien, 1855; Volkmar, Urspr. d. 


0 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


view, and still substantially held by Bindemann’ and Semisch ;? also by 
Luthardt, Tischendorf, and Riggenbach); but neither has he used merely 
an ‘‘uncanonical” Gospel (Schwegler), or chiefly such a one (Credner, Volk- 
mar, Hilgenfeld), as was ‘‘a special recension of that Gospel to the Hebrews 
which assumed so many forms” (Credner, Gesch. d. Kanon, p. 9). For he 
used alike our canonical Gospels, and in addition other evangelic writings 
now lost, which—rightly or wrongly—he must have looked upon as proceed- 
ing from the apostles, or from disciples of theirs (comp. Tryph. 103 : ἐν yap 
τοῖς ἀπομνημονεύμασιν, ἅ φημι ὑπὸ TOV ἀποστόλων αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν 
ἐκείνοις παρακολουθησάντων συντετάχθαι); in which his devia- 
tions from our canonical Gospels hardly agree more than once or twice 
with the Clementines. His Apologies certainly belong (see Apol. i. 46) to 
somewhere about the middle of the second century.* His citations, even 
when they can be referred to our canonical Gospels, are generally free, so 
that it is often doubtful where he got them.* From Matthew and Luke only 
five are verbally exact. He has also borrowed from John,* and indeed so 
evidently, that those who would deny this are in consistency obliged, with 
Volkmar, to represent John as making use of Justin, which is an absurdity- 


Evang. 1866, p. 92 ff. See also in particular, 
Luthardt, Justin d. M. u. d. Joh. Hvang., in 
the Erlanger Zeitschr. 7. Protest. ει. K. 1856, 
XXxi. parts 4-6, xxxii. parts 1and2; Ewald, 
Jahrb. VI. 59 ff.; Riggenbach, Zeugn. f. d. 
Ev. Joh. p. 139 ff. 

1 Stud. u. Krit. 1842, Ὁ. 355 ff. 

2 ἢ. apost. Denkw. Justins, 1848. 

3 The controversy as to the date of the 
first Apology (Semisch, a.p.138-139 ; Volk- 
mar, about 147; Keim, 155-160) need not 
here be discussed, since in any case our 
Gospel isin the same position as the Syn- 
optics, so far as Justin’s use and estimate 
of it are concerned. 

4See Credner, Beitr, I. p. 151 Ε΄. ; Frank, 
in the Wertemb. Stud. XVIII. p. 61 ff.; 
Hilgenf. Avrit. Untersuch. tib. die Hvang. 
Justins, ete., 1850; Volkmar weber Justin. 

5 He has made most use of Matthew, and 
then of the Pauline Luke, but also of Mark. 
That he has taken very little comparatively 
from John, seems to be due to the same 
reason as his silence in respect of Paul, 
which is not tantamount to an exclusion of 
the ‘apostle of the Gentiles ; for he is rich 
in Pauline ideas, and there can be no mis- 
take as to his knowledge of Paul’s epistles 
(Semisch, p. 123 ff.). It is probably to be 
explained by prudential consideration for 
the antagonism of the Jewish Christians to 
Paul’s (and John’s) anti-Judaism. In the 
obyious possibility of this circumstance, it 
is too rash to conclude that this Gospel had 
not yet won the high authority which it 
could not haye failed to have, had it really 


been a work of the apostle (Weisse, ἃ. Hvan- 
gelienfr. Ὁ. 129); or even, that “had Justin 
known the fourth Gospel, he would have 
made, not only repeated and ready, but 
even preferential use of it. To assume, 
therefore, the use of only one passage from 
it on Justin’s part, is really to concede the 
point” (Volkmar, ἐδ. Justin, p.50f. ; Zeller, 
p. 650). The Clementine Homilies (see here- 
after under 5) furnish an analogous phe- 
nomenon, in that they certainly knew and 
used our Gospel, while yet borrowing very 
little from it. The synoptic evangelic liter- 
ature was the older and more widely dif- 
fused ; it had already become familiar to 
the most diverse Christian circles (comp. 
Luke i. 1), when John’s Gospel, which was 
so very dissimilar and peculiar, and if not 
esoteric (Weizsicker), certainly antichiliastic 
(Keim), made its appearance. How con- 
ceivable that the latter, though the work 
of an apostle, should only very gradually 
have obtained general recognition and 
equal authority with the Synoptics among 
the Jewish Christians! how conceivable, 
therefore, also, that a man like Justin, 
though no Judaizer, should have hesitated 
to quote from it in the same degree as he 
did from the Synoptics, and the other 
writings connected with the Synoptic cycle 
of narratives! The assumption that he had 
no occasion to refer frequently and express- 
ly to John (Luthardt, op. cit. p. 398) is in- 
admissible. He might often enough, where 
he has other quotations, have quoted quite 
as appropriately from John. 


INTRODUCTION. δ 


See Keim, Gesch. J. I. Ὁ. 157 ff. ΤΆ 15. true that some have found in too 
many passages references to this Gospel, or quotations from it ;* still we may 
assume it as certain, that as, in general, Justin’s whole style of thought and 
expression implies the existence of John’s writings,’ so, in the same way, 
must the mass of those passages in particular be estimated, which, in spite 
of all variations arising from his Alexandrine recasting of the dogma, cor- 
respond with John’s doctrine of the Logos.* For Justin was conscious that 
his doctrine, especially that of the Logos, which was the central point in 
his Christology, had an apostolic basis,* just. as the ancient church in gen- 
eral, either expressly or as a matter of course, traced the origin of its doc- 
trine of the Logos to John. It is therefore unhistorical, in the special case 
of Justin, merely to point to an acquaintance with Philo, and to the Logos- 
speculations and Gnostic ideas of the age generally (against Zeller, Baur, 
Hilgenf., Scholten, and many others), or to satisfy oneself possibly with the 
assumption that Paul furnished him with the premisses for his doctrine 
(Grimm in the Stud. κι. Krit. 1851, p. 687 ff.), or even to make the fourth evan- 
gelist a pupil of Justin(Volkmar). It seems, moreover, certain that Apol. 1. 
61, καὶ γὰρ Xpioroceimev' Gv μὴ ἀναγεννηθῆτε, ov μὴ εἰςέλθητε εἰς THY 
βασιλείαν τῶν οὐρανῶν. Ὅτι δὲ καὶ ἀδύνατον εἰς τὰς μήτρας τῶν τεκουσῶν 
τοὺς ἅπαξ γεννωμένους ἐμβῆναι, φανερὸν πᾶσίν ἐστι, is derived from John iii, 3-5. 
See especially Semisch, p. 189 ff.; Luthardt, 1.6. XXXII. p. 93 ff. ; Riggenb. 
p. 166 ff. It is true, some have assigned this quotation through the medi- 
um of Matt. xviii. 3, to the Gospel to the Hebrews, or some other uncanon- 
ical evangelic writing (Credner, Schwegler, Baur, Zeller, Hilgenfeld, Volik- 
mar, Scholten), or have treated it as a more original form of the mere oral 
tradition (see Baur, against Luthardt, in the Theol. Jahrb. 1857, Ὁ. 232). 
But in the face of Justin’s free mode of citation, to which we must at- 


1See against this, Zeller, Theo]. Jahrd. 
1845, p. 600 ff. 


spurious, or that τῶν ἀποστόλων is to be in- 
serted, so that αὐτοῦ would refer to Jesus), 


2 Comp. Ewald. Jahrb. V. p. 186 -f. 

3 See Duncker, d. Logoslehre Justins d. M., 
Gittingen 1848, and Luthardt as above, 
XxXxii. pp. 69 ff., 75 ff. ; Weizsacker in the 
Jahrb. f. D. Theol. 1862, p. 708 ff. ; Tischen- 
dorf, wann wurden uns. Hv. verf. p. 31 ff., 
ed. 4; Weizsicker, ἃ. Theol. ἃ. M. Just., in 
the Jahrb. f. D. Theol. 1867, p. 78 ff. Great 
weight is due to Justin’s doctrine of the 
incarnation of the Logos (Apol. 1. 32, 663 6. 
Tryph. 100), which is foreign to the system 
of Philo, ete., and is specially Johannean. 

4Hence his frequent reference to the 
ἀπομνημονεύματα τῶν ἀποστόλων. On 
one occasion led to do so easually, be- 
cause he is speaking directly of Peter, he 
refers definitely to the ἀπομνημονεύματα τοῦ 
ἹΠέτρονυ (ὁ. Tryph. 106: μετωνομακέναι αὐτὸν 
ἹΠέτρον ἕνα τῶν ἀποστόλων καὶ γεγράφϑαι ἐν 
τοῖς ἀπομνημονεύμασιν αὐτοῦ, K.T.Ac 
Here Credner (Beitr. I. p. 182; Gesch. d. 
Kanon, p. 17) quite correctly referred αὐτοῦ 
to Πέτρον (Liicke conjectures that αὐτοῦ is 


but he understood these ἀπομν. to be the 
apocryphal Gospel of Peter, — the more 
groundlessly, that the substance of Justin’s 
quotation is from Mark iii. 17. Justin 
understood by ἀπομνη. τοῦ Πέτρου the Gospel 
of Mark. So also Luthardt, op. cit. xxxi. 
p. 316 ff.; Weiss, in the Stud. w. Krit. 1861, 
p. 677; Riggenb. and others; comp. Volk- 
mar, Urspr. ἃ. Huang. p. 154. According to 
Tertullian, c. Marc. iv. 5, ‘‘Marcus quod 
edidit evangelium, Petri adfirmatur, cujus 
interpres Marcus.’ Comp. Irenaeus also, 
111. 10. 6, iii. 1.1. According to this, com- 
pared with what Papias says of Mark, 
Justin might have expressed himself ex- 
actly as he has done. With respect to the 
controversy on the subject, see Hilgenfeld, 
Krit. Unters. Ὁ. 23 ff., and Luthardt, 1.6. 5 
comp. on Mark, Introduction. Notice also 
how unfavourable the passage seems to 
the notion that Justin’s Memorials are a 
compilation (Ewald and others). 


8 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


tribute the avayevy. instead of γενν. ἄνωθεν ,--- ἄνωθεν being taken, according 
to the common ancient view, in the sense of denwo (comp. also Clem. Recogn. 
vi. 9),—this is most arbitrary, especially when Justin himself gives promi- 
nence to the impossibility of a second natural birth. Moreover, in the 
- second half of the quotation (οὐ μὴ εἰσέλθ. εἰς τ. βασιλ. τῶν ovVp.), Some rem- 
iniscence of Matt. xviii. 8 might easily occur ; just as, in fact, several very 
ancient witnesses (among the Codices, y*) read in John l.c. βασιλείαν τῶν 
οὐρανῶν, but the Pseudo-Clemens (Homil. xi. 26) by quoting the second half 
exactly in this way, and in the first half adding after dvayevy. the words 
ὕδατι ζῶντι εἰς ὄνομα πατρὸς, υἱοῦ, ἁγίου πνεύματος, exhibits a free combination 
of Matt, xxviii. 19 and xviii. 3. Other passages of Justin, which some have 
regarded as allusions to or quotations from John, may just as fitly be de- 
rived from evangelic tradition to be found elsewhere, and from Christian 
views generally ; and this must even be conceded of such passages as 6. 
Tryph. 88 (John i. 20 ff.), de res. 9 (John v. 27), Apol. I. 6 (John iv. 24), 
Apol. I. 22 ande. Tryph. 69 (John ix. 1), ὁ. Tryph. 17 (John i. 4. How- 
ever, it is most natural, when once we have been obliged to assume in 
Justin’s case the knowledge and use of our Gospel, to attribute to it other 
expressions also which exhibit Johannean peculiarities, and not to stop at 
Apol. I. 61 merely (against Frank). On the other hand, the remarkable re- 
semblance of the quotation from Zech. xii. 10 in John xix. 37 and Apol. I. 
52, leaves it doubtful whether Justin derived it from John’s Gospel (Semisch, 
Luthardt, Tisch., Riggenb.), or from one of the variations of the LXX. 
already existing at that time (Grimm, /.c. Ὁ. 692 f.), or again, as is: most 
probable, from the original Hebrew, as is the case in Rev. 1. 7. It is true 
that the Epistle to Diognetus, which, though not composed by Justin, was 
certainly contemporary with and probably even prior to him, implies the 
existence of John’s Gospel in certain passages of the concluding portion, 
which very distinctly re-echo John’s Logos-doctrine (see especially Zeller, 
1.6. Ὁ. 618, and Credner, Gesch. d. neut. Kanon, Ὁ. 58 ff.); but this conclu- 
sion (chapp. 11, 12) is a later appendix, probably belonging to the third 
century at the earliest. Other references to our Gospel in the Epistle are 
uncertain. 

5. To the testimonies of the second century within the church, the Clavis 
of Melito of Sardis certainly does not belong (in Pitra, Spicileg. Solesmense, 
Paris 1852), since this pretended κλείς, in which the passages John xv. 5. vi. 
54, xii. 24, are quoted as contained ‘‘in Hvangelio,” is a much later compila- 
tion ;' but they include the Epistle of the Churches at Vienne and Lyons (Kus. 
ν. 1), where John xvi. 2 is quoted as a saying of the Lord’s, and the Spirit 
is designated as the Paraclete : Tatian, Justin’s disciple, ad Graec. 18, where 
John i. 5 is cited as τὸ εἰρημένον ; chap. 19, where we have indications of an 
acquaintance with John’s prologue (comp. chap. 5) ; and chap. 4, πνεῦμα 
ὁ θεός, compared with John iv. 24 ; also the Diatessaron of this Tatian,? which 


. 


1 See Steitz, Stud. τι. AKrit. 1857, p. 584 ff. from his diocese as dangerous, it was 
2 According to Theodoret (Haeret. fab. nothing else than a brief summary by way 
i. 20), who from his account must have of extract of our four Gospels, in which 
known it accurately, and who removed it the genealogies, and all that referred to 


INTRODUCTION. 9 


is based on the canon of the four Gospels, certainly including that of John : 
Athenagoras, Leg. pro Christ. 10, which is based upon a knowledge of John’s 
prologue and of xvii. 21-22 : Apollinaris, Bishop of Hierapolis, in a Frag- 
ment in the Paschal Chronicle, ed. Dindorf, p. 14 (6 τὴν ἁγίαν πλευρὰν ἐκκεντη- 


θεὶς ὁ ἐκχέας ἐκ τῆς πλευρᾶς αὐτοῦ τὰ dio πάλιν καθάρσια ὕδωρ καὶ αἷμα" λόγον k. 
πνεῦμα, comp. John xix. 94), where Baur, of course, takes refuge in a tradi- 
tion older than our Gospel ; also in another Fragment in the same work 
ὅθεν ἀσυμφώνως τὲ νόμῳ ἡ νόησις αὐτῶν καὶ στασιάζειν δοκεῖ κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς τὰ εὐαγγέλια), 
where, if we rightly interpret it,’ John’s Gospel is meant to be included 


Christ as a descendant of the seed of David, 
were left out. This account must (see also 
Semisch, Vatiani Diatess., Vratisl. 1856) pre- 
vail against modern views of an opposite 
kind; it agrees also with what is said 
by Euseb. iv. 29, who, however, did not 
himself exactly know the peculiar way in 
which Tatian had combined the four. The 
statement of Epiphanius, Her. xlvi. 1, 
“Many called it καθ᾽ ἝἙ βραίους,"" is, on the 
other hand, simply an historical remark, 
which decides nothing as to the fact itself. 
According to the Jacobite bishop of the 
thirteenth century, Dionysius Bar-Salibi in 
Assemanni (Bibl. Orient. i. Ὁ. 57 f., ii. Ὁ. 159), 
the Diatessaron of Tatian, who therefore 
must have laid chief stress on John, began 
with the words, Jn the beginning was the 
Word ; he also reports that Ephraem Syrus 
wrote a commentary on the Diatessaron. 
Credner (Beitr. I. p. 446 ff. ; Gesch. αἰ. neut. 
Kanon, p. 19 ff.), whom Scholten follows, 
combats these statements by showing that 
the Syrians had confounded Tatian and 
Ammonius and their writings with one 
another. But Bar-Salibi certainly keeps 
them strictly apart. Further, the orthodox 
Ephraem could write a commentary on 
Tatian’s Diatessaron the more fitly, if it 
was a grouping together of the canonical 
Gospels. Lastly, the statement that it 
began with Johni. 1 agrees thoroughly with 
Theodoret’s account of the rejection of the 
genealogies and the descent from Dayid, 
whereas the work of Ammonius cannot 
have begun with John i. 1, since, according 
to Eusebius (see Wetstein, Proleg. p. 68), its 
basis was the Gospel of Matthew, by the 
side of which Ammonius placed the parallel 
sections of the other evangelists in the 
form of a synopsis. The testimony of Bar- 
Salibi above quoted ought not to have been 
surrendered by Liicke, de Wette, and 
various others, on the ground of Credner’s 
opposition. What Credner quotes in his 
Gesch. d. neut. Kanon, p. 20, from Ebed- 
Jesu (in Maii Script. vet. nova collect. x. 
p. 191), rests merely on a confusion of Ta 


tian with Ammonius on the part of the Syr- 
jans ; which confusion, however, is not to 
be charged upon Dionysius Bar-Salibi. 
Further, there is the less ground for ex- 
cluding the fourth Gospel from the Diates- 
saron, seeing that Tatian has made use of 
it in his Oratio ad Graecos. 

17The correct explanation is the usual 
one, adopted by Wieseler, Ebrard, Weitzel, 
Schneider, Luthardt, Bleek, Weizsicker, 
Riggenbach, and many others, also by 
Hilgenfeld, Volkmar, Scholten: ‘‘ and the 
Gospels, according to them (in consequence 
of their asserting that Jesus, according to 
Matthew, died on the 15th Nisan), appear 
to be at variance’ (namely, with one an- 
other). This ground of refutation rests on 
the assumption (which, however, is really 
erroneous) that there could be no dis- 
agreement among the Gospels as to the 
day when Jesus died, while there would 
be such a disagreement if it were correct 
that, according to Matthew, Jesus died on 
the 15th Nisan. Now it is true that Mat- 
thew really has this statement; only Apol- 
linaris does not admit it, but assumes 
that both the Synopties and John record 
the 14th Nisan as the day of Christ’s 
death, so that on this point harmony 
reigns among the Gospels, as in fact, 
generally, the real disagreement among 
them had not come to be consciously ob- 
served. Comp. Clem. Al. in the Chron. 
Pasch.: ταύτῃ τῶν ἡμερῶν τῇ ἀκριβείᾳ... 
καὶ τὰ εὐαγγέλια According to 
Schwegler (Montanism, p. 194 f.), Baur, 
Zeller, the sense must be: ‘‘ According to 
their view, the Gospels are in conflict with 
the Law.’ This, however, is incorrect, be- 
cause, after having given prominence to 
the irreconcilability with the Law, a new 
point is introduced with στασιάζειν, bear- 
ing on the necessary harmony of the Gos- 
pels. Moreover, there is no need whatever, 
in the case of στασιάζειν, of some such ad- 
dition as ἐν ἑαυτοῖς or the like, since τὰ 
εὐαγγέλια represents a collective totality 
supposed to be wellknown. Comp. Xen, 


συνῳδά. 


10 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


among the εὐαγγέλια : Polycrates of Ephesus, in Euseb. v. 24, where, with a 
reference to John xiii. 23 f., xxi. 20, he designates the Apostle John as ὁ ἐπὶ 
τὸ στῆθος τοῦ κυρίου ἀναπεσών. The Clementine Homilies’ contain in xix. 22 
an undeniable quotation from John ix. 2, 3 ;? as also, in iii. 52, a citation 
occurs from John x. 9, 97," and after these undoubted quotations, there is no 
longer any reason to question a reference also in xi. 26 (compare above, 
under 4) to John iii. 8. On the other hand, no great stress must be laid on 
‘the citations in the Recognitiones, since this work is to be placed (in opposi- 
tion to Hilgenfeld, Merx, Volkmar) somewhat later, though still in the second 
century, and now only exists in the obviously free Latin translation of 
Rufinus.* The first Father who quotes our Gospel by name is Theophilus, ad 
Autolye. ii. 31 (ii. 22) : Ὅθεν διδάσκουσι ἡμᾶς ai ἅγιαι γραφαὶ καὶ πάντες οἱ πνευ- 
ἱατοφόροι, ἐξ ὧν ᾿Ιωάννης λέγει" ἐν. ἀρχῇ ἦν ὁ λόγος: x.t.A. Be- 
sides this, according to Jerome (Hp. 151, ad Aglas.), he composed a work 
comparing the four Gospels together, which, like Tatian’s Diatessaron, im- 
plies the recognition of John by the church. Of importance also here is the 
testimony of Irenaeus, Huer, 111. 1 (ἔπειτα ᾿Ιωάννης ὁ μαθητὴς τοῦ κυρίου, ὁ καὶ ἐπὶ 
τὸ στῆθος ἀὐτοῦ ἀναπεσών, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξέδωκε τὸ εὐαγγέλιον, ἐν ’Edéow τῆς ᾿Ασίας δια- 
τρίβων), comp. 111. 11. 1, 7, 8, 9, v. 10. 3, and especially ap. Eus. v 8 ; partly 
because in his youth Polycarp was his teacher, and partly because he was an 
‘opponent of Gnosticism, which, however, could easily find, and did actually 
find, nutriment in this very Gospel. Hence the assumption is all the more 
natural, that the Gospel so emphatically acknowledged and frequently quoted 
by Irenaeus had Polycarp’s communications in its favour, either directly, in 
that Polycarp made Irenaeus acquainted with John’s Gospel, or at any rate 
indirectly, in that he found confirmed by that Gospel what had been deliver- 
ed to him by Polycarp as coming from the apostle’s own mouth respecting 
the words and works of Jesus, and which had remained vividly impressed 
on his recollection.°—Finally, here belong, because we may take it for granted 
they are not later than the second century, the Canon of Muratori,® and the 


Cyrop. viii. 8. 2, ἐπεὶ μέντοι Κῦρος ἐτελεύτησεν, above, XXXI. p. 3868 ff. This also tells 


εὐθὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ οἱ παῖδες ἐστασίαζον. Often so 
in Greek; comp. also Hilgenfeld, Pascha- 
streit, Ὁ. 258. 

1 Ed. Dressel, G6tting. 1853. 

2 See UhJhorn in the Gétt. gel. Anz. 1853, 
p. 1810; Volkmar, ein neu entdeckt. Zeugn. 
tiber ad. Joh. Evang., in the theol. Jahro. 1854, 
p. 446 ff. In spite of this clear testimony, 
however, Volkmar places the date of 
John’s Gospel and of the Homilies so near 
each other (150-160 A.p.), that the former 
must have been used by the author of the 
Homilies directly after its origination ‘tas 
an interesting but wnapostolic Novum” 
(Urspr. d. Evang. p. 63). This use mani- 
festly dmplies dissemination and admitted 
apostolic authority such as Matthew and 
Luke, and a Gospel of Peter, possibly used 
by him, must have possessed in the opin- 
ion of the author. Comp. Luthardt as 


against Baur, who, in the Zheol. Jahrb. 1857, 
p. 240, strangely enough thinks to weaken 
this testimony as a ‘‘casual and external” 
use of the Gospel ; while Scholten (die dite- 
sten Zeug. p. 60 ff.), in a precarious and arti- 
ficial fashion, raises doubts as to the use 
itself. ! 

3 See, against Zeller and Hilgenf., espe- 
cially Uhlhorn, @. Homil.u. Recogn. des Clem. 
p. 223. 

4 Recogn. vi.9, comp. John iil. 3-5 ; Recogn. 
ii. 48, comp. John v. 23; Zecogn. v.12, comp. 
John viii. 34. 

5 Epist. ad Florin. in Eus. v. 20. 

6 Credner erroneously maintains in the 
Theol. Jahrb. 1857, p. 297, and Gesch. ἃ. neut. 
Kanon, Ὁ. 158 f., that the Canon Murat. 
distinguishes John the Evangelist as a 
simple discipulus Christi from the Apostle. 
See, on the other hand, Ewald, Jahrb. IX. 


INTRODUCTION. 11: 


Canon of the Syrian church in the Peshito, and in the Fragments of the 
Curetonian text. The Itala also, if its origin really falls within the second 
~ century,’ may be quoted among the testimonies of this century. 

6. Among the heretics of the second century, besides the Tatian already 
referred to, we must name Marcion as a witness for our Gospel. He 
rejected, according to Tertullian (6. Mare. iv. 3), Matthew and John, and, 
according to the same writer, de carne Christi ὃ, John,—a fact which im- 
plies their apostolic authority, and that Marcion knew them to be apostolic,? 
although Hilgenfeld, Volkmar, and Scholten, following Zeller and Schweg- 
ler, assume the contrary. But he rejected the non-Pauline Gospels, not on 
critical grounds, but as a one-sided adherent of Paul, and, as such, in 
Tertullian’s judgment (‘‘videtur”) chose Luke’s Gospel, in order to shape 
it anew for the purpose of restoring the pure Gospel of Christ, and in such 
a way, in fact, that he now ‘‘ evangelio scilicet suo nullum adscribit aucto- 
rem,” Tertull. 6. Mare. iv. 2, by which he deprived Luke of his canonical 
position (‘‘ Lucam videtur elegisse, quem caederet”). To question Tertullian’s 
credibility in the above passages,* though he too frequently judged with the 
hostility of a partisan those whom he opposed, is yet without sufficient 
warrant, since he states particularly (0. Mare. iv. 3) how Marcion came to 
reject the other canonical Gospels ; striving, namely, on the ground of the 
Epistle to the Galatians (chap. ii.), to subvert the position of those Gospels 
—‘‘ quae propria et sub apostolorum nomine eduntur vel etiam apostolicorum, 
ut scilicet fidem, quam illis adimit, suo conferat.” Comp. Weizsiicker, p. 
230 ff. (who, however, misunderstands videtur in the above passage), and 
Riggenb. p. 130 ff. Marcion, therefore, must in consistency have renounced 
the gain to Gnosticism with which John could have furnished him. The 
opposite course would have been inconsistent with his Paulinism. Again, 
that Tertullian understood, by the ‘‘ Gospels peculiarly and specially apos- 
tolical,” those of Matthew and John (against Zeller, who, with Volkmar, 
understands the apocryphal Gospels of the Jewish Christians), is clear from 
ὁ. Mare. iv. 2: ‘‘ Nobis fidem ex apostolis Johannes et Matthacus insinuant, 
ex apostolicis Lucas et Marcus.” Further, the Valentinians used our Gos- 
pel fully and in many ways, in support of their fine-spun fancies (Iren. Haer. 
111. 11. 7). Heracleon, who is not to be brought down in time into a con- 
temporary of Origen,‘ wrote a commentary on it (see the Fragments of 
Origen in Grabe, Spicil. Patr. ii. p. 85 ff.). Ptolemaeus (in Epiphan. Haer. 
xxxiii. 3 ff.) cites John i. 3 as an apostolical utterance, and according to 
Trenaeus, i. 8. 5, expressly described John’s prologue as proceeding from 
the apostle ; and Theodotus also (according to the extracts from his writ- 
ings appended to the works of Clem. Alex.) often quotes the Gospel of 





p. 96; Weiss in the Stud. u. Kvrit. 1863, tles is easily enough explained by Marcion’s 


p. 597. anti-Judaizing temper. 
1 Lachmann, WV. 7. Praef. Ὁ. x. f. 3 Zeller, Baur, Volkmar. 
2 Which certainly can be least of all 4 Origen himself (in Joann. ii. ec. 8) alleges 


doubted in the case of John’s Gospel, of | that Heracleon was esteemed a trusty dis- 
which Asia was the native country. The ciple (γνώριμος) of Valentinus. 
rejection of John as one of the twelve apos- 


12 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


John. Whether Valentinus himself used it, is a question on which also, 
apart from other less evident proofs, we are not without very distinct testi- 
mony since the publication of the Philosophumena Origenis, which were 
probably composed by Hippolytus ; for in the Philos. vi. 35, among the 
proof-texts used by Valentinus, John x. 8 is cited : so that the subterfuge, 
ες The author likes to transfer the doctrines of the disciple to the Master” (Zeller, 
Hilgenfeld, Volkmar, comp. Scholten), can be of no avail here, where we 
have an instance to the contrary lying clearly before us.’ When, therefore, 
Tertullian says, Praeser. Hacer. 38, ‘‘ Valentinus integro instrumento uti 
videtur,” we may find this videtur in respect of John’s Gospel simply con- 
firmed by the Philosophumena.* — That, again, also Basilides, who is not, 
however, to be looked upon as a disciple of the Apostle Matthias (Hofstede 
de Groot), used our Gospel,—a point which Baur even, with unsatisfactory 
opposition on the part of Hilgenfeld, Volkmar, and others, concedes,—and 
that he has employed as proof-texts in particular John 1. 9, ii. 4, is likewise 
proved by the Phil. Orig. vii. 22, 27, with which many of the author’s 
errors in other things are quite unconnected.—The Gospel also was in use 
among the Naassenes (Philos. Or. v. 6 ff.) and Peratae (v. 12 ff.), who 
belong to the close of the second century.—It is true that Montanism had 
not its original root in the Gospel of John, but in the doctrine of the 
Parousia ; still, in its entire relation to the church and its doctrine (see 
especially Ritschl, Althathol. Kirche, p. 477 ff.), and particularly in its 
ideas of prophecy, its asceticism, and its eschatology, it had no occasion to 
reject our Gospel, though some have erroneously found some evidence to 
this effect in Irenaeus,* though at the same time dependence on this Gospel 


1 See Jacobi in the Deutsch. Zeitschrift, 
1851, No. 28 f., 1658, No. 24 f.; Ewald, Jahrd. 
V. p. 200'f. 

2 When Baur and Zeller, on the other 
hand, lay stress on the fact that among the 
texts adduced by the Valentinians in proof 
of their doctrine of the Aeons, none occur 
from John, and hence conclude that the 
Valentinizn system which Irenaeus there 
describes does not imply the existence of 
our Gospel at that time, it is still adverse 
to their view that Irenaeus immediately, i. 
8.5, adduces quotations from John out of 
Ptolemaeus, and in iii. 11. 7 testifies to the 
most ample use of our Gospel (‘‘ plenissime 
utentes’’) on the part of the Valentinians. 
So, also, the fact that Irenaeus, i. 20. 2, cites 
among the proof-texts of the Marcosians 
none from John, cannot serve to prove that 
the “ Valentinian system originally stood in 
no connection with the fourth Gospel.” 
Zeller, 1845, p. 635. Assuredly the whole 
theosophy of Valentinus was intertwined 
with, and grew upon, the ground and soil 
of John’s distinctive theology. ‘* Valentinus 
... nonad materiam scripturas (as Marcion), 
sed materiam ad scripturas excogitavit, et 


tamen plus abstulit et plus adjecit, auferens 
proprietates singulorum quoque verborum 
et adjiciens dispositiones non comparen- 
tium rerum.” Tertullian, de praescr. haer. 
38. The Valentinian Gnosis, with its Aeons, 
Syzygies, and so on, stands related to John’s 
prologue as a product of art and fancy to 
what is simple and creative. Attempts to 
weaken the testimonies of the Philosoph. 
Orig. as to a use of John’s Gospel on the 
part of Valentinus and Basilides, have 
been very unsuccessfully made: Zeller, in 
the Theol. Jahrb. 1853, p. 144 ff. ; Volkmar, 
ibidem, 1854, p. 125 f.; Baur, ἐδ. Ὁ. 269 f. : 
Hilgenf. in his Zeitschrift, 1862, p. 452 ff. : 
Scholten, d. dit. Zeug. Ὁ. 67 ff.; and Volk- 
mar, Urspr.uns. Evang. Ὁ. τὸ tf. See further, 
Bleek, Bestr. I. Ὁ. 214 ff. ; Schneider, p. 27 ff. ; 
Luthardt, 1.6. Ὁ. 100 ff. ; Tisch. 1.6. Ὁ. 45 ff. ; 
Riggenbach, p. 118 ff. 

3 This is in answer to Bretschneider, Prob- 
ab. p. 210 ff. The passage in Irenaeus, iii. 2. 9, 
reads thus: “ Alii vero, ut donum Spiritus 
frustrentur, quod in novissimis temporibus 
secundum placitum patris effusum est in 
humanum genus, illam speciem non ad- 
mittunt, quae est secundum Johannis evan- 


INTRODUCTION. 13 
cannot in its case be proved. There was a rejection of the Gospel on the 
part of the Alogi, consequently on that of the opponents of Montanism (Epiph. 
Haer. li. 3 f.), in the interests, indeed, of dogmatic Antimontanism, though 
they also adduced harmonistic reasons ; but by this very rejection they fur- 
nish an indirect testimony to the recognition in their day of our Gospel as 
an apostolic work, both in the church and among the Montanists. They 
ascribed it to Cerinthus, who was yet a contemporary of John,—a proof 
how ancient they thought it, in spite of their rejection of it. 

7. Celsus, whom we must certainly not assign, with Volkmar, to so late a 
date as the third century, has been cited as a witness of the second century 
standing outside the church,—all the more important, indeed, because her 
enemy,—and, from the Fragments of his work as cited in Origen, we may 
certainly infer that he was to some extent acquainted with the evangelic 
tradition and the evangelic writings, for he even alludes to the designation 
of the Logos and other peculiar points which are found in John, especially 
ec. Cels. ii. 36, comp. John xx. 27; ¢. Cels. i. 67, comp. John ii. 18. He 
assures us that he drew his objections chiefly from the writings of the Chris- 
tians (6. Cels. ii. 74). But it is highly probable that the Gospel of John 
was also among them, since he (6. Cels. ii. 13) expressly distinguishes the 
writings of the disciples of Jesus from other works treating of Him, which 
he proposes to pass over.—A weighty testimony from the oldest apocryphal 
literature might be furnished by the Acta Pilati, which are quoted even by 
Justin and Tertullian (see Tischendorf, Hvang. apoer. Prolegg. Ὁ. liv. ff.), 
if their original form were satisfactorily determined, which, however, can- 
not be successfully done. Just as little do other apocryphal Gospels fur- 
nish anything which we may lay hold of as certain. The labour expended 
by Tischendorf therefore leads to no results. 

8. By the end of the second century, and from the beginning of the third, 
tradition in the church testifies so clearly and uniformly in favour of the 
Gospel, that we need cite no additional vouchers.’ Euseb. 111. 25 places it 
among the Homologumena. 


gelium, in qua Paracletum se missurum 
Dominus promisit ; sed simul et evangelium 
et propheticum repellunt Spiritum, infelices 
vere, qui pseudoprophetae quidem esse 
volunt, prophetiae vero gratiam ab ecclesia 
repellunt.”” He is here speaking of the op- 
ponents of Montanism, who for a polemical 
purpose did not acknowledge the character- 
istic Johannean nature of this Gospel, rec- 
ognizable by the promise of the Paraclete ; 
by which course Irenaeus thinks they reject 
equally both the Gospel (of John) and the 
prophetical Spirit also (who, in fact, was to 
be sent precisely as the Paraclete),—‘‘ truly 
unhappy men, who indeed ascribe it (the 
Gospel) to a false prophet, while they are 
repelling the grace of prophecy from the 
church.’’ — The passage is not to be re- 
garded, with Neander, as a Montanist inter- 


polation; nor must we admit in the last 
words the conjecture “ pseudoprophetas”’ (so 
Merkel, Aufkidrung d. Streitigk. der Aloger, 
p. 13; also Gieseler, Kirchengesch. I. i. p. 200, 
and Tischendorf), or pseudoprophetae esse 
nolunt (so Liicke), or psewdoprophetas esse 
nolunt (so Ritschl). Rather is psewdopro- 
phetae to be taken as genitive: that “ἐξ is 
the work of a false prophet.” Accordingly 
the “* pseudoprophetue esse volunt” answers to 
the preceding ‘“‘evangelium ... repellunt,”’ 
while the ‘*‘ prophetiae vero gratiam’’ answers 
to the “‘propheticum repellunt Spiritum.” 
Hence also we must decline Volkmar’s con- 
jecture, that in Greek ψευδῶς προφῆται stood 
instead of ψευδοπροφῆται. 
'Clem. Al., Tertull., 
Dionys. Al., ete. 


Hippolyt., Orig., 


14 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


From this examination of witnesses, it is clear’ that our Gospel was not 
merely inuse in the church, and recognized by her as apostolical, from about 
170 a.p. (Hilgenfeld, a.p. 150), and composed somewhere about 150 a.p. 
(Hilgenfeld, 120-140), but that the continuity of the attestations to it, and 
their growing extent in connection with the literature of the church, are as 
evident as we ever can and do require for the external confirmation of any 
New Testament writing. The continuity in particular goes back from Ire- 
naeus through Polycarp, and from Papias, so far as he is credited with the 
use of John’s first Hpzstle, although not directly (Iren., Hieron.), yet indirect- 
ly (Euseb., Dionys.),—that is, through the Presbyter John,—to the Apostle 
himself. That the Fragment of Papias in Euseb. ili. 89 does not mention 
John’s Gospel, cannot be of any consequence, since it does not quote any 
written sources at all from which the author drew his accounts, but rather 
describes his procedure as that of an inquirer after sayings of the apostles 
and other of the Lord’s disciples (such as Aristion and John the Presbyter), 
and expressly enunciates the principle : οὐ yap τὰ ἐκ τῶν βιβλίων τοσοῦτόν με 
Papias here throws 
together the then existing evangelic writings (τῶν βιβλίων), of which there 
was a multitude (Luke i. 1), all without distinction, not probably some 
merely apocryphal ones (Tischendorf ; Riggenbach, p. 115); and as he in- 
cluded among them the Gospel of Matthew and that of Mark, both of which 
he specially mentions subsequently, so he also may have intended to include 
the Gospel of John among τῶν βιβλίων, since he manifestly does not indicate 
that he has any conception of canonical Gospels as such (comp. Credner, 
Beitr. I. p. 25), and has no occasion to note the distinction. When, further 
on, Eusebius quotes two statements of Papias on the Gospels of Matthew 
and Mark, this does not indicate that our Gospel did not exist in his day 
(Baur), or was at any rate not recognized by him (Hilgen., Credner,.and 
Volkmar) ; but these two statements are simply made prominent, because they 
contain something specially noteworthy as to the origin? of those Gospels, 
just as Eusebius refers to it as specially worthy of remark that Papias makes 
use of proofs from two epistolary writings* (1 John and 1 Peter), and has a 


ὠφελεῖν ὑπελάμβανον, ὅσον τὰ Tapa ζώσης φωνῆς Kai μενούσης. 


1Comp. the acknowledgment of Keim, 
Gesch. J. i. Ὁ. 137: “ΤΆ is used in the extant 
literature as early as the Synoptics.’? In 
opposition both to the usual determination 
of the date, which fixes on the last quarter 
of the first century, and to the criticism of 
Baur, Hilgenfeld, and Volkmar, Keim (pp. 
146, 155) assigns the origin of the Gospel to 
Trajan’s time; between a.p. 100 and 117. 
The difficulty here is, that, according to 
Keim, the Epistle of Barnabas necessarily 
implies the use of our Gospel in its time. 
This epistle, however, he places in Hadrian’s 
day, about 120 a.p. In this case, the inter- 
yal during which the Gospel had to become 
known and recognized is much too narrow ; 
and besides, the date assigned to Barna- 
bas is byno mean\ so certain as Keim is 


disposed to infer from chap. 4and 16. Hil- 
genfeld places it under Nerva; Ewald and 
Weizsiicker even in the time of Vespasian. 
The question is, in any case, still uncertain. 
2 When, in this statement, Papias inti- 
mates in regard to Mark: οὔτε yap ἤκουσε τοῦ 
κυρίου οὔτε παρηκολούϑησεν αὐτῷ, We may Ob- 
serve here a contrast to other evangelists 
who had heard the Lord and followed Him ; 
which was not the case with Mark, whose 
credibility depended rather on Peter. Such 
other evangelists were Matthew and John. 
3Why Eusebius makes this prominent, 
we cannot tell, since we do not know on 
what occasions Papias used these episto- 
lary testimonies. We can hardly connect 
this prominent reference with the question 
of the genuineness of the epistles, to which 


INTRODUCTION. 15 


narrative which occurs in the Gospel to the Hebrews.’ Further, in opposi- 
tion to the weighty testimony of Justin Martyr, it is incorrectly urged that, 
- if he had known of John as evangelist, he would not have referred to him as 
the author of the Apocalypse, with the bare words (6. Tryph. 81), ἀνήρ tic, ῳ 
ὄνομα ᾿Ιωάννης, εἷς τῶν ἀποστόλων τοῦ Χριστοῦ. Justin had, in fact, no occasion 
at all, in the context of this passage, to describe John as evangelist, and 
all the less that to him it was self-evident that in εἷς τῶν ἀποστόλων Were in- 
cluded the authors of the ἀπομνημονεύματα τῶν ἀποστόλων. 

A historical argument specially adduced by some against our Gospel is 
derived from the history of the Haster Controversy. See, on the one side, 
Bretschneider, Prob: 109 f.; Schwegler, Montanism, p. 191 f.; Baur, p. 343 
ff., and in the Theol. Jahrb. 1844, p. 6388 ff., 1847, p. 89 ff., 1848, p. 264 ff. 
On the opposite side, Weitzel, d. christl. Passafeier der drei ersten Jahrb., 
Pforzheim 1848, and in the Theol. Stud. u. γέ. 1848, p. 806 ;—in answer 
to which, again, Hilgenfeld, in the Theol. Jahrb. 1849, p. 209 ff., and in 
his Galaterbrief, p. 78 f.; Baur, d. Christenth. d. drei ersten Jahrb. Ὁ. 141 ff. ; 
Scholten, d. Hwang. nach Joh. krit. hist. Untersuch. Ὁ. 385 ff.; and d. altest. 
Zeugnisse, Ὁ. 139 ff. See further, for the genuineness of John : Ewald, 
Jahrb. V. p. 203 ff.; Schneider, p. 43 ff.; Bleek, Beitr. p. 156 ff., and Hinl. 
p. 187 ff.; Steitz, in the Stud. u. Krit. 1856, p. 721 ff., 1857, p. 741 8. 
1859, p. 717 ff., and in the Jahrb. 7. Deutsche Theologie, 1861, p. 102 ff. ;— 
against whom, Baur, in the Theol. Jahrb. 1857, p. 242 ff., and in Hilgenfeld’s 
Zeitschr. 1858, p. 298 ; Hilgenf. Theol. Jahrb. 1857, p. 523 ff., and in his 
Zeitschr. . 1858, p. 151 ff., 1862, p. 285 ff., 1867, p. 187 ff. On the whole 
course of the investigations, Hilgef., d. Paschastreit d. alt. Kirche, 1860, p. 
29 ff.; Kanon u. Krit. d. N. T. 1863, p. 220 ff. Comp. also the apologetic 
discussion by Riggenbach, d. Zeugnisse f. d. Hv. Joh. Ὁ. 50 ff. The reasons 
derived from the Easter controversy against the genuineness of the Gospel 
are obviated, not by forcing the fourth Gospel into agreement with the 
Synoptics in their statements as to the day on which Jesus died (see on xviii. 
28), which is not possible, but by a correct apprehension of the point of 
view from which the Catholic Quartodecimani in Asia Minor, who appealed 
for their observance of their festival on the 14th Nisan to apostolic custom, 


the subsequent mention of the Gospel to the 
Hebrews would not be at all appropriate. 
Probably Eusebius mentions the reference 
to the two epistles only as an exceptional 
procedure on the part of Papias, who else- 
where dispenses with the citation of ew7itten 
testimonies. Comp. the passage previously 
adduced from the Fragment.—Scholten (qd. 
diltest. Zeugn. p. 17) very arbitrarily, and 
without any reason, doubts whether Papias 
held the epistle to be a work of the apostle. 

1 Besides, it is not to be overlooked that 
Papias may somewhere else in his book have 
mentioned the fourth Gospel, which he does 
not name in the Fragment in Eusebius. We 
do not know, since the book is lost. See 
also Steitz, in the Stud. wu. Krit. 1868, p. 493. 


It is true, a Latin Codex of the ninth cen- 
tury, in the Vatican, expressly testifies to 
such a mention (see Aberle in the Zvib. 
Quartalschr. 1864, p.1 ff.; Tisch. as above, 
p. 118 f.; Zahn, in the Stud. u. Writ. 1867, 
p. 539 ff.); but less importance is to be at- 
tached to it, since the testimony is connect- 
ed with the statement that Papias put 
together what was dictated by the apostle,— 
a late and worthless legend (occurring also 
in Corder. Caten. Prooem.), which might 
easily enough have originated from Ire- 
naeus’ speaking of Papias as “Iwavvov 
ἀκουστής. See, moreover, Hilgenf. in his 
Zeitschr. 1865, p. V5 ff.; Overbeck, ibidem, 
1867, p. 68 ff. 


16 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

and especially to the example of John (Polycarp in Eusebius y. 24; and 
Polycrates, ibidem), regarded the observance of this particular day of the 
month. The opponents of the Gospel, it is true, say, If the custom of those 
in Asia Minor to celebrate the Lord’s last supper on the 14th Nisan, con- 
temporaneously with the Jewish passover, mainly originated with and pro- 
ceeded from the Apostle John, then this apostle could not have written the 
fourth Gospel, because that custom agrees exactly with the Synoptic account 
of the last supper and the day of Jesus’ death, while the fourth Gospel states 
the exact opposite,—namely, that Jesus kept His last supper, and therefore 
no true passover, on the 13th Nisan, and was crucified on the 14th Nisan. 
But the men of Asia Minor celebrated the 14th Nisan,—and that, too, by 
terminating the fast kept upon this day in remembrance of Christ’s passion, 
down to the hour of His death, and by a joyous celebration of the Lord’s 
supper immediately after, in gratitude for the accomplishment of His work 
of redemption,—not because Jesus ate the passover on that day, but because 
He died on that day, and by His death became the real and true Paschal 
Lamb of whom the Mosaic paschal lamb was the type (1 Cor. v. 7; John 
xix. 86); comp. also Ritschl, Altkath. Kirche, p. 269. Accordingly, they 
might justly maintain (see Polycrates in Euseb. /.c.) that their festival on 
the 14th Nisan was κατὰ τὸ εὐαγγέλιον (for any disagreement in the 
Gospels in reference to the day of Jesus’ death was not yet perceived, and 
the passover meal of Jesus in the Synoptics was looked upon as an anticipa- 
tion), and κατὰ τὸν κανόνα τῆς Tiotewc,—this latter, namely, because 
Jesus, by the observance of the passover on another day, would not have 
appeared as the antitype of the slaughtered paschal lamb. Also πᾶσα 
ἁγία γραφή might be rightly quoted in proof by Polycrates, since in no 
part of the Old Testament does any other day occur as that on which the 
paschal lamb was slaughtered, except the 14th Nisan, and Jesus was in fact 
the true Paschal Lamb. It is self-evident that John’s example, which the 
Catholics of Asia Minor urged in favour of their ‘‘ Quartodecima,” perfectly 
agrees with the account of the fourth Gospel, and that the κατὰ τὸ εὐαγγέλιον 
of Polycrates, though by it no single Gospel, but the written evangelic his- 
tory collectively, is meant, does not exclude, but includes John’s Gospel, 
since its existence and recognition at that time is perfectly clear from other 
proofs. True, there was also aparty of Quartodecimans in Asia Minor * who 
formed their judgments from a Judaistic (Ebionite) standpoint, whose cele- 
bration of the 14th Nisan did not rest on the assumption that Jesus, as the 


1 Characteristically referred to thus by in other points they agree with the doctrine 


Apollinaris in the Chron. Pasch. p. 14: ἔνιοι 
τοίνυν ot dv ἄγνοιαν φιλονεικοῦσι περὶ τούτων, 
συγγνωστὸν πρᾶγμα πεπονθότες: ἄγνοια γὰρ οὐ 
κατηγορίαν ἀναδέχεται, ἀλλὰ διδαχῆς προσδεῖται. 
Comp. Hippolyt. i2id. p. 18: ὁρῶ μὲν οὖν, ὅτι 
φιλονεικίας τὸ ἔργον, κιτιὰλ. With the mild 
description of these people in Apollinaris 
agrees also Philos. Orig. viii. 18, where they 
are simply distinguished as ἕτεροί τινες, 
and indeed as φιλόνεικοι τὴν φύσιν and ἰδιῶ- 
ται τὴν γνῶσιν, While it is said of them that 


of the apostles. Against Baur and Hilgen- 
feld, by whom the distinction between 
Catholic and Judaic Quartodecimani is 
alleged to be pure fancy, see Steitz, 1856, 
p. 782 ff., 1857, p. 764; also in Herzog’s 
Encyclop. xi. p. 156 ff. Even the ἔνιοι of 
Apollinaris and the ἕτεροί τινες of Hippolytus 
should have precluded them from thinking 
of the Asiatic church. On the other hand, 
Hilgenfeld, in his Paschastreit, pp. 256, 282, 
404, is evasive. 


INTRODUCTION. 17 


true Paschal Lamb, died on this day, but on the legal injunction that the 
passover was to be eaten on this day, and on the assumption that Jesus Him- 
- self ate it on the very same day, and did not suffer tillthe 15th Nisan.* These? 
men stirred up the so-called Laodicean controversy, and had as opponents, first 
Melito of Sardis and Apollinaris of Hierapolis, and afterwards Irenaeus, Hip- 
polytus, Clement, and others (Eus. iv. 26. 3). They were attacked partly by 
their own weapon —the /aw— according to which Christ could not have been 
put to death, that is, slain as the true Paschal Lamb, on the first day of the 
feast ; partly by an appeal to the Gospels, in respect of which it was assumed 
that they agree in reporting the 14th Nisan as the day of Jesus’ death (Apol- 
linaris, in the Chron. Pasch. p. 14 : ἀσυμφώνως τε νόμῳ ἡ νόησις αὐτῶν Kai στασιά- 
ζειν δοκεῖ kat’ αὐτοὺς τὰ EvayyéAca. See above, under 5, the note on this 
passage). Moreover, it was urged by some who appealed to Matthew (Apol- 
linaris, 1.6., διηγοῦνται Ματθαῖον οὕτω λέγειν), that according to the words of 
Jesus, οὐκέτι φάγομαι τὸ πάσχα (comp. Luke xxii. 16), He did not eat of the 
legal passover, but died as the perfect Paschai Lamb on this day, and in- 
deed before the time of eating the meal appointed by the law. 
tus, in the Chron. Pasch. p. 13: 
εἰκότως TO μὲν δεῖπνον ἐδείπνησεν πρὸ τοῦ πάσχα, TO δὲ πάσχα οὐκ ἔφαγεν, ἀλλ᾽ 
ἔπαθεν, οὐδὲ γὰρ καιρὸς ἦν τῆς βρώσεως αὐτοῦ (i.e. ““ because the legal period for eat- 
ing the passover had not even come,”—it only came several hours after the death 
of Jesus); and just before : 





See Hippoly- 


ὁ πάλαι προειπὼν, OTL οὐκέτι φάγομαι TO πάσχα, 


πεπλάνηται μὴ γινώσκων, ὅτε ᾧ καιρῷ ἔπασχεν ὁ Χρισ- 
τός, οὐκ ἔφαγε τὸ κατὰ νόμον πάσχα, οὗτος γὰρ ἣν τὸ πάσχα τὸ προκεκηρυγμένον καὶ τὸ 
τελειούμενον τῇ ὡρισμένῃ ἡμέρᾳ (On the 14th Nisan). That, however, Justin 
Martyr himself regarded the first day of the feast as the day on which Jesus 
died (so Baur and Hilgenfeld), is an erroneous assumption. For when he 
says (6. Tryth. 111, p. 338), καὶ ὅτε ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τοῦ πάσχα συνελάβετε αὐτὸν καὶ ὁμοίως 
ἐν τῷ πάσχα ἐσταυρώσατε, γέγραπται, he plainly means by ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τοῦ πάσχα, 
and by ἐν τῷ πάσχα, the day on which the paschal lamb was eaten—the 14th 
Nisan ; since he shows immediately before that Christ was the true Paschal 
Lamb, and immediately after continues : ὡς dé τοὺς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἔσωσε τὸ αἷμα 
TOU πάσχα, οὕτως καὶ τοὺς πιστεύσαντας ῥύσεται ἐκ θανάτου τὸ αἷμα τοῦ Χριστοῦ. 
Comp. chap. 40, p. 259. He might therefore have regarded Christ not as 
dying on the 15th Nisan, but simply on the 14th, as this is expressed in the 
second fragment of Apollinaris,* without our needing to understand ‘éy 
ἡμέρᾳ TH τοῦ πάσχα" οὗ the 15th Nisan.* Thus it is also said in the Chron. 

1 Comp. Steitz, 1856, p. 776 ff. 


Ain SPCR eek At RU A 
ὁ ἀντὶ TOD ἀμνοῦ παῖς ϑεοῦ, ὃ δηϑεὶς, ὁ δήσας TOV 


2 Whose observance is not to be regarded 
as a mere Jewish simultaneous celebration 
of the passover, which John assented to, 
as a custom which he found in existence 
in Ephesus (Bleek, De Wette, following 
Liicke). See, on the other hand, Hilgen- 
feld, Kanon u. Krit. d. N. T. p. 224 ff. The 
difference rests on a fundamental opposi- 
tion. Comp. Ritschl, Alikath. Kirche, pp. 
123 f., 269 f. 

3 To the same effect is p. 14: ἡ 18’ τὸ 
ἀληϑινὸν τοῦ κυρίου πάσχα, ἡ ϑυσία ἡ μεγάλη, 


ἰσχυρόν, καὶ ὃ κριϑεὶς κριτὴς ζώντων καὶ νεκρῶν, 
καὶ ὁ παραδοϑεὶς εἰς χεῖρας ἁμαρτωλῶν, ἵνα σταυ- 
ρωϑῇ, ὃ ὑψωϑεὶς ἐπὶ κεράτων μονοκέρωτος, καὶ ὃ 
τὴν ἁγίαν πλευρὰν ἐκκεντηϑεὶς. . καὶ ὃ ταφεὶς 
ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τοῦ πάσχα, ἐπιτεϑέντος τῷ 
μνήματι τοῦ λίϑου. 

4 Recently Steitz also (in Herzog’s Hncy- 
klop. xi. 1859, p. 151), who formerly agreed 
with Baur, has admitted that Justin, agree- 
ing with the other Fathers of the second 
and third centuries, did not in the above 
passage, ¢. 77. p. 338, mean the 15th, but 


18 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Pasch. Ὁ. 12: ἐν αὐτῇ δὲ τῇ τοῦ πάσχα ἡμέρᾳ, ἦτοι TH LH τοῦ πρώτου 
μηνὸς, παράσκευῆς οὔσης ἐσταύρωσαν τὸν κύριον οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, καὶ τότε τὸ πάσχα ἔφαγον. 
Comp. p. 415 : 


θεόπνευστα λόγια, ἐν TH τοῦ πάσχα ἑορτῇ. 


ἐν ἡμέρᾳ δὲ παρασκευῇ σταυρωθῆναι τὸν κύριον διδάσκουσιν τὰ 
On this fourteenth day the 
passover was celebrated according to the practice prevailing in Asia Minor, 
because on that day the true Paschal Lamb, Christ, was slain. Thus had 
Philip, John, Polycarp, and other μεγάλα στοιχεῖα, Whom Polycrates mentions, 
already acted, and so John’s example in this particular agrees with his own 
Gospel. 

If some have also argued’ against the early existence of our Gospel, from 
the antiquity and fixedness of the tradition which limited the ministry of 
Jesus to asingle year (see Homil. Clem. xvii. 19), it is decisive against this 
that this tradition occurs in many writers who recognized the Gospel as the 
genuine work of John ;? whence it is clear that it does not imply the non- 
existence of the Gospel, but seemed just as reconcilable with John as with 
the Synoptics. It may have originated from the Synoptic history (see on 
Luke iv. 19) ; but the counter statement of John, although it actually 
existed, did not disturb it. It is the same also with the antiquity and 
fixedness of the tradition of the 14th Nisan as the day of Jesus’ death, which 
nevertheless does not imply non-acquaintance with the synoptic Gospels. — 
If, further, the reasons which are alleged for a Johannean origin of the 
Apocalypse are likewise urged, especially by the Tiibingen critics, as evidence 
against a similar origin for the Gospel, yet a reverse procedure is equally 
justifiable ; and, apart from the utter futility of those reasons in other 
respects, the testimonies for the Apocalypse (which was excluded even from 
the Peshito), do not attain to any such general recognition as those for this 
Gospel. The attribution by the unanimous judgment (and that too, erro- 
neous) of the church, of this work to the Apostle, would, granting its origin 
in the first half of the second century, be, as it were, the magical result of a 
few decenniums; and would be historically the more enigmatical, in propor- 
tion as in contents and character it diverged from the other Gospels on the 
one hand, and from the much earlier and apostolically accredited Apocalypse 
on the other. For we have in this book no spiritualized Apocalypse, but 
simply an independent Gospel, marked by profound spiritual perfection, 
whose linguistic and other characteristics, and whose doctrinal contents, 
spirit, and aim, are, on the whole, so specifically different from those of the 
Apocalypse, in spite of various Christological points of connection, as to 
point to a totally different author (against Hengst., Godet, Riggenb., and 
others). The Gnostic tendency of the time, in which some have sought for 
the solution of that incomprehensible enigma, does not solve it, since the 


the 14th Nisan. Comp. Lev. xxiii. 5,6; Num. 
xxviii. 16 f.; Ezek. xlv. 21. The 15th Nisan 
is called postridie paschatis, Num. xxxiii. 3, 
Josh. vy. 11. Hilgenfeld’s objection (d. Pas- 
chastr. d. alten Kirche, p. 206), that the ar- 
rest mentioned by Justin as taking place 
likewise on the ἡμέρα τοῦ πάσχα does not 
suit the 14th Nisan, is altogether futile. 


Justin correctly includes the arrest in the 
day of crucifixion, as, c. Tryph. 99, the ag- 
ony in Gethsemane is already put by him 
τῇ ἡμέρᾳ, ἧπερ ἔμελλε σταυροῦσ- 
ϑαι. 

1 See Hilgenfeld, Baur, Volkmar. 

2Clem. Al., Orig., Ptolemaeus; and see 
generally Semisch, Denkw. Justin’s, p. 199 f. 


¢ 


INTRODUCTION. 19 


strong reaction in the church against Gnosticism would rather have con- 
᾿ demned a Gospel furnishing the Gnostics with so much apparent support, 
and with materials so liable to be misused, than left to opponents so rich a 
mine, to be worked out for their designs, if its apostolic origin had not 
been known and acknowledged. 


SEC. III.—GENUINENESS CONTINUED. 


As an internal testimony to its apostolic origin, we have, above all, the 
whole grand ideal peculiarity of the book, wherein the πνευματικὸν εὐαγγέλιον 
(Clem. Al.) is delineated with so much character and spirit, with such 
simplicity, vividness, depth, and truth, that a later fabricator or composer— 
who, moreover, could have occupied no other standing-point than that of 
his own time—becomes an impossibility, when we compare with it any pro- 
duction of Christian authorship of the second century. The Gospel of John, 
especially through the unity and completeness of its Christological idea, is 
no artificial antithesis (Keim, Gesch. J. p. 129), but the completion of the 
previous evangelic literature, to which the Pauline Christology appears as 
the historical middle term. But such a creation, which constitutes such a 
completion, without imitating the older Gospels, is not the work of some later 
forger, but of an immediate eye-witness and recipient.’ In it there beats 
the heart of Christ,—as the book itself has been justly named (Ernesti). 
But, say some (Liitzel., Baur and his school), it is precisely this tender, 
fervent, harmonious, spiritual character of the Gospel, which is as little in 
keeping with those traits of the Apostle John himself exhibited in the other 
Gospels? as the testimony borne to his anti-Pauline Judaism (Gal. ii.) is to 
the ideal universalism which pervades his Gospel (see especially iv. 24, x. 16, 
xii, 20). Yet the Judaizing partisanship which is said to be chargeable 


1JIn order to make the unique peculiar- 
ities of the Gospel agree with a non-apos- 
tolic author, neither the Epistle to the 
Hebrews nor the Apostle Paul ought to be 
brought into comparison. Both of them 
belong to the apostolic age, and the latter 
was called in an extraordinary manner by 
Christ, as a true apostle, and furnished 
with a revelation. To suppose that the au- 
thor of this Gospel also received a revela- 
tion in ὦ similar way, and yet to make him 
compose his Gospel no earlier than the sec- 
ond century, is unhistorical ; and to attrib- 
ute to any one deemed worthy of sucha 
revelation the design of passing off his work 
as John’s, is unpsychological, and morally 
opposed to the spirit of truth which per- 
vades and underlies it. The originating 
creative energy of the Spirit had no longer, 
in the second century, its season ordained 
by God, as is clearly shown by the entire 
literature of that later period, not except- 


ing even the most distinguished (such as 
the Epistle to Diognetus). And the assump- 
tion of the apostolic guise would have been, 
in the case of that creative energy, as un- 
worthy as unnecessary. The pseudony- 
mous post-apostolic literature of the early 
church may be sufficiently accounted for by 
the custom—excusable, considering the de- 
fective conception at that time of literary 
property—of assuming the name of any one 
according to whose ideas one intended to 
write (see Késtlin in the Theol. Jahrb. 1851, 
p. 149 ff.); but the deliberate purpose on 
which this custom was founded, would, in 
the case especially of a book so sublime, 
and in an intellectual point of view, so 
thoroughly independent as our Gospel, have 
been utterly incongruous—a paradox of the 
Holy Ghost. 

2 Mark iii. 17; Luke ix, 49,54; Mark ix. 
38, X. 35. 


“ 


20 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


on John, is simply imported into Gal. il., and cannot without utter arbitra- 
riness be inferred from the conflicts with Judaism in Paul’s subsequent 
epistles. And as to the destination of an apostle of the Jews, a position 
which John certainly, in common with Peter and James, still held at the 
time of the Apostolical Council, might it not afterwards (though even Keim 
discovers in this assumption a mockery of history and psychology) expand 
eradually into that universalism which appears in the Gospel ? Might not, 
in particular, the fuller insight into Paul’s work which John attained (Gal. 
ii.), and the bond of fellowship which he formed with that apostle (Gal. 11.), 
as well as his entrance subsequently into the sphere of Paul’s labours in Asia 
Minor, have contributed powerfully to that expansion and transformation 
which went beyond that of Paul himself ; for the perfecting of which, down 
to the time when our Gospel’ was composed, so long a period of church 
history and of personal experience had been youchsafed ? Moreover, like 
Paul, he still retained his Israelitish theocratic consciousness as an inalien- 
able inheritance (iv. 22 ; bis use of the Old Test.). With regard to the 
traits of character indicated in the Synoptics, is not the holy fervour of spirit 
which everywhere pervades his Gospel, and still marks his First Epistle, to 
be conceived as the glorified transfiguration of his former fiery zeal? And 
as to this transfiguration itself,* who may define the limits in the sphere of 
what is morally possible to man, beyond which, in a life and labours so long 
continued, the development of the new birth could not extend under influ- 
ences so mighty as the apostles experienced through the Spirit’s training in 
the school of the holiest calling ? What purification and growth did Peter, 
for example, experience between his smiting with the sword and denial, and 
his martyrdom ! Both his labours and his Epistle bear witness on this 
point. Similarly must we judge of the objection, that the higher, nay, philo- 
sophical (or rather Christian speculative) Hellenistic culture of the evangelist, 
especially his doctrine of the Logos, cannot be made to suit * the Galilean 
fisherman John,‘ for whom the, fathomless hardihood of modern criticism 
has substituted some highly cultured Gentile Christian,® who, wishing to 
lead heathen readers (xix. 35, xx. 31) to Christian faith, exhibited the 
remarkable phenomenon ‘‘ of historical evangelic authorship turning away 


i The well-known words of Polycrates, 
τὸ πέταλον πεφορηκώς, Ought not to have been 
used as a proof that, in his later ministry in 
Asia, John was still the representative of 
Judaism, for they describe high-priestly 
dignity (see sec. 1) in a Christian, spiritual 
sense. Again, the words which John is 
said to have uttered, according to Irenaeus, 
iii. 8, when he encountered Cerinthus at 
the bath: φύγωμεν μὴ καὶ τὸ βαλανεῖον συμ- 
πέσῃ ἔνδον ὄντος Κηρίνϑον, τοῦ τῆς ἀληϑείας 
ἐχϑροῦ, are alleged to be inappropriate to 
our evangelist. Why so? The very desig- 
nation of Cerinthus as τῆς ἀληϑείας éxdpov 
in the legend points to the evangelist, with 
whom ἀλήϑεια was one of the great funda- 
mental conceptions, whereas the author of 


the Apocalypse never once uses the word. 
The allegation that the latter, again, in Rev. 
xxi. 14, compared with ii. 4, testifies to the 
anti-Pauline sentiments of the Twelve, and 
hence of the Apostle John also, is simpiy 
foisted into the passage by a criticism on 
the look-out for it. 

2 Keim (p. 160) says, inappositely, of Mark 
and Luke: ‘Since they clearly imply the 
death of the apostles (of all?), they have 
not even allowed a possibility of further de- 
velopments.’? Neither Mark nor Luke un- 
dertook to write in their Gospels a history of 
the apostles, but of Jesus. 

3 Bretschneider, Baur, and others, 

4 Comp. also Acts iv. 18. 

5 So also Schenkel. 


INTRODUCTION, 21 


from the existing Christian communities, for whom there were already 
Gospels enough in existence, to appeal to the educated conscience of the 
heathen world.” Even the fact that John was, according to xviii. 15, an 
acquaintance of the high priest, is said to be unsuited to the circumstances 
of the Galilean fisherman,*—a statement wholly without adequate ground. 

It is true the author does not give his name, just as the other historical 
works of the N. T. do not designate their authors. But he shows himself 
to have been an eye-witness in the plainest possible way, both at i. 14 
(comp. John i. 1, iv. 14) and at xix. 35 (comp. xxi. 24); while the vivid- 
ness and directness of so many descriptions and individual details, in which 
no other Gospel equals ours, as well as its necessarily conscious variation 
from the synoptic representation as a whole and in particular points of great 
importance, can only confirm the truth of that personal testimony, which is 
not to be set aside either by interpreting ἐθεασάμεθα, 1. 14, of the Christian 
consciousness in general, or by the pretext that ἐκεῖνος in xix. 35 distin- 
guishes the evangelist from such as were eye-witnesses.* See the exegetical 
remarks on those passages. And asa proof that the eye-witness was, in 
fact, no other than John, the significant concealinent of the name John is 
rightly urged against Bretschneider, Baur, and others. Though allowed to 
be one of the most intimate friends of Jesus, and though the Gospel describes 
so many of his peculiar and delicate traits of character, this disciple is never 
referred to by name, but only in a certain masked, sometimes very delicate 
and thoughtful way, so that the nameless author betrays himself at once as 
the individual who modestly suppresses his name in i. 35 ff. The true 
feeling of the church, too, has always perceived this ; while it was reserved 
only for a criticism which handles delicate points so roughly,‘ to lend to the 
circumstance this explanation : ‘‘ The author speaks of his identity with 
the apostle, as one, simply, to whom the point was of no consequence : his 
Gospel is to be regarded as Johannean, without bearing the apostle’s name 
on its front ; at least the author will himself not mention the name in order 
to make it his own, but the reader is merely to be led to make this combina- 
tion, so as to place the Apostle John’s name in the closest and most direct 
connection with a Gospel written in his spirit” (Baur, p. 379). In fact, a 
fraud so deliberately planned, and, in spite of its attempting no imitation 
of the Apocalypse, so unexampled in its success, a striving after apparent 
self-renunciation so crafty, that the lofty, true, transparent, and holy spirit 
of which the whole bears the impress, would stand in the most marked contra- 
diction to 16 1 Moreover, the instances of other non-apostolic works which 
were intended to go forth as apostolic, and therefore do not at all conceal 
the lofty names of their pretended authors, would be opposed to it. Onthe 


1 Hilgenfeld, d. Huvangelien, p. 349. designated himself the disciple beloved by 


2 See Scholten, p. 379. 

3 Késtlin, Hilgenfeld, Keim, and several 
others. 

4See, besides the Tiibingen critics and 
Scholten, also Weisse, ὦ. Huangelienfr. p. 61, 
according to whom, if John could haye 


Christ, there would be in this an offensive 
and impudent self-exaltation: comp. also 
Keim, Gesch. J. i. p. 157f. See for the op- 
posite and correct view, Ewald, Johann. 
Schrif. i. Ὁ. 48 f€. 


22 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


other hand, the universal recognition which this nameless author as the 
Apostle John obtained in the church is the more striking, since a later pro- 
duction of this kind, which had been anticipated by so well-known a work 
of a totally different character, passing for Johannean,—that is, the Apoca- ~ 
lypse,—in contrast to the latter recognized as apostolic, while not once 
mentioning the name of that disciple, would be an historical phenomenon 
hardly conceivable. At least it is far more intelligible that the Apocalypse, 
bearing John’s name on its very face, and solemnly repeating it to the end 
more than once, should, in an uncritical age, make good its claim to be an 
apostolic work, though not permanently.’ [See Note I. p. 39.] Further, 
the circumstance that in our Gospel John the Baptist is always mentioned 
simply as ᾿Ιωάννης, never as ὁ βαπτιστής, is not so weighty (in opposition to 
Credner, Bleek, Ebrard) as to prove that the writer was the apostle, who, 
as its author, has found no occasion to point out the other John distinctly 
by that appellation : for the name ὁ βαπτιστῆς Was by no means designed to 
mark any such distinction. But we may doubtless be of opinion that a 
writer who had simply to appropriate the evangelic materials in the Gospels 
already existing, and develop them in a peculiar way, would hardly have 
failed to employ the surname of the Baptist so commonly and formally used 
in the Gospels. But it is conceivable that our apostle, having been a 
personal disciple of the Baptist, and having a lively recollection of his former 
close relation to him, mentions him by his bare name, as he had been wont 
to do when he was his disciple, and not with the designation ὁ βαπτιστῆς, 
which had come down to him through the medium of history. 

In the extended discourses of Jesus, in the chronological arrangement of 
the historical materials, in the prominence given to the Lord’s extra-Gal- 
ilean ministry, in the significant and peculiar narratives omitted by the Syn- 
optics (among which the most noteworthy is that of the raising of Lazarus), 
in the important variations from the Synoptics in parallel narratives (the chief 
of which are in the history of the last supper, and in the date of the day 
when Jesus died), in the noticeable omissions of evangelic matter (the most 
remarkable being the silence as to the institution of the supper, and the 
agony in Gethsemane) which our Gospel exhibits, we recognize just so many 
indications of an independence, which renders the general recognition of its 
apostolic authorship in the church only explicable on the ground of the in- 
dubitable certainty of the fact. It was this certainty, and the high general 
reputation of the beloved disciple, which far outweighed all variations from 
the form and contents of the older Gospels, nay, even subordinated the 
credit and independence of the Synoptics (as in the history of the last supper, 
which in them was placed on the 13th Nisan). All these points of differ- 
ence have therefore been wrongly urged against the apostolic authorship : 
they make the external attestation all the stronger, far too strong to be 
traceable to the aims and fictions of a writer of the second century.” With 
regard especially to the discowrses and conversations of Jesus (which, accord- 


1 Comp. Ewald, Jahrb. v. p. 182 f.; Diisterd. 2 Comp. Bleek, Beitr. p. 66 ff.; Briickner 
on the Apocalypse, Introduction. on de Wette, p. xxviii. f. 


INTRODUCTION. 23 
" 

ing to Baur’s school, are wanting in appropriateness of exposition and nat- 
uralness of circumstances, are connected with unhistorical facts, and in- 
- tended to form an explication of the Logos-Idea), they certainly imply’ a 
free reproduction and combination on the part of an intelligent writer, who 
draws out what is historically given beyond its first concrete and immediate 
form, by further developing and explaining it. Often the originality is cer- 
tainly not that of purely objective history, but savours of John’s spirit (com- 
pare the First Epistle of John), which was most closely related with that of 
Jesus. This Johannean method was such that, in its undoubted right to 
reproduce and to clothe in a new dress, which it exercised many decenniums 
after, it could not carry the mingling of the objective and subjective, una- 
voidable as it was to the author’s idiosyncrasy, so far as to merge what con- 
stituted its original essence in the mere view of the individual. Thus the 
λόγος, especially in the distinct form which it assumes in the prologue, does 
not reappear in the discourses” of Jesus, however frequently the λόγος of God 
or of Christ, as the verbum vocale (not essentiale*), occurs in them. All the 
less, therefore, in these discourses can the form be externally separated from 
the matter to such an exent as to treat the one as the subjective, the other 
as the objective*—a view which is inconceivable, especially when we consider 
the intellectual Johannean unity of mould, unless the substance of the matter 
is to be assigned to the sphere of the subjective along with the form. The 
Jesus of John, indeed, appears in His discourses as in general more sublime, 
more solemn, frequently more hard to understand, nay, more enigmatical, 
more mysterious, and, upon the whole, more ideal, than the Jesus of the 
Synoptics, especially as the latter is seen in His pithy proverbs and parables. 
Still, we must bear in mind that the manifestation of Jesus as the divine 
human life was intrinsically too rich, grand, and manifold, not to be repre- 
sented variously, according to the varying individualities by which its rays 
were caught, and according to the more or less ideal points of view from 
which those rays were reflected,—variously, amid all that resemblance of 


1 Tt cannot be shown that he records the 
experiences of the later apostolic age, and 
makes Jesus speak accordingly (see Weiz- 
sicker, p. 285f.). The passages adduced in 
proof (xvii. 20, xx. 29, xiv. 22, xvii. 9, xvii. 3, 
ili. 13, vi. 57, 62 f., iv. 36-88) are fully ex- 
plained exegetically without the assump- 
tion of any such ὕστερον πρῶτον. 

3 Although the essential conception of the 
Logos, as regards its substance, is everywhere 
with John a prominent feature in the con- 
sciousness of Jesus, and is re-echoed 
throughout the Gospel. (Comp. iii. 11, 13, 31, 
vi. 33 ff., vi. 62, vii. 29, viii. 12, 23, 58, xvi. 28, 
Xvii. 5, 24, and other places.) To deny that 
John exhibits Jesus as haying this super- 
human self-consciousness, is exegetically 
baseless, and would imply that (in his pro- 
logue) the evangelist had, from the public 
life of the Lord, and from His words and 
works, formed an abstract idea as to His 


nature, which was not sustained, but rather 
refuted, by his own representation of the 
history,—a thing inconceivable. This, in 
general, against Weizsacker in @. Jahrb. f. 
Deutsche Theologie, 1857, Ὁ. 154 ff., 1862, Ὁ. 684 
ff.; Weiss, Lehrbegr. p. 244. See my com- 
ments on the particular passages (also 
against Beyschlag).—The idea of the Logos, 
moreover, is related to that of the ζωή, not 
as something accidental, but in such a way 
that the Logos is conceived as the original 
and personally conscious substratum of the 
latter. Thus was it given to the author by 
the history itself, and by his profoundly 
vivid realization of that history through 
communion with Him in whom the ζωή 
dwells. The Logos is the same fundamental 
conception (only ina more definite specu- 
lative form) as the υἱὸς τοῦ ϑεοῦ. 

3 Comp. Weizsiick. Hvangel. Gesch. Ὁ. 257. 

4 Reuss in the Stirassb. Denkschr. Ὁ. 37 ff. 


24 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
° 

essential character, and peculiar fundamental type, in which it allowed it- 
self to be recognized by manifold receptivities, and under dissimilar circum- 
stances. It was on the soul of this very apostle that the image of that 
wonderful life, with which his inspired recollections were connected, was, 
without a single discordant feature, most perfectly delineated, and in all the 
deep fulness of its nature : it dives in him ; and his own thinking and feel- 
ing, with its profound contemplativeness, is so thoroughly intertwined with 
and transfigured by this life and the ideal it contains, that each individual 
recollection and representation becomes the more easily blended by him into 
harmony with the whole. His very language must needs ever retain that 
inalienable stamp which he once involuntarily received from the heart and 
living word of Christ, and appropriated and preserved in all its depth and 
transparency in the profoundly spiritual laboratory of his own long regener- 
ate life.’ Some have assigned to the Gospel the honour rather of a well-de- 
vised work of art, than of a truly earnest and real history.* It is both, in 
the inseparable unity and truth of the art of the Holy Ghost.—If, again, 
some have urged that the author of the fourth Gospel appears as one stand- 
ing apart from any personal participation in the history he was writing, and 
from Judaism,’ still we should bear in mind, that if John wrote his Gospel 
at a later time, and among a community moulded by Hellenistic culture, 
after the liberation of his Christian nature from the Judaism by which it 
had long been penetrated, and when he had long been familiar with the 
purest spiritual Christianity and its universalism, as well as raised through 
the medium of speculation to a higher standpoint in his view of the Gospel 
history, he certainly did stand much further apart than the earlier evangelists, 
not indeed from his history strictly speaking, but from its former surround- 
ings and from Judaism. This, however, does not warrant the substitution 
in his place of a non-Jewish author, who out of elements but slightly histor- 
ical and correlative myths wove a semblance of history. On the contrary, 
many peculiar traits marked by the greatest vividness and originality, re- 
vealing a personal participation in the history,* rise up in proof, to bridge 
over the gulf between the remoteness of the author and the proximity of a 
former eye-witness, in whose view the history throughout is not developed 
from the doctrine, but the doctrine from the history.*° Hence, also, he it 
is who, while he rose much higher above Judaism than Paul, yet, like Mat- 
thew in his Gospel, though with more individuality and independence, 


1 Comp. Ewald, Jahrb. IT. p. 163, X. p. 90 
f., and his Johann. Schriften, I. p. 22 ff. ; also 
Briickner on de Wette, p. 25 ff. 

2 Keim, Gesch. J. 1. p. 123. 

3 Compare the frequent οἱ IovSator, ν. 16, 
vii. 1, 19, 25, vili. 17, x. 34, etc. See Fischer 
in the 7b. Zeitschr. 1840, 11. p. 96 ff. ; Baur, 
Neut. Theol. p. 390 f.; Scholten and others. 
On the other side, Bleek, p. 246 ff.; Lut- 
hardt, I. p. 143 ff. Compare notes on i. 19, 
vill. 17; also Ewald, Johann. Schriften, I. p. 
10 f. 


ΦΈΡ, 1. τιν, 0. 1 tins Chee ὑπὸ 
19: ἘΠ 22 fhe, ἘΠ 1, ἘΠῚ ΣΕ 

5 Compare Weizsicker in the Jahrb. 7. Ὁ. 
Th. 1859, p. 690 ff. See the opposite view in 
Keim, p. 127. Scholten comes even to the 
melancholy conclusion: ‘‘ The contents of 
the fourth Gospel cannot be of use as his- 
torical authority in any single point.’? The 
author threw into the form of an historical 
drama what was subjective truth to him 
self, unconcerned as to its historical accu- 
racy. ‘ 


INTRODUCTION. 25 


took pains to exhibit the connection between the events of the Gospel his- 
‘tory and Old Testament prophecy. In this way, as well as by the explana- 
tions of Jewish facts, views, appellations, and so on, which are interspersed, 
he shows himself to belong to the ancient people of God, as far as his spir- 
itual renewal was, and necessarily must have been, compatible with this 
connection.! Lastly, the historical contradictions with the Synoptics are 
either only apparent (for instance, a ministration on several occasions at Je- 
rusalem is implied, Matt. xxiii. 37, Luke xiii. 34), or such as cannot fairly 
lead to the conclusion of ἃ non-apostolic authorship, since we do not pos- 
sess Matthew in its original form, and therefore are not prevented by the 
counterweight of equally apostolic evidence from assigning to John a pre- 
ponderating authority, which especially must be done in regard to such 
very striking variations as the date of the day on which Jesus died, and the 
account of the last supper. Besides, if what was erroneous and unhistorical 
might, after the lapse of so long a time, have affected even the memory of 
an apostle, yet matters of this sort, wherever found in particular passages 
of our Gospel, are rather chargeable on commentators than on the author, 
especially in the exceptions taken to the names of such places as Bethany, 
i, 28, and Sychar, iv. 5. On the whole, the work is a phenomenon so sub- 
lime and unique among productions of the Christian spirit,’ that if it were 
the creation of an unknown author of the second century, it would be be- 
yond the range of all that is historically conceivable. In its contents and 
tone, as well as in its style, which is unlike that of the earlier Gospels, it is 
so entirely without any internal connection with the development and lit- 
erary conditions of that age, that had the church, instead of witnessing to 
its apostolic origin, raised a doubt on that point, historical criticism would 
see assigned to it the inevitable task of proving and vindicating such an 
origin from the book itself. In this case, to violate the authority of the 
church in favor of the Gospel, would necessarily have a more happily and 
permanently successful result than can follow from opposing the Gospel. 
After having stood the critical tests originated by Bretschneider and Baur, 
this Gospel will continue to shine with its own calm inner superiority and 
undisturbed transparency, issuing forth victorious from never-ceasing con- 
flicts ; the last star, as it were, of evangelic history and teaching, yet beam- 
ing with the purest and highest light, which could never have arisen amid 
the scorching heat of Gnosticism, or have emerged from the, fermentation 
of some catholicizing process, but which rose rather on the horizon of the 


1 Comp. Weizsicker, Huang. Gesch. Ὁ. 263. 

2 Gfrérer, of course, makes it a product 
of dotage and fancy. Origen, on the other 
hand, calls it τῶν εὐαγγελίων ἀπαρχήν, and 
says of it οὗ τὸν νοῦν οὐδεὶς δύναται λαβεῖν μὴ 
ἀναπεσὼν ἐπὶ τὸ στῆϑος Ἴησου, and, τηλικοῦτον 
δὲ γενέσϑαι δεῖ τὸν ἐσόμενον ἄλλον ᾿Ιωάννην, 
ὥστε οἱονεὶ τὸν Ἰωάννην δειχϑῆναι ὄντα ᾿Ιησοῦν 
ἀπὸ ᾿Ιησοῦ. Hence, also, we can understand 
the constant recurrence, so as to make 
them regulate the presentation of the his- 


tory, both of the ideas lying at the basis of 
Christ’s whole work, and of the funda- 
mental views which John, beyond any 
other evangelist, had derived from the his- 
tory itself, in which he had borne a part on 
the breast of Jesus. Thus, with him, the 
grand simple theme of his book is through 
all its variations in harmonious and neces- 
sary concord, a living monotone of the one 
spirit, not a “leaden”? one. (Keim, Gesch. 
J. p. 117.) 


26 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


apostolic age, from the spirit of the disciple most intimate with his Lord, 
and which is destined never again to set,*—the guide to a true catholicity, 
differing wholly from the ecclesiastical development of the second century,? 
and still remaining as the unattained goal of the future. 

Nor can the attempt be successful to treat only a certain nucleus of our Gos- 
pelas genuinely apostolical, and to assign the rest to disciples of John or other 
laterhands. The reasons for this procedure are inadequate, while it is itself so 
destitute of all historical evidence and warrant, and runs so entirely into 
caprice and diversity of subjective judgment, and hence also presents such 
a variety of results in the several attempts which have been made, that it 
would .be in any case critically more becoming to leave still unsolved the 
difficulties in the matter and connection of particular passages, than to get 
rid of them by striking them out according to an arbitrary standard. This 
remark applies not merely to some of the older attempts of this kind by 
Eckermann, Vogel, Ammon,* and Paulus, but also to Rettig’s opinion 
(Zphemer. exeg. I. p. 83 ff.) : ‘‘Compositum esse et digestum a seriori Chris- 
tiano, Johannis auditore forsitan gnosticae dedito philosophiae, qui, quum 
in ecclesiae Ephesinae scriniis ecclesiasticis vel alio loco privato plura Jesu 
vitae capita per Johannem descripta reperisset, vel a Johanne ipso accepis- 
set, iis compositis et ordinatis suam de λόγῳ philosophiam praefixit ;’—and 
even to the more thorough attempts made by Weisse,* and Alex. Schweizer. ὃ 
According to Weisse (compare, however, his partial retraction in his Philos. 
Dogmat. 1855, I. p. 153), John, for the purpose of setting forth his own 
idea of Christ and the doctrinal system in discourses of Jesus, selected such 
discourses, adding those of the Baptist and the prologue. After his death, 
one of his adherents and disciples (xix. 35), by further adding what he had 
learnt from the apostle’s own mouth, and from the evangelic tradition, but 
without any knowledge of the Synoptics, worked up these ‘‘ Johannean 
Studies” into a Gospel -history, the plan of which was, of course, very im- 
perfect ; so that the apostle’s communications consequently form only the 
groundwork of the Gospel, though among them must be reckoned all the 
strictly didactic and contemplative portions, in determining which the First 
Epistle of John serves as a test. According to Schweizer (comp. also 
Schenkel, previously in the Stud. u. Krit. 1840, p. 753 ff., who resolves the 
apostolical portion into two sets of discourses), such sections are to be ex- 
cluded from the apostle’s original work, as ‘‘are quite disconnected and 
abrupt, interwoven with no discourses, are altogether without any impor- 


1 Τῇ the apostle, in composing his work, 2Comp. Holtzm. Judenth. u. Christenth. 


employed an amanuensis, which is not im- 
probable, judging from similar cases in the 
New Testament Epp. (see especially Ewald, 
Jahrb. X. p. 87 ff.), though it is not proved 
by xix. 35, still the writer must be regarded 


only as simply drawing up what the apostle 


dictated,—a conclusion arising out of the 
peculiar character, tenderness, and profun- 
dity of the book, and its entire resemblance 
to the First Epistle of John. 


1867, p. 713. 

3 Progr. quo docetur, Johannem evang. 
auctorem ab editore huj. libri fuisse diver- 
sum, 1811. 

4 Both in his Hvang. Gesch. 1. p. 96 ff., ΤΙ. 
p. 184 ff., 486 ff., 520 ff.; as also in his Hvan- 
gelienfrage, 1856, p. 111 ff. 

5 d. Ev. Joh. nach 8. innern Werthe kritisch 
untersucht, 1841. 


INTRODUCTION. ὌΝ 


tant word of Jesus, permeated by an essentially different estimate and idea 
of miracle, without vividness of narration, and moreover are divergent in 
- style, and agree, besides, in recounting Galilean incidents.” These excluded 
sections, along with which especially fall to the ground the turning of the 
water into wine at Cana, the healing of the nobleman’s son, the miraculous 
feeding (ii. 1 ff., iv. 44 ff., vi. 1 ff.), are said to have originated with the 
author of chap. xxi., who also, according to Scholten, must have added 
a cycle of interpolated remarks, such as ii. 21 f., vii. 39, xii. 88, xviii. 32. 
All such attempts at critical dismemberment, especially in the case of a 
work so thoroughly of one mould, must undoubtedly fail. Even Weiz- 
siicker’s view,’ that our Gospel was derived from the apostle’s own commu- 
nications, though not composed by his own hands, but by those of his trusted 
disciples in Ephesus, is based on insufficient grounds, which are set aside 
by an unprejudiced exegesis.* This hypothesis is all the more doubtful, if 
the Gospel (with the exception of chap. xxi.) be allowed to have been com- 
posed while the apostle was still living ; it is not supported by the testi- 
mony of Clem. Alex. and the Canon of Muratori,* and in fact antiquity 
furnishes no evidence in its favour. 


Literature :—(1) Against the Genuineness: Evanson, Dissonance of the Four 
— — Evangelists, Ipswich 1792. (Vogel), d. Evangelist Joh. αι. s. Ausleger vor 
d. jiingsten Gericht, I. Lpz. 1801, 11. 1804. Horst, in Henke’s Mus. 1. 1, pp. 20 ff., 
47 ff., 1803. Cludius, Uransichten des Christenth., Altona 1808, p. 40 ff. Ballenstedt, 
Philo. τι. Joh., Gott. 1812. The most important among the older works: Bret- 
schneider, Probabilia de evangelii et epistolarum Joh. apost. indole et origine, Lpz. 
1820, who makes the Gospel originate in the first half of the second century, in 
the interest of Christ’s divinity. Later opponents: Rettig, Ephem. exeg. I. Ὁ. 
62 ff. Strauss, Leben Jesu, despite a half retractation in the third edition (1838), 
the more decidedly against in the fourth (1840). Weisse, Evang. Gesch. 1838, 
and d. Evangelienfrage, 1856. Liitzelberger, die kirchliche Tradition ib. ἃ. Apos- 
tel Joh. 1840, B. Bauer, Arit. d. evang. Gesch. d. Joh. 1840, and Kritik ἃ. Evan- 
gelien, I. 1850. Schwegler, Montanism, 1841, and nachapost. Zeitalter, 1846. Baur,4 


‘ 


1 Untersuch. vib. ad. evang. Gesch. 1864, p. only towards 150-160 ; according to Hilgen- 


208 ff. ° 

2 See also Ewald, Jahrb. XII. p. 212 ff. 

3 Clement of Alexandria, in Euseb. vi. 14, 
says John composed the spiritual Gospel 
προτραπέντα ὑπὸ τῶν γνωρίμων πνεύ- 
ματι ϑεοφορηϑέντα. How different is this 
statement from the above view! Just as 
much at variance with it is the similar tes- 
timony of Muratori's Fragment, which lays 
special stress upon the composition by the 
apostle himself, and indeed supports it by 
1 John i. 14. Moreover, see on xviii. 15, xix. 
35, XX). 20 Ὁ 

* According to Baur’s school, the Gospel, 
the existence cf which is only conceivable 
at the time of the church’s transition into 
Catholicism, originated about the middle of 
the second century (according to Volkmar, 


feld, as soon as 120-140, contemporaneously 
with the second Jewish war, or soon after). 
The author, who, it is said, appropriated to 
himself the authority of the Apostle John, 
the author of the Apocalypse, transfig- 
ured in a higher unity into the Christian 
Gnosis the interests of Jewish and Pauline 
Christianity, while going beyond both, so 
that the historical materials taken from the 
Synoptics, and wrought up according to the 
ideas of the prologue, form merely the basis 
of the dogmatic portions, and are the re- 
flex of the idea. To bring the new form of 
the Christian consciousness to a genuine 
apostolic expression, the author, whose 
Gospel stands upon the boundary line of 
Gnosticism, and ‘‘now and then goes be- 
yond the limits,’’ made an ingenious and 


28 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Krit. Untersuchungen ib, d. kanonischen Evang., Tiib. 1847, Ὁ. 79 ff. (previously 
in the Theol. Jahrb. 1844). Zeller, in the Theol. Jahrb. 1845, p. 579 ff., and 1847, 
p. 136 ff. Baur, ibidem, 1848, Ὁ. 264 ff., 1854, p. 196 ff., 1857, p. 209 ff. ; and in 
his Christenth. d. drei ersten Jahrb. Ὁ. 131 ff. ; also in his controversial work, An 
Herrn Dr. Karl Hase, Vib. 1855 ; and in his treatise, ‘‘ die Tiibinger Schule,” 1859. 
Hilgenfeld, d. Evang. u. die Briefe Joh. nach ihrem Lehrbegr. dargestelit, Halle 1849, 
and in the Theol. Jahrb. 1849, p. 209 ff.; also in his works, die Evangelien nach ihrer 
Entstehung u. s.w., Lipz. 1854, p. 227 ff.; and in his controversial treatise, das Ur- 
christenth, ind. Hauptwendepunkten seines Entwickelungsganges, Jena 1855 ; also in 
the Theol. Jahrb. 1857, p. 498 ff., andin the Zeitschr. f. wissenschaft Theol. 1859, p. 
281 ff., 383 ff.; similarly in the Kanon wu. Krit. ἃ. N. T. 1863, p. 218 ff., and in his 
Zeitschr. 1863, 1 and 2, 1867, p. 180 ff. Kdéstlin, in the Theol. Jahrb. 1851, p. 
183 ff. Tobler, die Evangelienfrage, Ziirich 1858 (anonymously), and in the 
Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theol. 1860, p. 169 ff. Schenkel! in his Charakterbild Jesu, 
chap. 2. Volkmar, most recently in his work against Tischendorf, “ἃ. 
Ursprung uns. Evangel.” 1866. Scholten, d. diltest. Zeug. betr. αἰ. Schrifien ἃ. 
NV. T., translated from the Dutch by Manchot, 1867 (compare his Lvang. accord- 


ing to John, translated by Lang). 


artistic use of the relative points of connec- 
tion with the Apocalypse, in order to spirit- 
ualize the Apocalypse into a Gospel. The 
relation of the Gospel to the parties of the 
time (whose exciting questions it touches), 
especially to Gnosticism, Montanism, Ebion- 
ism, the Easter controversy, is indeed very 
variously defined by Baur’s school, yet al- 
ways in such a way that the historical 
character of the contents is givenup. In 
exchange for this loss, the consolation is 
offered us, that ‘‘the Christianity thus fash- 
joned into a perfect theory was simply a 
development of that which, according to its 
most primitive and credible representation, 
the religious consciousness of Jesus con- 
tained in creative fulness,’’—Hilgenfeld (ὦ. 
Fwangelien, Ὁ. 349), who even makes John’s 
theology stand in the same relation to the 
religious consciousness of Jesus, “as, ac- 
eording to the promise in John xvi. 12, the 
work of the Paraclete, as the Spirit leading 
the church into all truth, was to stand to 
the teachings of its Founder.” The most 
extravagant judgment is that of Volkmar: 
the Evangelist “ starts from the Gospel of the 
dualistic anti-Judaical Gnosis of Marcion, 
and overcomes it by the help of Justin’s doc- 
trine of the Logos with its monism,’’—Tobler, 
though attributing the first Epistle to the 
apostle, makes the author of our Gospel to 
be Apollos, whom he also regards as the au- 
thor of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and of 
First and Second John. See against this 
error, which makes the Gospel to have been 
intended for the Corinthians, Hilgenf. in 
the Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theol. 1859, Ὁ. 411 ff. 
Moreover, what Tobler has subsequently 


Keim, Geschichte Jesu, 1867, I. p. 103 ff. (2) 


advanced m the Zeitschr. 7. wiss. Theol. 
1860, p. 169 ff., cannot support his hypothe- 
sis. 

1 According to this modern notion of 
Schenkel, our Gospel originated about 110- 
120 A.p., under the influence of the Chris- 
tian doctrine of wisdom prevailing in Asia 
Minor. The author, he says, certainly did 
not write a work of fiction or fancy, but, 
separated a cycle of evangelic traditions 
from their historical framework, and forced 
them up into the region of eternal thought, 
ete. Thus, Jesus was such as the author 
depicts Him, not always in reality, but in 
truth. At this result Keim also substan- 
tially arrives: he attributes the Gospel to 
a Jewish Christian of liberal opinions and 
friendly to the Gentiles, probably one of 
the Diaspora in Asia Minor about the be- 
ginning of the second century, who pub- 
lished it under the name of the Apostle John. 
He wrote with the just conviction that the 
apostles and John would have so written, 
had they been living in his time, and did not 
aim at establishing an external history, but 
at exhibiting the spirit which sits enthron- 
ed in every history of the life of Jesus. 
According to Scholten, the Gospel was 
written about 150 A.p., bya philosophically 
enlightened Gentile Christian, assuming the 
guise of an ideal apostle, setting aside 
what was untrue in the various tendencies 
of the day (Gnosticism, Antinomianism, 
Montanism, Quartodecimanism, but recog- 
nizing the correlated truths, and express- 
ing them in appropriate forms, though it 
was recognized as apostolic only towards 
the close of the second century. 


INTRODUCTION, 29 


For the Genuineness, and especially against Bretschneider (comp. the latter’s later 
_ confession in his Dogmat. ed. 3, I. p. 268: **The design which my Probabilia 
had—namely, to raise a fresh and further investigation into the. authenticity 
of John’s writings—has been attained, and the doubts raised may perhaps be 
now regarded as removed”): Stein, Authentia ev. Joh. contra Bretschn. dubia 
vindicat., Brandenb. 1822. Calmberg, Diss. de antiquiss. patrum pro ev. Joh. au- 
thentia testim., Hamb. 1822. Hemsen, die Authent. der Schriften des Ev. Joh., 
Schleswig 1823. Usteri, Comment. crit., in qua ev. Joh. genuinum esse ex compara- 
lis quatuor evangelior. narrationib. de coena ultima et passione J. Ch., ostenditur, 
Turici 1823. Crome, Probabilia haud probabilia, or Widerlegung der von Dr. 
Bretschneider gegen die Aechtheit des Ev. τι. ἃ, Briefe Joh. erhobenen Zweifel, Lpz. 
1824. Rettberg, an Joh. in exhibenda Jesu natura reliquis canonicis scriplis vere 
repugnet, Gott. 1826. Hauff, die Authent. u. der hohe Werth des Hv. Joh., Niivn- 
berg 1831.—Against Weisse ; Frommann, in the Stud. u. Avil. 1840, p. 853 ff. ; 
Hilgenfeld, in the Zeitschr. f. wiss. Theol. 1859, p. 397 ff.—Against Schweizer : 
Luthardt, i, p. 6 ff.—Against Baur and his school: Merz, in the Wiirtemb. 
Stud. 1844, ii. Ebrard, d. Ev. Joh. u. die neueste Hypothese wb. 5. Entstehung, 
Ziirich 1845 ; and in his Aritik d. evang. Gesch. ed. 2, 1850, p. 874 ff. Hanff, 
in the Stud. εἰ. Krit. 1846, p. 550 ff. Bleek, Beitrége z. Hv. Krit. 1846, p. 92 ff., 
u. Hinl. p. 177 ff. Weitzel, in the Stud. u. Krit. 1848, p. 806 ff., 1849, p. 578 ; 
also de Wette, Hinl., whose final judgment, however (ὃ 110 g.), only declares 
against the view which would deny to the apostle any share in the composition 
of the Gospel. See, besides, Niermeyer, Verhandeling over de echtheid d. Johan- 
neischen Schriften, s Gravenhage 1852. Mayer (Catholic), Aechtheit ἃ. Ev. nach 
Joh., Schaffh. 1854. Schneider, Aechth. des Joh. Ev. nach den dusseren Zeugen, 
Berl. 1854, Kahnis, Dogmat. I. p .416 ff. Ritschl, Altkath. K. Ὁ. 48. Tisch- 
endorf, wann wurden uns. Hv. verfass!? 1865; 4th enlarged edition, 1866. 
Riggenbach, d. Zeug. f. αἰ. Ev. Joh. new unters. 1866. Dr. Pressensé, Jes. Chris- 
tus, son Temps, etc., 1866. Oosterzee, d. Johannes-evang., vier Vortrige, 1867 
[Eng. trans.]; also Hofstede de Groot (against also the previously mentioned 
work of Scholten), Basilides als erster Zeuge fiir Aller und Auctorit. neutest. Schr. 
German edition, 1868. Jonker, het evang. v. Joh. 1867. Compare generally, 
besides the Commentaries, Ewald, Jahrb. IIL. p. 146 ff., V. p. 178 ff., X. p. 83 
ff,, XII. p. 212 ff. Grimm, in the Hall. Encykl. ii. 22, Ὁ. 5 ff. 


SEC. IV.—DESIGN OF THE GOSPEL. 


John himself, xx. 31, tells us very distinctly the purpose of the Gospel 
which he wrote for the Christians of his own day. It was nothing else than 
to impart the conviction that Jesus was the Messiah, by describing the his- 
tory of His appearance and of His work ; and through faith in this, to com- 
municate the Messianic life which was revealed in Jesus when on earth. 
While it has this general purpose in common with the other Gospels, it has 
as its special and definite task to exhibit in Jesus the Messiah, as in the highest 
sense the Son of God, that is, the Incarnate Divine Logos ; and hence John 
places the section on the Logos at the very beginning as his distinctive pro- 
gramme, therewith furnishing the key for the understanding of the whole. 
In the existing name and conception of the Logos, he recognizes a perfectly 


30 . THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


befitting expression for his own sublime view of Christ, the humanly mani- 
fested divine source of life ; and accordingly, he has delineated the human 
manifestation and the historical life of the divine in Christ with creative 
spirit and vividness, in order that the eternal and highest power of life, 
which had thus entered bodily into the world, might be appropriated by 
faith. Even the Gospel of Matthew (and of Luke) grasps the idea of the 
Son of God metaphysically, and explains it by the divine generation. John, 
however, apprehends and explains it by raising it into the premundane and 
eternal relation of the Son to the Father, who sent the Son; just as Paul 
also earnestly teaches this pre-existence, though he does not conceive of it 
under the form of the Logos, and therefore has nothing about a beginning 
of divine Sonship by a divine generation in time. John therefore occupies 
a far higher standing-point than Matthew ; but, like the other evangelists, 
he develops his proof historically, not sacrificing historic reality and tradi- 
tion to idealism (against Baur and his school), but partly selecting from the 
materials furnished by the extant tradition and already presented in the 
older evangelic writings, partly leaving these, and carefully selecting solely 
from the rich stores of his own memory and experience. In this way, it is 
quite obvious how important the discourses of Jesus, especially upon His 
divine Messianic dignity in opposition to the unbelief of the Jews, were as 
elements of John’s plan; and further, how necessary it was that the testi- 
monies of the Baptist, the prophetical predictions, and the select miraculous 
proofs,—the latter forming at the same time the bases of the more impor- 
tant discourses,—should co-operate towards his purpose. The general sim- 
ilarity of his aim with that of the current Galilean tradition on the one hand, 
and on the other hand its special distinctiveness, which is due to his own 
more sublime and spiritual intuition and his purpose to delineate Jesus as 
the Incarnate Logos, the possessor and imparter of divine and eternal life, as 
well as his independence in both these respects, as a most intimate eye and 
ear witness, of all the previous labours of others, and his original peculiar 
arrangement and reproduction of the doctrines of Jesus as from a centre, 
determining every detail and binding them into one,—this, and the primary 
destination of the work for readers who must have been acquainted with 
Graeco-Judaic speculations, gave the book the characteristic form which it 
possesses. The intellectual unity, which thus runs through it, is the reflee- 
tion of the author’s peculiar view of the whole, which was not formed ὦ 
priori, but as the result of experience,’ the fruit of a long life in Christ, and 
of a fulness and depth of recollection such as he only, among the living, 
could possess. Written after the destruction of Jerusalem, and by that dis- 
ciple who had long advanced beyond Jewish Christianity, and in the centre 
of Asiatic culture was still labouring amidst the highest esteem, as probably 
the only aged apostle remaining, this Gospel could not have an eye to Pal- 
estinian readers,? as had been formerly the case with Matthew’s Collection 
of Logia, and the Gospel which originated from it. It was very naturally 


11, 14: comp. Hauff, in the Stud. wu. rit. tions which presuppose the readers to be 
1846, p. 574 ff. non-Palestinian, i. 38, 41 f., iv. 25, v. 2, al. 
2 Hence the interpretations and explana- 


INTRODUCTION. 91 


destined, first of all, for those Christian circles among which the apostle 
lived and laboured, consequently for readers belonging to churches origi- 
nally founded by Paul, and who had grown up out of Jewish and Gentile 
Christian elements, and had been carried on by John himself to that higher 
unity for which Paul could work only amidst continual conflict with yet 
unconquered Judaism. The Gospel of John, therefore, is not a Pauline one, 
but one more transfigured and spiritual, rising with more absolute elevation 
above Judaism than Paul, more tender and thoughtful than his, and also 
more original, but agreeing as to its main ideas with the doctrine dialecti- 
cally wrought out by Paul, though exhibiting these ideas in a tranquil 
height above the strife of opposing principles, and in harmony with the full 
perfection of fundamental Christian doctrine ; and thus communicating for 
all time the essence, light, and life of the eminently catholic tendency and 
destination of Christianity. It represents the true and pure Christian Gnosis, 
though by this we are not to suppose any polemical purpose against the heretical 
Gnostics, as even Irenaeus in his day (iii. 11. 1) indicates the errors of Cerin- 
thus and of the Wicolaitans as those controverted by John, to which Epipha- 
nius’ and Jerome? added also those of the Hbionites, while modern writers 
also have thought that it controverted more or less directly and definitely 
the Gnostic doctrine, especially of Cerinthus.* It is decisive against 
the assumption of any such polemical purpose, that, in general, John 
nowhere in his Gospel allows any direct reference to the perverted tendencies 
of his day tu appear ; while to search for indirect and hidden allusions of 
the kind, as if they were intentional, would be as arbitrary as it would be 
repugnant to the decided character of the apostolic standpoint which he 
took when in conscious opposition to heresies. [See Note II. p. 40.] In 
his First Epistle the apostle controverts the vagaries of Gnosticism, and 
itis improbable that these came in his way only after he had already written 
his Gospel (as Ewald, Jahrb. III. p. 157, assumes) ; but the task of meeting 
this opposition, to which the apostle set himself in his Epistle, cannot have 
been the task of his Gospel, which in its whole character keeps far above 
such controversies. At any rate, we see from his Epistle how John would 
have carried on a controversy, had he wished to do so in his Gospel. The 
development of Gnosticism, as it was in itself a movement which could not 
have failed to appear, lay brooding then, and for some time previously, in 
the whole atmosphere of that age and place ; it appears in John pure, and 
in sententious simplicity and clearness, but ran off, in the heresies of the 
partly contemporancous and partly later formed Gnosticism, into all its 
varied aberrations, amid which it seemed even to derive support by what it 
drew from John. That it has been possible to explain many passages as 
opposed to the Gnostics, as little justifies the assumption of a set purpose of 
this kind, as the interpretation favourable to Gnosticism, which is possible in 
other passages, would justify the inference of an drenical purpose (Liicke) in 
respect of this heresy, since any evpress and precise indication of such tenden- 


1 Haer. li. 12, lxix. 98. lis, Storr, Hug, Kleucker, Schneckenburger, 
2 De vir. illustr. Ebrard, Hengstenberg, and several others. 
3 Erasmus, Melanchthon, Grotius, Michae- 


99 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


cies does not appear. Similarly must we judge the assumption of a polemi- 
cal purpose against the Docetae,' for which some have adduced i. 14, xix. 34. 
xx. 20, 27 ; or an opposition to Hbionism and Judaism ;? or to the plots of 
Jews who had been restored after the destruction of Jerusalem.* At the 
same time, it seems quite arbitrary, nay, injurious to John’s historical fidel- 
‘ity and truth, to set down his omissions of evangelic circumstances to the 
account of a polemical purpose ; as, for example, Schneckenburger, Beitr. 
p- 60 ff., who regards the omission of the agony as based on an anti-Gnostic, 
and the silence as to the transfiguration on the mount on an anti-Docetic 
interest. A controversial reference to the disciples of John * is not supported 
by such passages as i. 6-8, 15, 19-41, 111. 22 ff., v. 33-36, x. 40 f., since the 
unique sublimity of Jesus, even when contrasted with John who was sent by 
God, must have been vindicated by the apostle in the necessary course of 
his history and of his work ; but in these passages no such special purpose 
can be proved, and we must assume that, with any such tendency, expressions 
like that in Matt. xi. 11 would not have been overlooked. Besides, those dis- 
ciples of John who rejected Christ,*® and the Zabacans or Mendeans,* who became 
known in the seventeenth century, were of later origin, while those who appear 
in Acts xviii. 25, xix. 1 ff., were simply not yet accurately acquainted with 
Christ, and therefore as regards them we should have to think only ofa 
tendency to gain these over ;7 but we cannot assume even this, considering 
the utter want of any more precise reference to them in our Gospel. 

Moreover, in general, as to the development of heresy, so far as it was 
conspicuous in that age, and especially in Asia (comp. the Epistles to the 
Galatians and Colossians), we must assume as an internal necessity that 
John, in opposition to its errors, especially those of a Gnostic and Judaizing 
character (according to Hengstenberg, to the inundation of Gentile errors 
into the church), must have been conscious that his Gospel ought to set 
forth the original truth, unobscured by those errors. We must therefore 
admit indeed in general, that the influence of the existing forms of opposi- 
tion to the truth, for which he had to testify, practically contributed to 
determine the shape of his treatise, but only to the extent that, while abid- 
ing solely by his thesis, he provided therein, by its very simplicity, the 
weightiest counterpoise against errors,* without stooping to combat them, or 
even undertaking the defence of the Gospel against them,° his task being 
elevated far above the then existing conflicts of opinion.” This must be 


1Semler, Bertholdt, 
meyer, de Docetis, Hal. 


Eckermann; Nie- 
1823; Schnecken- 


trans. vol. I. p. 58. 
7 Herder, vom Sohne Gottes, p. 24; also de 


burger, Schott, Ebrard. 

2 Jerome, Grotius; Lange, die Judenchris- 
ten, Hbioniten und Nikolaiten d. apost. Zeit. 
Lpz. 1828; Ebrard, and many others. 

3 Aberle in the Tiib. Quartalschr. 1864, p. 
tr. 

4 Grotius, Schlichting, Wolzogen; Over- 
beck, tiber ἃ. Hv. Joh. 1784; Michael., Storr, 
Liitzelberger, and others, also Ewald. 

5 Recogn. Clem. i. 54, 60. 

® Gieseler, Airchengesch. I. i, Ὁ. 76, Eng. 


Wette. 

8 Comp. Reuss, Denkschr. Ὁ. 27. 

9 Seyffarth, Specialcharakterist. Ὁ. 39 f.; 
Schott, Jsag. 8 40; de Wette, Hengstenberg, 
and many others. 

10 Even Baur, p. 378, acknowledges that 
“John’s Gospel stands amid all the opposi- 
tions of the age, without anywhere exhibit- 
ing the definite colour of a temporary or 
local opposition.” But this is really only con- 
ceivable if the Gospel belongs to the apos- 


INTRODUCTION. 39 


maintained, lest on the one hand we degrade the Gospel, in the face of its 
whole character, into a controversial treatise, or on the other hand withdraw 
‘it, as aproduct of mere speculation, from its necessary and cbncrete relations 
to the historical development of the church of that age. 

Seeing that our Gospel serves in manifold ways not only to confirm, but 
moreover, on a large scale (as especially by relating the extra-Galilean jour- 
neys, acts, discourses) as well as in particulars, to complete the synoptic 
accounts, nay, even sometimes (as in determining the day of the crucifixion) 
in important places to correct them, it has been assumed very often, from 
Jerome (comp. already Euseb. iii. 24) downwards, and with various modifi- 
cations even at the present day (Ebrard, Ewald, Weizsiicker, Godet, and 
many others), that this relation to the Synoptics was the designed object of 
the work. Such a view, however, cannot be supported ; for there is not the 
slightest hint in the Gospel itself of any such purpose ; and further, there 
would thus be attributed to it an historico-critical character totally at vari- 
ance with its real nature and its design, as expressly stated, xx. 30,,31, and 
which even as a collateral purpose would be quite foreign to the high spir- 
itual tone, sublime unity, and unbroken compactness of the book. More- 
over, in the repetition of synoptical passages which John gives, there are 
not always any material additions or corrections leading us to suppose a 
confirmatory design, in view of the non-repetition of a great many other and 
more important synoptical narrations. Again, where John diverges from 
parallel synoptical accounts, in the absence of contradictory references (in 
ili, 24 only does there occur a passing note of time of this kind), his inde- 
pendence of the Galilean tradition fully suffices to explain the divergence. 
Finally, in very much that John has not borrowed from the synoptical his- 
tory, and against the truth of which no well-founded doubt can be urged, 
to suppose in such passages any intentional though silent purpose on his 
part to correct, would be equivalent to his rejection of the statements. In 
short, had the design in question exercised any determining influence upon 
the apostle in the planning and composition of his work, he would have ac- 
complished his task in a very strange, thoroughly imperfect, and illogical 
manner. Wemay, on the contrary, take it for granted that he was well 
acquainted with the Galilean tradition,’ and that the written accounts drawn 
from the cycle of that tradition, numbers of which were already in circula- 
tion, and which were especially represented in our Synoptics, were likewise 
sufficiently known to him ; for he presupposes as known the historical exist- 
ence of this tradition in all its essential parts.? But it is precisely his per- 


tolic age, and its author stands upon an 
apostolic elevation ; it is inconceivable if it 
originated in the second century, when 
those oppositions were developing, and had 
already developed into open and deep- 
seated divisions, and where the conditions 
necessary for the production of such a For- 
mula Concordiae were utterly wanting in 
the bosom of the time. 

1 According to Ewald, John only compar- 
ed and made use of what is assumed by 


Ewald to be the ‘oldest Gospel,” ‘the 
collection of discourses,’”’ and ‘‘ the origi- 
nal Mark.’’ But a limitation to these three 
books, considering the number already ex- 
isting (Lukei. 1), is in itself improbable, and 
is all the less demonstrable, that the first 
and third treatises named by Ewald have 
themselves only a very problematical exist- 
ence. 

2See Weizsiicker in the Jahrb. fur 
Deutsche Theol. 1859, p. 691 ff. He goes, how- 


34 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


fect independence of this tradition and its records—keeping in view his aim 
to bring fully out the higher Messianic proof, and the abundant material 
from which his own recollection could so fully draw—which enables us to 
understand the partial coincidence, and still greater divergence, between 
him and the Synoptics, and his entire relation to them generally, which is 
not determined by any special design on his part ; so that the confirmation, 
correction, and enlargement of their narratives often appear as a result of 
which he is conscious, but never as the object which he had sought to ac- 
complish in his treatise. As to any design, so understood, of correcting the 
Synoptics, the silence of John upon many portions of the cycle of synoptic 
narrative is undoubtedly very significant, in so far as the historical truth of 
these in their traditional form would have been of special value for the 
apostle’s purpose. This holds true particularly of the account of the temp- 
tation, the transfiguration, and the ascension as actual occurrences, as well 
as of the cure of demoniacs as such. As criticism, however, is here pledg- 
ed to special caution, so the opposite conclusion—viz. that facts which 
would have been of great importance even for the synoptical Messianic 
proof, but which are recorded only in John, cannot be regarded as origi- 
nally historical in the form in which he gives them—is everywhere inadmis- 
sible, especially where he speaks as an eye-witness, in which capacity he 
must be ranked above Matthew : for Matthew did indeed compose the col- 
lection of discourses which is worked up into the Gospel that bears his 
name, but not the Gospel itself as it lies before us in its gradually’ settled 
canonical form. If, while taking all into account, the complete, unbiassed 
independence of John in relation to the Synoptics, above whom he stands 
distinguished by his exact determination of the succession of time, must be 
preserved intact ; we must at the same time bear in mind that, as the last 
evangelist and apostle, he had to satisfy the higher needs of Christian 
knowledge, called forth by the development of the church in this later 
stage, and thus had boldly to go beyond the range of the whole previous 
Gospel literature. This higher need had reference to that deeper and uni- 
form insight into the peculiar eternal essence of Christianity and its Found- 
er, which John, as no other of his contemporaries, by his richly stored 
experience was fitted and called to impart. He had thus, indeed, as a mat- 
ter of fact, supplemented and partly corrected the carlier evangelists, though 
not to such an extent as to warrant the supposition that this was his delib- 
erate object. For, by giving to the entire written history its fullest comple- 
tion, he took rank far above all who had worked before him ; not doctrinally 
making an advance from πίστις to γνῶσις (Liicke), but, in common with the 
Synoptics, pursuing the same goal of πίστις (xx. 31), yet bringing the 
subject-matter of this common faith to a higher, more uniform, and univer- 
sal stage of the original γνῶσις of its essence than was possible in the earlier 
Gospel histories, composed under diverse relations, which had now passed 


ever, too far, when (Zvang. Gesch. Ὁ. 270) he even more concrete history than the Gos- 
calls the fourth Gospel, without enlargement pels whose range is limited to Galilee. 

from other sources, “a misty picture with- 1 Comp. Keim, Gesch. Jesu, Ὁ. 106 f. 

out reality.” Taken all in all, it contains 


INTRODUCTION. on 


away, and with different and (measured by the standard of John’s fellowship 
_ with Jesus) very inferior resources. ; 

John prosecutes his design, which is to prove that Jesus is the Messiah in 
the sense of the incarnate Logos, by first of all stating this leading idea in 
the prologue, and then exhibiting in well-selected * historical facts its his- 
torical realization in Jesus. This idea, which belongs to the very highest 
Christological view of the world, guided his choice and treatment of facts, 
and brought out more clearly the opposition—which the author had con- 
stantly in view—with unbelieving and hostile Judaism ; but so far from 
detracting from the historical character of the Gospel, it appears rather only 
to be derived from the actual experience of the history, and is in turn con- 
firmed thereby. To defend the Gospel against the suspicion of being a 
free compilation from synoptical materials in subservience to some main 
idea, is, on the one hand, as unnecessary for him who recognizes it as of 
necessity apostolic, and as a phenomenon explicable on/y upon this suppo- 
sition ; as; on the other hand, in the face of the man who can transfer to the 
second century, and ascribe to so late a period so great a creative power of 
Christian thought, such defence, under the altered conditions of the problem, 
has been proved by experience to be impossible. 





SEC. V.—SOURCES, TIME AND PLACE OF WRITING. 


The main source is John himself (1 John i. 1 f.), his own inalienable 
recollection, his experience, his life of fellowship with Christ, continued, 
increased, and preserved in its freshness by the Spirit of truth, together with 
the constant impulse to preach and otherwise orally communicate that sub- 
lime view of the nature and life of Jesus, which determined the essentia 
contents of his work, as a whole and in details. Accordingly, the credibil- 
ity of the work asserts itself as being relatively the highest of all, so that it 
ought to have the deciding voice in case of discrepancies in all essential 
portions, where the author speaks as an eye and ear witness. This also ap- 
plies to the discourses of Jesus, in so far as their truthfulness is to be recog- 
nized, not indeed to all their details and form,—for they were freely repro- 
duced and resuscitated by his after recollection, and under the influence of 
a definite and determining point of view, after the Lord’s thoughts and ex- 


1 Τῇ connection with this, the selection 
made of the miracles of Jesus is specially 
noteworthy. Only one of each kind is 
chosen, viz. one of transformation, ii. 1 ff. ; 
one fever cure, iv. 47 ff.; one cure of lame- 
ness, v. 1 ff.; one feeding, vi. 4 ff. ; one 
walking on the sea, vi. 16 ff. ; one opening 
the eyes of the blind, ix. 1 ff. ; one raising 
from the dead, xi. 1 ff. The number seven 
is hardly accidental, nor yet the exclusion 
of any instance of the casting out of de- 
mons. That a paragraph containing an ac- 
count of an instance of casting out has 


fallen out after chap. v. (Ewald), finds no 
support in the connection of chap. v. and 
vi. or elsewhere, and has left no trace ap- 
preciable by criticism in evidence of its ex- 
isteuce; while that completed number 
seven, to which an eighth miracle would 
thus be added, is against it. This number 
seven is evidently based upon 3+-3-+-1,—viz. 
three miracles of nature, three of healing, 
and one of raising the dead. An eighth 
miracle was only added in the appendix, 
chap. xxi., after the book was finished, 


36 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


pressions had by a lengthened process of elaboration been blended with his 
own, which thus underwent a transfiguration,—but as to the subject-matter 
and its characteristic clothing and thoughtful changes and variations, in all 
their simplicity and dignity. Their truthfulness is, I say, all the more to 
be recognized, the more inwardly and vividly the apostle in particular stood 
in harmony with his Lord’s mind and heart. So familiar was he with the 
character and nature of Christ’s discourses, and so imbued with His spirit, 
that even the reflections of his own which he intertwines, as well as his 
Epistle, nay, even the discourses-of the Baptist, bear one and the same 
stamp ; a fact, however, which only places the essential originality of the 
Johannean discourses so much the more above suspicion.’ 

In those portions in which we have no vouchers for personal testimony, 
the omission is sufficiently supplied, by the author’s connection with Christ 
and his fellow-apostles (as well as with Mary), and by the investigations 
which we may assume he made, because of his profound interest in the sub- 
ject ; and by the living, harmonious, and comprehensive view of Christ’s 
life and work with which he was inspired, and which of itself must have led 
to the exclusion of any strange and interpolated features. 

The supposition that in his own behoof he made use of notes taken by him- 
self (so Bertholdt, Wegscheider, Schott, and others), does not, indeed, con- 
tradict the requirements of a living apostolic call, but must be subordinated 
so as to be compatible with the unity of spirit and mould of the whole work ; 
a unity which is the gradually ripened and perfected fruit of a long life of 
recollection, blending all particulars in one true and bright collective picture, 
under the guidance of the Divine Spirit as promised by Christ Himself (xiv. 
26). 

The synoptical tradition was known to John, and his Gospel presupposes 
it. He was also certainly acquainted with the evangelic writings which 
embodied it—those at least that were already widely spread and held in 
esteem ; but all this was not his sowrce properly so called : his book itself is 
proof enough that, in writing it, he was independent of this, and stood above 
all the then existing written and traditional authorities. He has preserved 
this independence even in the face of Matthew’s collection of discourses and 
Mark’s Gospel, both of which doubtless he had read, and which may have 
suggested to him, unintentionally and unsought for on his part, many ex- 
pressions in his own independent narrative, but which can in no way inter- 
fere with its apostolic originality.2 We cannot determine whether he like- 
wise knew the somewhat more recent Gospel of Luke (Keim and others) ; 


1 Ewald, Jahrb. 11. p. 163 f. : ‘* As, under 
the Old Covenant, it is precisely the earliest 
prophets who are the strictest and purest 
interpreters of Him who, though never vis- 
ible in bodily form, yet moves, lives, and 
speaks in them as if He were; so at the 
very close of the New Testament a similar 
phenomenon reappears, when the Logos 
comes on the scene in bright and clear 
manifestation. The Spirit of the historical 


Christ was concentrated in His former fa- 
miliar disciple in the most compact strength 
and transparent clearness, and now streams 
forth from him over this later world, which 
had never yet so understood Him. The 
mouth of John is for this world the mouth 
of the glorified Christ, and the full histor- 
ical resuscitation of that Logos who will 
not reappear till the end of all things.” 
2 Comp. Ewald, Gesch. Christi, Ὁ. 127 ff. 


INTRODUCTION. 37 


for the points of contact between the two are conceivable upon the suppo- 
sition of their writing independently side by side, especially as Luke had a 
" rich range of sources, which are to us for the most part unknown. That 
John likewise knew the Gospel of the Hebrews is not made probable by the 
saying which he records concerning ‘‘ the birth from above.” The combina- 
tion, on that account, of this saying with the corresponding quotation made 
by Justin and the Clementines (see above, sec. ii.) rests upon the very pre- 
carious premiss that both of these cite from the Gospel of the Hebrews. 

As to the question whence John derived his representation of the divine 
element in Christ as the Logos, see on chap. 1. 1. | 

As to the PLACE where the gospel, which was certainly written in Greek, 
not in Aramaic (against Salmasius, Bolten, and partly Bertholdt), was com- 
posed, the earliest tradition’ distinctly names Hphesus ; and the original 
document is said to have been preserved there to a late period, and to have 
been the object of believing veneration (Chron. Pasch. p. xi. 411, ed. Dind.). 
By this decision as to the place we must abide, because the Gospel itself 
bears upon its very face proofs of its author’s remoteness from Palestine, 
and from the circle of Jewish life, along with references to cultured Greek 
readers ; and because the life of the apostle himself, as attested by the 
history of the church, speaks decidedly for Ephesus. The tradition that 
he wrote at Patmos (Pseudo-Hippolytus, Theophylact, and many others, 
also Hug) is a later one, and owes its origin to the statement that the 
Apocalypse was written on that island. With this, the tradition which 
tries to reconcile the two, by supposing that John dictated his Gospel in Pat- 
mos and published it at Ephesus (Pseudo-Athanasius, Dorotheus), loses all 
its value.—The assumption that a long time elapsed before it gained any 
wide circulation, and that it remained within the circle of the apostle’s 
friends ‘in Ephesus, at whose request a very ancient tradition (Canon Mu- 
ratori, Clement of Alexandria, in Euseb. vi. 14) makes him to have written 
it, is not indeed sanctioned by the silence of Papias concerning it (Credner), 
but receives confirmation by the fact that the appendix, chap. xxi., is found 
in all the oldest testimonies,—leading us to conclude that its publication in 
more distant circles, and dissemination through multiplication of copies, 
did not take place till after this addition. 

As to the ΤΙΜῈ of its composition, the earliest testimonies (Irenaeus, 
Clement of Alex., Origen) go to prove that John wrote subsequently to 
the Synoptics, and (Irenaeus) not till after the deaths of Peter and Paul. 
A later and more precise determination of the time,’ in the advanced old 


1 Already in Iren. iii. 1, Clement of Alex., 
Origen, Eusebius, etc. 

2 Epiphanius, Haer. li. 12. Διὸ ὕστερον 
ἀναγκάζει τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα Tov Ἰωάννην παραι- 
τούμενον εὐαγγελίσασϑαι δι᾽ εὐλάβειαν καὶ τα- 


᾿Ασίας ἀναγκάζεται ἐκϑέσϑαι τὸ 
εὐαγγέλιον. These last words are not 
corrupt, nor is ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ασίας to be joined 
with ἀναγκάζεται as if it meant ab Asiae epie- 
copis (Liicke); but we must render them, 


πεινοφροσύνην, ἐπὶ TH γηραλέᾳ αὐτοῦ ἡλικίᾳ, 
μετὰ ἔτη ἐνενήκοντα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ζωῆς, μετὰ τὴν 
αὐτοῦ ἀπὸ τῆς Πάτμου ἐπάνοδον τὴν ἐπὶ KAav- 
δίου γενομένην Καίσαρος, καὶ μετὰ ἱκανὰ 
ἔτη τοῦ διατρίψαι αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς 


‘‘and many years after he had lived away 
from Asia, he was obliged,” etc.,—thus 
taking the words in their essential sense, 
“many years after his extra-Asiatic so- 
journ,’? many years after his return from 


38 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


age of the apostle, is connected with the desire to ascribe to the Gospel an 
anti-heretical design, and therefore loses its critical weight. The follow- 
ing points may perhaps be regarded as certain, resulting as they do from a 
comparison of this tradition with historical circumstances and with the Gos- 
pel itself. As John certainly did not settle in Ephesus until after St. Paul’s 
removal from his Asiatic sphere of labour, nor indeed, doubtless, until after 
the destruction of Jerusalem, where until then John resided: as, further, the 
estrangement from Palestinian conditions, so evident in the Gospel, implies 
an already prolonged residence away from Palestine ; as the elaborate view 
of the Logos is a post-Pauline phase of the apprehension and exposition of 
Christ’s higher nature, and suggests a longer familiarity with philosophical 
influences ; as the entire character and nature of the book, its clearness 
and depth, its calmness and completeness, most probably indicate the ma- 
tured culture and clarifying influence of riper years, without, however, in 
the least degree suggesting to us the weakness of old age,—we must put 
the composition not before the destruction of Jerusalem (Lampe, Wegschei- 
der), but a considerable time after ; for if that catastrophe had been still 
fresh in the recollection of the writer, in the depths of its first impression, 
it could hardly, on psychological grounds, have escaped express mention 
in the book. No such express reference to it occurs ; but if, notwithstand- 
ing, Jerusalem and its environs are to be regarded, and that rightly, as in 
ruins, and in the distant backyround of the apostle’s view, the ἣν in xi. 18, 
xvii. 1, xix. 41, reads more naturally than if accounted for from the mere 
context of historical narration, while on the other hand the ἐστι in v. 2 may 
retain its full appropriateness. If a year is to be definitely named, A.D. 80? 
may be suggested as neither too far preceding or following 10." 





Yote.—As to PLAN, the Gospel divides itself into the following sections :— 
After the prologue, i. 1-18, which at once sets before the reader the lofty point 
of view of the most sacred history, the revelation of the glory of the only-be- 
gotten Son of the Father (which constitutes the theme of the Gospel, i. 14) 
begins, first through John the Baptist, and its manifestation onwards to the 


Patmos. The genitive τοῦ διατρίψαι αὐτὸν 
ἀπὸ τ. ᾿Ασίας, denotes the dwelling away, 
etc., as the point of departure from which 
the ἱκανὰ ἔτη begin to run. See Kiihner, 
Il. pp. 164, 514. Comp. Bernhardy, p. 138. 

1 There therefore lies between the Apoc- 
alypse and the Gospel a space of from ten 
to twelve years. Considering the maturity 
of mind which the apostle, who was already 
aged in the year 70, must have attained, this 
space was too short to effect sucha change 
of view and of language as we must sup- 
pose if the apocalyptist was also the evan- 
gelist. This also against Tholuck, p. 11. 

2 Tt is evident from the distinctive and in- 
ternal characteristics of the Gospel, and es- 
pecially from the form of its ideas, that it 
was written after the downfall of the Jew- 
ish state and the labours of St. Paul; but 


we cannot go so far as to find reflected in 
it precisely the beginning of the second 
century (i.e. a time only 20 or 30 years later), 
nor to argue therefrom the non-apostolic 
origin of the Gospel (and of the Epistle). 
The interval is too short, and our knowledge 
of church movements, especially of Gnosti- 
cism, so far as they might be said to belong, 
at least in their stages of impulse and de- 
velopment, to the beginning only of the new 
century, and not to the two or three preced- 
ing decades of years, is not sufficiently 
special and precise. This tells, at the same 
time, against Keim, Gesch. J. I. p. 147 ff. 
How can it be said, on any reliable grounds, 
that the Gospel discloses the state of the 
church about the year 100, but not the state 
of the church about the year 80? 


INTRODUCTION. 39 


first miracle, and as yet without any opposition of unbelief, down to ii. 11. 
Then (2) this self-revelation passes on to publicity, and progresses in action 
and teaching amid the contrast of belief and unbelief, on to another and greater 
miracle, ii, 12-iv. 54. Further, (3) new miracles of the Lord’s in Judea and 
Galilee, with the discourses occasioned thereby, heighten that contrast, caus- 
ing among the Jews a desire to persecute and even kill Him, and among His 
disciples many to fall away, v.-vi. 71. After this, (4) unbelief shows itself 
even among the brothers of Jesus ; the self-revelation of the Only-begotten of 
the Father advances in words and deeds to the greatest miracle of all, that of 
the raising of the dead, by which, however, while many believe upon Him, tho 
hostility of unbelief is urged on to the decisive determination to put Him to 
death, vii.—-ix. 57. There ensues, (5)in and upon the carrying out of this de- 
termination, the highest self-revelation of Christ's divine glory, which finally 
gains its completed victory in the resurrection, xii.-xx.' Chap. xxi. is an appen- 
dix. Many other attempts have been made to exhibit the plan of the book ; 
on which see Luthardt, I. p, 255 ff., who (comp. also his treatise, De composit. 
ev. Joh., Norimb. 1852 ; before this Késtlin, in the Theol. Juhrb. 1851, p. 194 
ff., and afterwards Keim, Gesch. J. I. p. 115 1.) endeavours on his part to carry 
out a threefold division of the whole and of the several parts ; and in Godet, 
Comment. I. p. 111. The arrangement which approaches most nearly to the 
above is that of Ewald, Jahrb. 111. p. 168, comp. VIII. 109, and Johann. 
Schr, I. p. 18 ff. In every mode of division, the opposition of the world’s 
ever-increasing unbelief and hatred to the revelation of the divine glory in 
Christ, and to faith in Him, must ever be held fast, as the thread which runs 
systematically through the whole. Comp. Godet,! as before, 


Notes py American Eprror. 
I. The Apocalypse. Page 22. 


This is of course no place for controverting at length Meyer's very positive 
view of the non-Johannean authorship of the Apocalypse. I may adduce two 
or three suggestions, remarking that his view is rejected by many of the ablest 
scholars, who maintain the identity in authorship of the two works. As to out- 
ward evidence, the thread of direct testimony in the early church is nearly un- 
broken, including Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, and the 
Muratorian Fragment ; and indirect testimony is by no means wanting. The 
difference in the style is explicable from the difference in the subject matter 
and in the two classes of composition. The account of a succession of vivid 
symbolical scenes, drawing in all the agencies of nature, and shifting rapidly 
between earth and heaven, in the midst of which the author stands, could scarce- 
ly fail to differ widely in style from the narration of a series of quiet historical 


1 Who (p. 121) gives what he calls the 
“ photographie deV histoire’ as follows: ‘‘ La 
foi nait, i-iv. ; V’incrédulité domine, v.-xii. ; 
la foi atteint sa perfection relative, xiii- 
Xvil.; l’inerédulité se consomme, xviii., 
xix.; la foi triomphe, xx. (xxi.)’? Such 
special abstract designations of place give 
too varied play to the subjectivities, still 


more so the subdivision of the several 
main parts, as by Ewald especially, and 
Keim, with different degrees of skill; but 
the latter considers that his threefold divi- 
sion and subdivision of the two halves 
(i.-xii., xiii.-xx.) ‘‘has its rootin the absolute 
ground of the divine mystery of the number 
three,”’—a lusus ingenii. 


40 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


events long past by. As to grammatical construction, the very excitement of 
’ the grand dramatic scene would naturally lead, in one not a native to the lan- 
guage, to the merging of grammatical niceties in forcible, if inaccurate, diction. 
The book itself furnishes abundant evidence that, as to style, the writer ‘‘ knew’’ 
better than he ‘builded ;” that his errors are not errors of ignorance of the 
usages which he sometimes so daringly violates (as witness the ἀπὸ ὁ ὦν, καὶ ὁ 
ἦν, καὶ ὁ ἐρχόμενος). On grounds of intrinsic fitness, too, it would seem eminently 
natural that the beloved disciple who had witnessed personally one prefigured 
coming of his Master in His kingdom, and been half promised that he should 
wait to behold yet another coming of the Lord, should be selected to give to the 
church this magnificent outline of the pivotal epochs of its history and ,reveal- 
ing of its final glory. While much in the book is mysterious and as yet unray- 
elled, enough has yielded itself to the labors of devout exegesis to assure us that 
the whole is one of the richest products of inspiration, worthy alike of its 
author, its medium, and its destination. The ‘‘Conquering Hero” of the 
Apocalypse (xix. 11-16), the ‘‘“ WORD of God”’ is that ‘‘ Word” of the opening 
of the Gospel, who ‘was in the beginning with God.”’ 

Weiss, Meyer’s German editor, also dissents from his conclusions regarding 
the relation of the Gospel to the Apocalypse. He holds that, especially through 
Justin Martyr and Papias, the attestations to the apostolic origin of the Apoc- 
alypse are earlier and more direct in the church than to that of the Gospel. He 
thinks the absence of the Apocalypse from the Peshito may be due rather to: 
other reasons (as dislike of its chiliasm) than doubts of its apostolic origin. 
He holds that the fundamental diversity of the two writings in tendency and 
contents allows but a limited comparison between them ; that they are sepa- 
rated by an interval of twenty years, in which the author was removed from 
Palestine to Asia Minor, from the sphere of Jewish to that of Gentile Chris- 
tianity, with the intervening shock of the destruction of Jerusalem, with its 
many and far-reaching changes ; and that finally, in spite of all ditferences, there 
exist such remarkable coincidences in essential and fundamental thoughts, as 
well as in individual forms of doctrine, images, expressions, and linguistic pecu- 
liarities, as, while not proving identity of authorship, allow the apostolical au- 
thorship of each to be discussed and maintained without prejudice to the claims 
of the other. 


II. Anti-Gnostic purpose inthe Gospel. Page 31. 


‘Meyer declares himself against any anti-Gnostic polemical purpose in the 
Gospel, since it nowhere discloses any direct design to combat perverted sec- 
tarian developments, and to look for indirect and concealed references, as 
intended, were alike arbitrary and opposed to the decided character of the 
apostolic position in its known hostility to heresies. But when he concedes that 
the Apostle in his first Epistle assails Gnostic perversions, and that these have 
not first come within his sphere of action after the composition of his Gospel 
(as Ewald, Jahrb. iii. p. 157, assumes), it is exceedingly probable that his purpose, 
by his historical portraiture to establish and confirm the true knowledge of 
Christ’s deepest nature, is partly conditioned by the threatening aspect in this 
direction of the germinating Gnosis. For that the antagonism to this Gnosis 
should not come out in the same way in the Gospel as in the Epistle, lies in 
the very character of the Gospel narrative, if it would not blend fictitious 
elements with its narratives and discourses,’’—Weiss, 


CHAP. I. 41 


9 Vie | , 
EvayyéXiov ματα Ilwavrvny. 


B. x. have merely κατὰ ᾿Ιωάνν. Others : τὸ κατὰ ᾿Ιωάνν. (ἅγιον) evayy. 
Others : ἐκ τοῦ x. Ἰωάνν. Others: evayy. ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ Ἰωάνν. See on Mat- 
thew. 


CHAPTER. I. 


Ver. 4. ζωὴ ἢν] D. 8. Codd. in Origen and Augustine, It. (Germ. Foss. ex- 
cepted), Sahidic, Syr.- Clem. Valentt. in Ir. Hilary, Ambrose, Vigil. : ζωῇ ἐστιν. 
So Lachm. and Tisch. Generalization in connection with the words : ὁ yéy. ἐν 
αὐτῷ, ζωὴ ἣν, and perhaps in comparison with 1 John τ. 11.— Ver. 16. καὶ ἐκ] 
B. C.* Ὁ. L. Χ. δὰ, 33. Copt. Aeth. Arm. Ver. Vere. Corb. Or. and many Fathers 
and Schol. : ὅτε ἐκ. So Griesb., Lachm., Tisch. ; ὅτι is to be preferred on 
account of the preponderating evidence in its favour, and because ver. 16 
was very early (Heracl. and Origen) regarded as a continuation of the Bap- 
tist’s discourse, and the directly continuous καὶ naturally suggested itself, 
and was inserted instead of the less simple ὅτι. —Ver. 18. υἱός] B. C.* L. 
ὃς, 33. Copt. Syr. Aeth. and many Fathers: θεός. Dogmatic gloss in imita- 
tion of ver. 1 whereby not only υἱός, but the article before povoy. (which 
Tisch. deletes), was also (in the Codd. named) suppressed. The omission of 
υἱός (Origen, Opp. IV. 102; Ambrose, ep. 10) is not sufficiently supported, and 
might easily have been occasioned by ver. 14. — Ver. 19. After ἀπέστειλαν, B. 
C.* Min. Chrys. and Verss. have πρὸς αὐτόν. So Lachm., an addition which 
other Codd. and Verss. insert after Aevitac. — Ver. 20. οὐκ εἰμὶ ἐγώ] A. B. 
C.* L. X. A. 8. 33. Verss. and Fathers have: ἐγὼ οὔκ ei. So Lachm., Tisch. 
Rightly, on account of the preponderating evidence. Comp. iii. 28, where οὐκ 
εἰμὶ ἐγώ is attested by decisive evidence. — Ver. 22. The od» after εἶπον (Lachm. 
Tisch. read εἶπαν) is deleted by Lachm., following B. C. Syr. °",—testimonies 
which are all the less adequate, considering how easily the οὖν, which is not in 
itself necessary, might have been overlooked after the final syllable of eixov.! — 
Ver. 24. The article before ἀπεσταλμ. is wanting in A.* B. C.* L. &.* Origen 
(once), Nonn. Perhaps a mere omission on the part of the transcriber, if ἄπεστ. 
ἦσαν were taken together; but perhaps intentional, for some (Origen and 
Nonn.) have here supposed a second deputation. The omission is therefore 
doubly suspicious, though Tisch. also now omits the art. — Ver. 25. Instead 
of the repeated oi 7 e, we must, with Lachm., Tisch., following A. B..C. L. X. 8. 
Min. Origen, read ovdé. — Ver. 26. dé after μέσος must, with Tisch., on weighty 
testimony (B.C. L. δὲ, etc.), be deleted, having been added as a connecting 


1 Matthaei, ed. min. ad x. 89, well says: transposuerunt. Accedunt interpretes, qui 
**in nullo libro scribae ita vexarunt partic- cum demum locum aliquem tractant, 1185 
ulas καί, δέ, οὖν, πάλιν... quam in hoe  particulas in principio modo addunt, modo 
evangelio. Modo temere inculcarunt, mo- omittuut.” 


do permutarunt, modo omiserunt, modo 


42 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


particle. — Ver. 27. Against the words αὐτός ἔστιν (for which G. Min. Chrys. 
read οὗτός ἐστιν) and ὃς ἔμπροσθέν μου γέγονεν the testimonies are so 
ancient, important, and unanimous, that they must be rejected together. 
Lachm. has bracketed them, Tisch. deletes them. αὐτός ἐστιν is an unneces- 
sary aid to the construction, and ὃς ἔμπρ. mov γέγονεν. (though defended by 
Ewald) is a completion borrowed from vv, 15, 30. — Ver. 28. ByQaviq] Elz.: 
Βηθαβαρᾷ (adopted of late by Hengstenberg), against conclusive testimony, but 
following Syr.c« and Origen (Opp. 11. 130), who himself avows that σχεδὸν ἐν 
πᾶσι τοῖς ἀντιγράφοις is found Byfavia, yet upon geographical grounds decides in 
favour of Βηλαβαρᾷ, - ἃ consideration by which criticism cannot be bound. 
See the exegetical notes. — Ver. 29, After βλέπει Elz. has ὁ ᾿Ιωάνν., against the 
best testimonies. Beginning of a church lesson. — Ver. 32. ὡς] Hz. : ὡσεί, 
against the oldest and most numerous Codd. See Matt. iii. 16 ; Luke iii, 22. 
—Ver, 37. ἤκουσ. αὐτοῦ] Tisch., following B. &., puts αὐτοῦ after μαθητ. ; 
C.* L. X. Τοῦ have it after δύο. The Verss. also have this variation of position, 
which must, however, be regarded as the removal of the αὐτοῦ, made more or 
less mechanically, in imitation of ver. 35. — Ver. 40. ide7e] B. C.* L. Τὸ 
Min. Syr. utr. Origen, Tisch.: ὄψεσθε. Correctly ; the words which immedi- 
ately follow and ver. 47 (comp. xi. 34) make it much more likely that the tran- 
seriber would write ἴδετε for ὄψεσθε than vice versa. After dpa Elz. has dé, 
against which are the weightiest witnesses, and which has been interpolated 
as a connecting link. — Ver. 49. ᾽Τω να] Lachm. : ‘louvov, after B.; the same 
variation in xxi. 15-17. We must, with Tisch., after B.* L. 8. 33, read Ἴω ἀ ν- 
νου. Comp. Nonnus: υἱὸς "Iwavvao, The Textus Receptus has arisen from 
Matt. xvi. 17. —- Ver. 44. After ἠθέλησεν Elz. has ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς, which the best 
authorities place after αὐτῷ. Beginning of a church lesson. — Ver. δ2. ἀπάρτι] 
wanting in B. L. δὲ. Copt. Aeth. Arm. Vulg. It. and some Fathers, also in Origen, 
Deleted by Lachm. Tisch. Omitted, because it seemed inappropriate to the 
following words, which were taken to refer to actual angelic appearances. 


Ver. 1. Ἔν ἀρχῇ] John makes the beginning of his Gospel parallel with 
that of Genesis ;! but he rises above the historical conception of MW%83, 
which (Gen. i. 1) includes the beginning of time itself, to the absolute con- 
ception of anteriority to time: the creation is something subsequent, ver. 
3. Prov. villi. 23, ἐν ἀρχῇ πρὸ τοῦ τὴν γῆν ποιῆσαι, is parallel ; likewise, πρὸ 
τοῦ τὸν κόσμον εἶναι, John xvii. 53; πρὸ καταβολῆς κόσμου, Eph. i, 4. Comp. 
Nezach Israel, f. 48, 1: Messias erat S¥ 255 (ante Tohu). The same idea 
we find already in the book of Enoch, xlviii. 3 f., 6 f., Ixil. 7,—a book 
which (against Hingenfeld and others) dates back into the second century 
B.c. (Dilm., Ewald, and others). The notion, in itself negative, of ante- 
riority to time (aypovoc ἦν, ἀκίχητος, ἐν ἀῤῥήτῳ λόγος ἀρχῇ, Nonnus), is in a 
popular way affirmatively designated by the ἐν ἀρχῇ as “primeval ;” the 
more exact dogmatic definition of the ἀρχή as “‘ eternity’ is a correct devel- 
opment of John’s meaning, but not strictly what he himself says. Comp. 1 
Johni. 1; Rev. iii. 14. The Valentinian notion, that ἀρχή was a divine 


1 See Hoelemann, de evangelit Joh. introitu 2Theodor. Mopsuest., Euthym. Zig. ; 
introitus Genescos augustiore effigie, Leipsic comp. Theophylact. 
1855, p. 26 ff. 


CHAP. 1, 1. 43 


Hypostasis distinct from the Father and the λόγος (Iren. Haer. i. 8. 5), and 
_ the Patristic view, that it was the divine σοφία (Origen) or the everlasting 

’ Father (Cyril. Al.), rest, upon speculations altogether unjustified by cor- 
rect exegesis.1— ἣν] was, existed. John writes historically, looking back 
from the later time of the incarnation of the λόγος (ver. 14). But he does 
not say, “Τὰ the beginning the λόγος caine into existence,” for he does not 
conceive the generation (comp. μονογενής) according to the Arian view of 
creation, but according to that of Paul, Col. i. 15.—6 λόγος] the Word ; 
for the reference to the history of the creation leaves room for no other 
meaning (therefore not Reason). John assumes that his readers under- 
stand the term, and, notwithstanding its great importance, regards every 
additional explanation of it as superfluous. Hence those interpretations 
fall of themselves to the ground, which are unhistorical, and imply any sort 
of a substitution, such as (1) that ὁ λόγος is the same as ὁ λεγόμενος, ““ the 
promised one;”® (2) that it stands for ὁ λέγων, ‘‘ the speaker” (Storr, Eckerm., 
Justi, and others). Not less incorrect (3) is Hofmann’s interpretation (Schrift- 
beweis, I. 1, p. 109 f.) : ““ὁ λόγος is the word of God, the Gospel, the person- 
al subject of which however, namely Christ, is here meant :” against which 
view it is decisive, first, that neither in Rev. xix. 13, nor elsewhere in the 
N. T., is Christ called ὁ λύγος merely as the subjeet-matter of the word ; sec- 
ondly, that in John, ὁ λόγος, without some additional definition, never once 
occurs as the designation of the Gospel, though it is often so used by Mark 
(ii. 2, iv. 14, al.), Luke (i. 2; Acts xi. 19, a/.), and Paul (Gal. vi. 6 ; 1 Thess. 
i. 6) ; thirdly, that in the context, neither here (see especially ver. 14) nor 
in 1 John i. 1 (see especially ὃ ἑωράκαμεν. . . καὶ αἱ χεῖρες ἡμῶν ἐψηλάφησαν) 
does it seem allowable to depart in ὁ λόγος from the immediate designation 
of the personal subject,* while this immediate designation, 7.e. of the creative 
Word, is in our passage, from the obvious parallelism with the history of the 
creation, as clear and definite as it was appropriate it should be at the very 
commencement of the work. These reasons also tell substantially against 
the turn which Luthardt has given to Hofmann’s explanation : ‘‘ ὁ λόγος is 
the word of God, which in Christ, Heb. i. 1, has gone forth into the world, and 
the substance of which was His own person.”* The investigation of the Logos 
idea can lead to atrue result only when pursued by the path of history. 
But here, above -all, history points us to the O. T.,° and most directly to 
Gen. i., where the act of creation is effected by God speaking. The reality 
contained in this representation, anthropomorphic as to its form, of the rev- 
elation of Himself made in creation by God, who is in His own nature hid- 
den, became the root of the Logos idea. The Word as creative, and em- 


1 Quite opposed to correct exegesis, 
although in a totally different direction, is 
the rendering of the Socinians (see Catech. 
Racov. Ὁ. 185, ed. Oeder), that ἐν ἀρχῇ sig- 
nifies in initio evangelii. 

2 Valla, Beza, Ernesti, Tittm., etc. 

8 See, with reference to 1 Johni. 1 (in op- 
‘position to Beyschlag’s impersonal inter- 
pretation), besides Diisterdieck and Huther, 


Johansson, de aeterna Christi pracenxist. sec. 
ev. Joh., Lundae 1866, p. 29 f. 

4See, on the other hand, Baur in the 
Theol. Jahrb. 1854, p. 206 ff. ; Lechler, apost. 
u. nachapost. Zeit. p. 215; Gess, v. d. Person 
Chr. p. 116; Kahnis, Dogmat. I. p. 466. 

5 See ROhricht in the Stud. u. Krit. 1868, 
p. 299 ff. ‘ 


44 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


bodying generally the divine will, is personified in Hebrew poetry (Ps. 
Xxxili. 6, evil. 20, cxlvil. 15; Isa. lv. 10, 11) ; and consequent upon this 
concrete and independent representation, divine attributes are predicated 
of it (Ps. xxxiv. 4 ; Isa. xl. 8; Ps. cxix. 105), so far as it was at the same 
time the continuous revelation of God in law and prophecy. A way was 
thus paved for the hypostatizing of the λόγος as a further step in the knowl- 
edge of the relations in the divine essence ; but this advance took place 
gradually, and only after the captivity, so that probably the oriental doc- 
trine of emanations, and subsequently the Pythagoreanized Platonism, were 
not without influence upon what was already given in germ in Gen. i. An- 
other form of the conception, however, appears,—not the original one of 
the Word, but one which was connected with the advanced development of 
ethical and teleological reflection and the needs of the Theodicy,—that of 
wisdom (WIN), of which the creative word was an expression, and which 
in the book of Job (xxviii. 12 ff.) and Proverbs (viii., ix.), in Eccles. i. 
1-10, xxiv. 8, and Baruch iii. 37-iv. 4, is still set forth and depicted under 
the form of a personification, yet to such a degree that the portrayal more 
closely approaches that of the Hypostasis, and all the more closely as it ceases 
to maintain the elevation and boldness of the ancient poesy. The actual 
transition of the σοφία into the Hypostasis occurs in the book of Wisdom vii, 
7—-xi., where wisdom (manifestly under the influence of the idea of the Pla- 
tonic soul of the world, perhaps also of the Stoic conception of an all-per- 
vading world-spirit) appears as a being of light proceeding essentially from 
God,—the true image of God, co-occupant of the divine throne,—a real and 
independent principle revealing God in the world (especially in Israel), and 
mediating between it and Him, after it has, as His organ, created the world, 
in association with-a spirit among whose many predicates povoyevéc’ also is 
named, vii. 99, The divine λόγος also appears again in the book of Wisdom, 
ix. 1, comp. ver. 2, but only in the O. T. sense of a poetically personified 
declaration of God’s will, either in blessing (xvi. 12, comp. Ps. evil. 20) or 
in punishing (xviii. 15). While, then, in the Apocrypha the Logos repre- 
sentation retires before the development of the idea of wisdom,* it makes 
itself the more distinctly prominent in the Chaldee Paraphrasts, especially 
Onkelos.*- The Targums, the peculiarities of which rest on older traditions, 
exhibit the Word of God, 813") or 81535, as the divinely revealing Hypos- 
tasis, identical with the ΤΠ} 2 which was to be revealed in the Messiah, 
Comp. Schoettg. Hor. 11. p. 53; Bertholdt, Christol. p. 121. Thus there 
runs through entire Judaism under various forms of conception (comp. es- 


1 Comp. vii. 25, where it is said of wisdom, rightly abandoned this interpretation. 


ἀπόῤῥοια τῆς TOU παντοκράτορος δόξης εἰλικρινής. 
Μονογενές should not have been rendered 
single (Bauerm., Liicke, Bruch, after the 
early writers), which it neither is nor is re- 
quired to be by the merely formal contrast 
to πολυμερές. This idea single, as answering 
to the following πολυμερές, would have been 
expressed by μονομερές (Luc. Calumn. 6). 
Also Grimm (exeget. Handb. p. 152) has now 


2 See especially Grimm, in loc. ; Bruch, 
Weisheitsiehre ad. Hebr. Ὁ. 347 ff. Comp. also 
Eccles. xliii. 46. 

3 Wisdom as appearing in Christ is men- 
tioned in N. T. also, in Luke xi. 49, comp. 
Matt. xi. 19. 

4 See Gfrorer, Gesch. d. Urchristenth. Τ. 1, Ὁ. 
801 ff. ; Winer, De Onkel. p. 44f.; Anger, De 
Onkel, 11. 1846. 


CHAP. T.,/ 1 45 


pecially the 717 qs in the O. T. from Gen. xvi., Ex. xxiii. downwards, 
frequently named, especially in Hosea, Zechariah, and Malachi, as the rep- 
‘resentative of the self-revealing God), the idea that God never reveals 
Himself directly, but mediately, that is, does not reveal His hidden invisi- 
ble essence, but only a manifestation of Himself (comp. especially Ex. 
Xxxili. 12-23) : and this idea, modified however by Greek, and particularly 
Platonic and Stoic speculation, became a main feature in the Judaeo-Alex- 
andrine philosophy, as set forth in ῬΉΤΙ,Ο, an older contemporary of Jesus.’ 
According to the intellectual development, so rich in its results, which Philo 
gave to the transmitted Jewish doctrine of Wisdom, the Logos is the com- 
prehension or sum-total of. all the divine energies, so far as these are either 
hidden in the Godhead itself, or have come forth and been disseminated in 
the world (λόγος σπερματικός). As immanent in God, containing within it- 
self the archetypal world, which is conceived as the real world-ideal (νοητὸς 
κόσμος), it is, while not yet outwardly existing, like the immanent reason in 
men, the λόγος ἐνδιάθετος ; but when in creating the world it has issued 
forth from God, it answers to the λόγος προφορικός, as with man the 
word when spoken is the manifestation of thought. Now the λόγος 7 po- 
φοριεκός is the comprehension or sum-total of God’s active relations to the 
world ; so that creation, providence, the communication of all physical and 
moral power and gifts, of all life, ight, and wisdom from God, are its work, 
not being essentially different in its attributes and workings from the σοφία 
and the Divine Spirit itself. Hence it is the image of the Godhead, the 
eldest and first-begotten (πρεσβύτατος, πρωτόγονος) Son of God, the possessor 
of the entire divine fulness, the Mediator between God and the world, the 
λόγος τομεύς, δημιουργός, ἀρχιερεύς, ἱκέτης, πρεσβευτῆς, the apyayyedoc, the δεύτερος 
ϑεός, the substratum of all Theophanies, also the Messiah, though ideally 
apprehended only asa Theophany, not as a conerete incarnate personality ; 
for an incarnation of the Logos is foreign to Philo’s system.? There is no 
doubt that Philo has often designated and described the Logos as a Person, 
although, where he views it rather as immanent in God, he applies himself 
more to describe a power, and to present it as an attribute. There is, how- 
ever, no real ground for inferring, with some (Keferst., Zeller), from this 
variation in his representation, that Philo’s opinion wavered between person- 
ality and ‘impersonality ; rather, as regards the question of subsistence in 
its bearing upon Philo’s Logos,* we must attribute to him no separation be- 
tween the subsistence of God and the Logos, as if there came forth a Person 


1 See especially Gfrorer, I. 243 ff. ; Dahne, 
Jiidisch-Alex, Religionsphil. I. 114 ff. ; Gross- 
mann, Quaestion. Phiion., Lpz. 1829 ; Scheffer, 
Quaest. Phil. Marb, 1829, 1831; Keferstein, 
Philo’s Lehre von dem géttl. Mittelwesen, 
Lpz. 1846; Ritter, Gesch. d.'Philos. IV. 
418 ff.; Zeller, Philos. ἃ. Griechen, Ill. 2; 
Lutterb. neui. Lehrbegr. I. 418 ff. ; Miiller in 
Herzog’s Encykl. Xi. 484; Ewald, apost. Zeit. 
257; Delitzsch in d. Luther. Zeitschr. 1863, ii. 
219 ; Riehm, Her. Brief, Ὁ. 249; Keim, Gesch. 


J.T. 212. Comp. also Langen, d. Judenth. 2. 
Zeit. Christi, 1867; Rohricht as formerly 
quoted. 

2 See Ewald, p. 284 ff. ; Dorner, Hntzwickel- 
ungsgesch, I. 50. 

3 See especially Dorner, Hnfwickelungs- 
gesch. I. 21; Niedner, de sudbsistentia τῷ ϑείῳ 
λόγῳ apud Philon. tributa, in the Zeitsch. f. 
histor. Theol. 1849, Ὁ. 837 ff.; and Ho6le- 
mann, de evang. Joh. invroitu, ete., Ὁ. 39 ff. 


46 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

distinct from God, whenever the Logos is described as a Person ; but, ‘‘ea 
duo, in quibus cernitur τοῦ ὄντος καὶ ζῶντος ϑεοῦ essentia 5. deitas plenum esse 
per suam ipsius essentiam et implere cuncta hac sua essentia, primo diserte 
uni substantiae tribuuntur, deinde distribuuntur, sed tantum inter essentian 
et hujus actionem, quemadmodum nomina τοῦ ϑεοῦ et τοῦ λόγου hujus ipsius 
dei” (Niedner). Accordingly, Philo’s conception of the Logos resolves it- 
self into the sum-total and full exercise of the divine energies ; so that God, 
so far as He reveals: Himself, is called Logos, while the Logos, so far as he 
reveals God, is called God. That John owed his doctrine of the Logos— 
in which he represents the divine Messianic being as pre-existent, and en- 
tering into humanity in a human form—-solely to the Alexandrine philosophy, 
is an assertion utterly arbitrary, especially considering the difference be- 
tween Philo’s doctrine and that of John, not only in general (comp. also 
Godet, I. 233), but also in respect to the subsistence of the Logos in particu- 
lar.2 The form which John gave to his doctrine is understood much more 
naturally and historically thus, without by any means excluding the influ- 
ence of the Alexandrine Gnosis upon the apostle ;—that while the ancient 
popular wisdom of the Word of God, which (as shown above) carries us 
back to Gen. i. 1, is acknowledged to be that through which the idea of the 
Logos, as manifested in human form in Christ, was immediately suggested 
to him, and to which he appended and unfolded his own peculiar develop- 
ment of this idea with all clearness and spiritual depth, according to the 
measure of those personal testimonies of his Lord which his memory vividly 
retained, he at the same time allowed the widespread Alexandrine specula- 
tions, so similar in their origin and theme, to have due influence upon him, 
and used 2 them in an independent manner to assist his exposition of the na- 
ture and working of the divine in Christ, fully conscious of their points of 
difference (among which must be reckoned the cosmological dualism of 
Philo, which excluded any real incarnation, and made God to have created 
the world out of the ὕλη). Whether he first adopted these speculations 
while dwelling in Asia Minor, need not be determined, although it is in it- 
self very conceivable that the longer he lived in Asia, the more deeply did 
he penetrate into the Alexandrine theologoumenon which prevailed there, 
without requiring for this any intermediate agency of Apollos (Tobler). 
The doctrine is not, however, on account of this connection with specula- 
tions lying outside of Christianity, by any means to be traced back to a 


1 Τῷ tells also against it, that in John the 
name λόγος is undoubtedly derived from the 
divine speaking (Word); in Philo, on the 
other hand, from the divine thinking 
(Reason). See Hoelemann as before, Ὁ. 43 ff. 

2 Comp. Delitzsch, /.c., and Psychol. Ὁ. 178 
[E. T. pp. 210, 211] ; Beyschlag, Christol. d. N. 


T.p.156; Keim, Gesch. J. I. p. 112 ff. If some 


attempt to deny the influence of the Judaeo- 
Alexandrine Gnosis on the Logos doctrine 
of John (Hoelemann, Weiss, J. Kostlin, 
Hengstenberg), they at the same time sever, 
though in the interests of apostolic dignity, 


its historical credibility from its connection 
with the circumstances of the time, as well 
as the necessary presumption of its intelli- 
gibility on the part of the readers of the 
Gospel. But itis exactly the noble simplicity 
and clearness of the Prologue which shows 
with what truly apostolic certainty John 
had experienced the influence of the specula- 
tions of his day, and was master of them, 
modifying, correcting, and utilizing them 
according to his own ideas. This is also in 
answer to Luthardt, p. 200, and Réhricht 
lc. 


OHAP. ΠΣ 1: 47 


mere fancy of the day. The main truth in it (the idea of the Son of God 
_ and His incarnation) had, long before he gave it this peculiar form, been 
in John’s mind the sole. foundation of his faith, and the highest object of 
his knowledge ; and this was no less the case with Paul and all the other 
apostles, though they did not formally adopt the Logos doctrine, from their 
different idiosyncrasies and the different conditions of their after develop- 
ment. . That main truth in it is to be referred absolutely to Christ Himself, 
whose communications to Iis disciples, and direct influence upon them 
(i. 14), as well as His further revelations and leadings by means of the 
Spirit of truth, furnished them with the material which was afterwards 
made use of in their various modes of representation. This procedure is 
specially apparent also in John, whose doctrine of the divine and pre-exist- 
ent nature of Christ, far removed from the influences of later Gnosticism, 
breaks away in essential points from the Alexandrine type of doctrine, and 
moulds itself in a different shape, especially rejecting decidedly all dual- 
istic and docetic elements, and in general treating the form once chosen 
with apostolic independence. That idea of God’s essential self-revelation, 
which took its rise from Gen. i., which lived and grew under various forms 
and names among the Hebrews and later Jews, but was moulded in a pecul- 
iar fashion by the Alexandrine philosophy, was adopted by John for the 
purpose of setting forth the abstract divinity of the Son,—thus bringing to 
light the reality which lies at the foundation of the Logos idea. Hence, ac- 
cording to John,’ by ὁ λόγος, which is throughout viewed by him (as is clear 
from the entire Prologue down to ver. 18)? under the conception of a per- 
sonal * subsistence, we must understand nothing else than the self-revelation 
of the divine essence, before all time immanent in God (comp. Paul, Col. i. 15 
ff.), but for the accomplishment of the act of creation proceeding hypostatically 
Srom Him, and ever after operating also in the spiritual world as a creating, 
quickening, and illuminating personal principle, equal to God Himself in na- 
ture and glory (comp. Paul, Phil. ii. 6) ; which divine self-revelation appeared 
bodily in the man Jesus, and accomplished the work of the redemption of the 
world, John fashions and determines his Gospel from beginning to end with 
this highest christological idea in his eye ; this it is which constitutes the 
distinctive character of its doctrine.‘ The Synoptics contain the fragments 


1Jn the Apocalypse also, chap. xix. 13, 
Christ is called the Adyos, but (not soin the 
Gospel) 6 λόγος τοῦ Jeod. The writer of the 
Apocalypse speaks of the whole Person of 
the God-man ina different way from the 
evangelist,—in fact, as in his state of ex- 
altation. (See Diisterdieck, z. Apok. LHinl. 
p. 75 ff.) But the passage is important 
against all interpretations which depart 
from the metaphysical view of the Logos 
above referred to. Comp. Gess, v. d. Person 
Chr. p. 115 ff. 

2 Comp. Worner, @. Verhidltn. ἃ. Geistes 
zum Sohne Gottes, 1862, p. 24; also Baur, 
neutest, Theol. 352; Godet, 1.6. 


3 That is, the subsistence as a conscious 
intelligent Ego, endued with volition. 
Against the denial of this personal trans- 
cendency in John (de Wette, Beyschlag, 
and others), see in particular Kostlin, Leh7- 
begr. 90; Briickn. 7 f.; Liebner, Ch7istol. 
155 f. ; Weiss, Lehrbeqr. 242 f. When Dorner 
(Gesch. ἃ. prot. Theol. 875 ff.) claims for the 
Son, indeed, a special divine mode of exist- 
ence as His eternal characteristic, but at 
the same time denies Him any direct par- 
ticipation in the absolute divine personality, 
his limitation is exegetically opposed to the 
view of John and of the Apostle Paul. 

4 Comp. Weizsacker, wb. ἃ. evang. Gesch. 


48 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


and materials, the organic combination and ideal formation of which into 
one complete whole is the pre-eminent excellence of this last and highest 
Gospel. Paul has the Logos, only not in name. — The second and third ἣν 
isthe copula ; but καὶ ὁ λόγος, as the repetition of the great subject, has a 
solemn emphasis. —7pdc τὸν %edvjynot simply equivalent to παρὰ τῷ Bed, 
Xvii..5, but expressing, as in 1 John i. 2, the evistence of the Logos in God 
in respect of intercourse (Bernhardy, Ὁ. 265). So also in all other passages 
where it appears to mean simply with, Mark vi. 3, ix. 19; Matt. xiii. 56, 
xxvi, 55; 1. Cor. xvi. 6.7.5 Gal..1..18, iv..18 ; and in the texts cited im 
Fritzsche, ad Mare. p. 202.’ Upon the thing itself, comp. concerning Wis- 
dom, Prov. viii. 80, Wisd. ix. 4. The moral essence of this essential fellow- 
ship is love (xvii. 24; Col. i. 13), with which, at the same time, any merely 
modalistic conception is excluded. —Kxai ϑεὸς ἣν ὁ λόγος] and the Logos 
was God. This ϑ εός can only be the predicate, not the subject (as Réhricht 
takes it), which would contradict the preceding ἦν πρὸ ς τὸν ϑεόν, because the 
conception of the λόγος would be only a periphrasis for God. The predicate is 
placed before the subject emphatically (comp. iv. 24), because the progress of 
the thought, ‘‘ He was with God, and (not at all a Person of an inferior nature, 
but) possessed of a divinenature,” makes this latter—the new added element 
—the naturally and logically emphasized member of the new clause, on account 
of its relation to πρὸς τὸν ϑεόν." The omission of the article was necessary, 
because ὁ ϑεός after the preceding πρὸς τὸν ϑεόν would have assigned to the 
Logos identity of Person (as, in fact, Beyschlag, p. 162, construes ϑεός with- 
out theart.). But so long as the question of God’s self-mediation objective- 
ly remains out of consideration, ὁ ϑεός would have been out of place here, 
after πρὸς τὸν ϑεόν had laid down the distinction of Person ; whereas ϑεός 
without the article makes the unity of essence and nature to follow the dis- 
tinction of Person.* As, therefore, by ϑεός without the article, John neither 
indicates, on the one hand, identity of Person with the Father ; nor yet, on 
the other, any lower nature than that of God Himself : so his doctrine of the 
Logos is definitely distinguished from that of Philo, which predicates ϑεός 
without the article of the Logos as subordinate in nature, nay, as he him- 
self says, ἐν καταχρήσει (I. 655, ed. Mang.) ; see Hoelemann, I. 1, p. 34. 
Moreover, the name ὁ δεύτερος ϑεός, Which Philo gives to the Logos, must, 
according to II. 625 (Euseb. praep. ev. vii. 13), expressly designate an inter- 
mediate nature between God and man, after whose image God created man. 
This subordinationism, according to which the Logos is indeed μεϑόριός τις 


pp. 241 ff., 297; also his Abdh. tiber ἃ. Joh. 
Logoslehre,in d. Jahrod. 7. D. Th. 1862, pp. 
619 ff., 701 f. 

1 The expressions, in the language of the 
common people, in many districts are quite 
analogous: ‘‘he was with me,” ‘‘he stays 
with you” (bei mich, bei dich), and the like. 
Comp. forthe Greek, Kriiger, 8 68. 39. 4—As 
against all impersonal conceptions of the 
Logos, observe it is never said ἐν τῷ dew, 
Rohricht (Ὁ. 312), however, arrives at the 
meaning ἐν τῷ ded, and by unwarrantably 


comparing the very different usage of πρός, 
takes exception to our explanation of πρὸς 
τὸν ϑεόν. 

2 There is something majestic in the way in 
which the description of the Logos, in the 
three brief but great propositions of ver. 1, 
is unfolded with increasing fulness. 

3‘“*The last clause, the Word was God, is 
against Arius ; the other, the Word was with 
God, against Sabellius.”—LutHER. Seealso 
Thomasius, Chr. Pers. u. Werk, I. 89 ff. 


CHAP. Is, 2, 3. 49 


ϑεοῦ φύσις, but τοῦ μὲν ἐλάττων, ἀνθρώπου δὲ κρείττων (I. 683), is not that of 
the N. T., which rather assumes (comp. Phil. ii. 6, Col. i. 15, 16) the eternal 
unity of being of the Father and the Son, and places the subordination of 
the latter in His dependence on the Father, as it does the subordination of 
the Spirit in His dependence on the Father and the Son. θεός, therefore, is 
not to be explained from Philo, nor converted into‘a general qualitative idea 
—‘‘ divine,” ‘* God-like” (B. Crusius),—which deprives the expression of the 
precision demanded for it by the strict monotheism of the N. T. (in John, 
see in particular xvii. 3), through the conception of the divine essence of the 
personal Logos. Comp. Schmid, bibl. Theol. I. 370. On Sam. Crell’s con- 
jecture (Artemonii initium ev. Joh. ex. antiquitate ecel. restitut. 1726) that 
ϑεοῦ is an idle antitrinitarian invention, see Bengel, Appar. crit. Ὁ. 214 ff. 

Ver. 2 again emphatically combines the first and second clauses of ver. 1, 
in order to connect with them the work of creation, which was wrought by 
the λόγος. In this way, however, the subject also of the third clause of ver. 
1 is included in and expressed by οὗτος. On this οὗ t0¢—to which πάντα 
standing at the beginning of ver. 3 significantly corresponds—lies the em- 
phasis in the continued discourse. In ver. 2 is given the necessary premiss 
to ver. 3; for if it was this same Logos, and no other than He, who Himse’f 
was God, who lived in the beginning in fellowship with God, and conse- 
quently when creation began, the whole creation, nothing excepted, must have 
come into existence through Him. Thus it is assumed, as a self-evident 
middle term, that God created the world not immediately, but, according 
to Gen. 1., through the medium of the Word. 

Ver. 3. Πάντα] ‘grande verbum, quo mundus, ἐ.6. universitas rerum 
factarum denotatur, ver. 10,” Bengel. Comp. Gen. i.; Col. i. 16 ; Heb. i. 
2. Quite opposed to the context is the Socinian view : ‘‘ the moral creation 
is meant.” Comp. rather Philo, de Cherub. I. 162, where the λόγος appears 
as the ὄργανον dv οὗ (comp. 1 Cor. viii. 6) κατεσκευάσϑη (ὁ κόσμος). The further 
speculations of Philo concerning the relation of the λόγος to the creation, 
which however are not to be imputed to John, see in Hoelemann, ἴ.6. p. 
36 ff. John might have written τὰ πάντα (with the article), as in 1 Cor. viii. 
6 and Col. i. 16, but was not obliged to do so. Comp. Col. i. 17, John iii. 
3). For his thought is ‘‘ all” (unlimited), whereas τὰ πάντα would express 
“‘the whole of what actually exists.’—x«ai χωρὶς αὐτοῦ, «.7.4.] anem- 
phatic parallelismus antitheticus, often occurring in the classics.?_ This nega- 
tive reference does not exclude (so Liicke, Olshausen, de Wette, Frommann, 
Maier, Baeumlein) the doctrine of a ὕλη having an extra-temporal existence 
(Philo, /.c.), because ἐγένετο and γέγονεν describe that which exists only since the 
creation, as having come into existence, and therefore ὕλη would not be included 
in the conception. John neither holds nor opposes the idea of the iAy ; the 
antithesis has no polemical design—not even of an anti-gnostic kind—to 
point out that the Logos is raised above the series of Acons (Tholuck) ; for 
though the world of spirits is certainly included in the πάντα and the οὐδὲ 


1 Who accordingly now worked as λόγος ner, ad Antiph. p. 157; in the N. T. through- 
προφορικός. out, and especially in John (ver, 20, x. 28; 1 
? Dissen. ad. Dem. de Cor. Ὁ. 228; Maetz- John ii. 4, 27, αἰ.). 


50 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ἕν, it is not specially designated (comp. Col. i. 16). How the Valentinians 
had already referred it to the Aeons, see in Iren. Haer.i. 8. 5 ; Hilgen- 
feld, d. Hv. u. d. Briefe Joh. p. 32 ff. —oidé év] ne unum quidem, i.e. pror- 
sus nihil, more emphatic than οὐδέν." ---ὃ γέγονεν) Perfect : which has 
come into being, and now is. Comp. ἔκτισται, Col. i. 16. This belongs to the 
emphatic fulness of the statement (Bornemann, Schol. in Luc. Ὁ. xxxvii.), 
and connects itself with what precedes. The very ancient connection of it 
with what foliows,? by putting the comma after either γέγ. or αὐτῷ (so already 
the Valentinians),*° is to be rejected, although it would harmonize with 
John’s mode of linking the members of his discourse, whereby ‘‘ ex proximo 
membro sumitur gradus sequentis” (Erasmus); but in fine would still 
be Johannean only if the comma were placed after yéy. (so also Lachm.). 
The ground of rejection lies not in the ambiguity of ζωή, which cannot 
surprise us in John, but in this, that the perfect γέγονεν, as implying con- 
tinuance, would have logically required: ἐστί instead of ἦν after ζωή; to ἦν 
not γέγονεν, but ἐγένετο, would have been appropriate, so that the sense 
would have been: ‘‘ what came into existence had in Him its ground or 
source of life.” 

Ver. 4. An advance to the nature of the Logos‘ as life, and thereby as 
light. —év αὐτῷ ζωὴ ἦν] ὧν Him was life, He was πηγὴ ζωῆς (Philo). Life 
was that which existed in Him, of which He was full. This must be taken 
in the most comprehensive sense, nothing that is life being excluded, physi- 
cal, moral, eternal life (so already Chrysoston+),—all life was contained in 
the Logos, as in its principle and source. No limitation of the conception, 
especially as ζωῇ is without the article (comp. v. 26), has any warrant from 
the context ; hence it is not to be understood either merely of physical life, 
so far as it is the sustaining power,® or of spiritual and eternal life,—of the 
Johannean ζωῇ αἰώνιος," where Hengstenberg drags in the negative notion 
that the creature was excluded from life until Christ was manifested in the 
flesh, and that down to the time of His incarnation He had only been virtu- 
ally life and light. —«ai ἡ ζωὴ «.7.4.] and the life, of which the Logos was 





1Comp. 1 Cor. vi. 5; see Stallbaum, ad 
Plat. Sympos. p.214D ; Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. 
i. 6.2. As to the thing itself, comp. Philo, 
Il. p. 225: δι᾿ οὗ σύμπας ὃ κόσμος ἐδημιουρ- 
γεῖτο. 

30. Ὁ. L. Verss., Clem. Al., Origen, and 
other Greeks, Heracleon, Ptolemaeus, 
Philos. Orig. v. 8, Latin Fathers, also Au- 
gustine, Wetst., Lachm., Weisse. 

3** Whatever originated in Him (self) is 
life.’ The latter is said to be the Zoé, 
which with the Logos formed one Syzygy. 
Thilgenfeld regards this view as correct, in 
connection with the assumption of the 
later Gnostic origin of the Gospel. But the 
construction is false as regards the words, 
because neither ἐστί nor ἐγένετο stands 
in the passage; and false also as regards 
the thought, because, according to vy. 1-3,a 


principle of life cannot have first originated 
in the Logos, but must have existed from the 
very beginning. Also Bunsen (Hypol. II. 
291, 357) erroneously preferred the punctua- 
tion of the Alexandrines and Gnosties. 

4 The Logos must necessarily be taken as 
in vv. 1-3, but not from ver. 4 onwards in 
Hofmann’s sense, as no longer a person but 
a thing, viz. the Gospel, as ROhricht (p. 315) 
maintains, as if the verbum vocule were now 
a designation of Christ, who is the bearer 
of it. No such change of meaning is indi- 
cated in the text, and it only brings confu- 
sion into the clear advance of the thought. 

5B. Crusius, comp. Chrysostom, Euthy- 
mius Zigabenus, Calvin. 

8 Origen, Maldonatus, Lampe, Kuinoel, 
Kostlin, Hengstenberg, Weiss. 


CHAP. Tia ΟΣ 51 


the possessor, was the light of men. The exposition thus passes over from 
the universal to the relation of the Logos to mankind ; for, being Himself 
the universal source of life to the world made by Him, He could as such 
least of all remain inactive with respect to men, but must show Himself as 
operating upon them conformably to their rational and moral nature, espe- 
cially as the light, according to the necessary connection of life and light in 
opposition to death and darkness. (Comp. viii. 12 ; Ps. xxxvi. 10 ; Eph. 
v. 14; Luke i. 78, 79). The light is truth pure and divine, theoretical and 
moral (both combined by an inner necessity, and not simply the former, as 
Weiss maintains), the reception and appropriation of which enlightens the 
man (υἱὸς φωτός, xii. 36), Whose non-appropriation and non-reception into: 
the consciousness determines the condition of darkness. The Life was the 
Light of men, because in its working upon them it was the necessary deter- 
mining power of their illumination. Comp. such expressions as those in xi. 
25, xiv. 6, xvii. 3. Nothing as yet is said of the working of the Logos after 
Mis incarnation (xiv. 6), but (observe the ἦν) that the divine truth in that 
primeval time came to man from the Logos as the source of life ; the life in 
Him was for mankind the actively communicating principle of the divine 
ἀλήθεια, in the possession of which they lived in that fair morning of crea- 
tion, before through sin darkness had broken in upon them. This reference 
to the time when man, created after God’s image, remained in a state of 
innocency, is necessarily required by the ἦν, which, like the preceding ἦν, 
must refer to the creation-period indicated in ver. 3. But we are thus at 
the same time debarred from understanding, as here belonging to the en- 
lightening action of the Logos, God’s revelations to the Hebrews and later 
Jews (comp. Isa. 11. 5), by the prophets, etc. (Ewald), or even the elements 
of moral and religious truth found in heathendom (λόγος σπερματικός). In 
that fresh, untroubled primeval age, when the Logos as the source of life 
was the Light of men, the contrast of light and darkness did not yet exist ; 
but this tragic contrast, as John’s readers knew, originated with the fall, 
and had continued ever after. There follows, therefore, after a fond recall- 
ing of that fair bygone time (ver. 4), the sad and mournful declaration of 
the later and still enduring relation (ver. 5), where the light still shines 
indeed, but in darkness,—a darkness which has not received it. But if that 
closely to be observed reference of ἣν to the time of the creation, and this 
view of the progress of the thought be correct, it cannot embrace also the 
continuous (ver. 17) creative activity of the Logos, through which a con- 
sciousness and recognition of the highest truth have been developed among 
men (de Wette) ; and just as little may we find in τὸ φῶς τ. ἀνθρ. what belongs 
to the Logos in His essence only, in which case the reading ἐστί would (against 
Briickner) be more appropriate ; comp. φωτίζει, ver. 9. As in ἐν αὐτῷ ζωὴ ἦν, 
so also by ἦν τὸ φῶς τ. ἀνθρ. must be expressed what the Logos was in His 
historical activity, and not merely what He was virtually (Hengstenberg). 
Comp. Godet, who, however, without any hint from the text, or any his- 
torical appropriateness whatever, finds in ‘‘ life-and light” a reminiscence 
of the trees of life and of knowledge in Paradise. 

Ver. 5. Relation of the light to the darkness. —kat τὸ φῶ ς] and the light. 


52 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


shineth ;' not ‘‘and thus, as the light, the Logos shineth” (Liicke). The 
discourse steadily progresses link by link, so that the preceding predicate 
becomes the subject. — ¢aivec] Present, i.e. uninterruptedly from the begin- 
ning until now ; it embraces, therefore, the illuminating activity of the λόγος 
ἄσαρκος" and ἔνσαρκος. As it is arbitrary to supply the idea of ‘‘ still present” 
(Weiss), so also is its limitation to the revelations through the prophets of the 
Ο. T., which would make φαίνει merely the descriptive praesens historicum 
(de Wette). For the assumption of this in connection with pure preterites 
there is no warrant ; comp. rather φωτίζει, ver. 9. According to Ewald,* 
φαΐνει represents as present the time in which the Light, which since the cre- 
ation had enlightened men only from afar, has come suddenly into the world 
which without itis darkness, and is shining from the midst of this darkness. 
An antithetic relation is thus assumed (‘‘ only from afar,—suddenly in the 
midst’) which has no support in the present tense alone, without some more 
distinct intimation in the text. The stress, moreover, is not on φαίνει, but 
rests with tragic force on the emphatically placed ἐν τῇ σκοτίᾳ. It is the 
continuation of the discourse, ver. 7 ff., which first leads specially to the 
action of the Incarnate One (this also against Hengst.). —'The σκοτία is the ne- 
gation and opposite of the φῶς, the state of things in which man possesses | 
not the divine ἀλήθεια, but has become the prey of folly, falsehood, and sin, as | 
a godless ruling power, with allits misery. Here the abstract term ‘‘ dark- 
ness,” as the element in which the light shines, denotes not the individual sub- 
ject of darkness (Eph. v. 8), but, as the context requires, the totality pre- 
viously described by τῶν ἀνθρώπων, thus mankind in general, in so far as in and 
for themselves they since the fall have been destitute of divine truth, and 
become corrupt in understanding and will. Melanchthon well says, ‘‘ genus 
humanum oppressum peccato vocat tenebras.” Frommann is altogether 
mistaken in holding that σκοτία differs in the two clauses, and means (1) hu- 
manity so far as it yet lay beyond the influence of the light, and (2) humanity 
so far as it was opposed thereto. But Hilgenfeld is likewise in error, when, 
out of a different circle of ideas, he imports the notion that ‘‘ light and 
darkness are primeval opposites, which did not originate with the fall ;” see 
on viii. 44. -- οὐ κατέλαβεν] apprehended it not, took not possession of it ; it 
was not appropriated by the darkness, so that the latter might become light, 
instead of remaining aloof and alien to it. Comp. Phil. iii. 12, 15, 1 Cor. 
ix. 24, and especially Rom. ix. 30 ; also expressions like καταλαμβ. σοφίαν, 
Ecclus. xv. 1, 7. The explanation comprehended, ὁ.6. ἔγνω, ver. 10,* is on one 


1 φαίνει, Zucet, not to be confounded with tithesis to σκοτία. The φῶς shines as divine 


φαίνεται, Which means apparet. Seeon Phil. light before Christ (by revelation and proph- 

ji. 15. Godet’s criticism of the distinction is ecy), and after Him. It is supernatural, 

erroneous. heavenly. Comp. 1 Johnii. 8. There is no 
2 Godet thinks that the Jaw written in the mention here of the λόγος σπερματικός. 

heart, the light of conscience, is meant (Rom. 3 Jahrb, V.194 (see his Johann. Schr. 1. 

ii. 14,) which the Logos makes use of; and 121). 

that this His relation to all mankind is es- 4 Eph. iii. 18; Acts x. 34, iv. 18; Plato, 


sential and permanent. But this wouldbe Phaedr., p. 250 D; Phil. p. 16D; Polyb. Viii. 
utterly inadequate to the fulness of mean- 4. 6. 
ing expressed by φῶς, especially in its an- 


CHAP, Τὸν Oy! ἢ: 53 


side arbitrarily narrowing, on »ncther anticipatory, since for the σκοτία, which 
is conceived asa realm, it substicv’ -s the subjects. Erroneously Origen, Chrys- 
ostom, Theophylact, Euth: «:.s Zigabenus, Bos, Schulthess, Hoelemann, 
p- 60, and Lange interpr:t . ‘’ The darkness did not hem it in, repress it ; it 
was invincible before it.” L*uguistically this is allowable,’ but it nowhere 
so occurs in the N. T., and is here opposed to the parallels, vv. 10, 11. — 
Observe that οὐ κατέλαβεν, which presupposes no Gnostic absolutism, but 
freedom of moral self-determination (comp. vv. 11, 12), reflects the phenom- 
enon as a whole, and as it presented itself to John‘in history and experience ; 
hence the aorist. Comp. iii. 19. 

Ver. 6. In the painful antithesis of ver. 5 which pervades the entire 
Gospel, was included the relation of the Logos to mankind, not only before, 
but after His incarnation (see on φαίνει). This latter is now more minutely 
unfolded as far as ver. 11. To strengthen the antithesis John adduces first 
the testimony of the Baptist (vv. 6-8) to the Light, on the ground of which 
he then designates the Logos as the true light (ver. 9); and finally makes the 
antithesis, thus prefaced (vv. 10, 11), follow with all the more tragic effect. 
The mention of John’s testimony here in the Prologue is not therefore a mere 
confirmation of the reality of the appearance of the Logos (Briickner), which 
the statements of vv. 9, 10 did not require. Still less is it a pressing for- 
wards of the thought to the beginning of the Gospel history (de Wette), or 
an intimation of the first step in the reconcilement of the contrasted light and 
darkness (Baur), or ‘‘ an illustrious exception” (Ewald) to the preceding ἡ 
σκοτία, x.T.2. Introducing a new paragraph, and hence without a connecting 
particle, it forms a historical preparation, answering to the fact, for that non- 
recognition and rejection (vv. 10, 11), which, in spite of that testimony of the 
Baptist, the light shining in the darkness had experienced. Ver. 15 stands 
to ver. 7in the relation of a_particular definite statement to the general testi- 
mony of which it is a part. —éyévero] not there was (ἦν, 111. 1), but there ap- 
peared, denoting the historical manifestation. See on Mark i. 4; Lukei. 5 ; 
Phil. ii. 7. Hence not with Chrys.: ἐγένετο ἀπεσταλμένος ἀντὶ τοῦ 
ἀπεστάλη ; which Hengstenberg repeats. — Observe in what follows the 
noble simplicity of the narrative : we need not look out for any antithetical 
reference (éyéveto—avOpwroc—areor. π. θεοῦ) to ver. 1 (B. Crusius, Luthardt, 
and older expositors). With ἀπεσταλμ. π. θεοῦ, comp. iil. 28; Mal. 
ili. 1, 23. Description of the true prophet ; comp. also Luke iii. 2, 3. 

Ver. 7. Εἰς μαρτυρίαν] to bear witness ; for John testified what had been 
prophetically made known to him by divine revelation respecting the Light 
which had come in human form. Comp. ver. 33. —iva πάντες, κ-.τ.λ.] 
Purpose of the μαρτυρήσῃ, final end of the ἦλθεν. ---πιστεῦσ.] i.e. in the 
light ; comp. vy. 8, 9, xii. 36. —dc’ αὐτοῦ] by means of John, as he by 
his witness-bearing was the medium of producing faith : ‘‘and thus John is a 
servant and guide to the Light, which is Christ” (Luther) ; not by means of 
the light (Grotius, Lampe, Semler), for here it is not faith in God (1 Pet. 1 
_ 21) that is spoken of. 


1 See Schweighatiser, Lex. Herod. Il. p. 18. 


τῶν THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Ver. 8. ἦν is emphatic, and is therefore placed in the front : he was not 
the Light, but he was to bear witness of the Light ; and hence, in the second 
clause, μαρτυρῆῇσῃ emphatically takes the lead. The object of making 
this antithesis prominent is not controversy, or at least with any reference 
to the disciples of John (see the Introduction), but to point out’ the true 
position of the Baptist in face of the historical fact, that when he first ap- 
peared, men took him for the Messiah Himself (comp. ver. 20 ; Luke iii. 15), 
so that his witness shall appear in its proper historical aspect. Comp. Cyril. 
--ἰ᾽λλ᾽ iva, x.t.4.] Before iva we must from the preceding supply ἦλθεν 3 a 
rapid hastening on to the main thought ;? not taken imperatively (sent to 
bear witness) (de Wette), nor dependent upon ἦν (Liicke, Lange, Godet) : not 
the latter, because εἶναι ἵνα (for εἰς τό), even if it were linguistically possible, 
is here forbidden by the emphasis on the ἦν ; while to take ἦν in the sense 
of aderat, as again understood before iva (Godet), would be more forced and 
arbitrary than to supply ἦλθεν from ver. 7. 

Ver. 9. For the correct apprehension of this verse, we must observe, (1) 
that ἦν has the main emphasis, and stands therefore at the beginning : (2) 
that τὸ φῶς τὸ ἀληθ. cannot be the predicate, but must be the subject, because 
in ver. 8 another was the subject ; consequently without a τοῦτο, or some 
such word, there are no grounds for supposing a subject not expressed: (3) 
that ἐρχόμ. εἰς τὸν κόσμον ὥ can only be connected with πάντα ἄνθρωπον, not 
with ἣν ; because when John was bearing witness the Logos was already in 
the world (ver. 26), not simply then came into the world, or was about to 
come, or had to come. We should thus be obliged arbitrarily to restrict 
épy. εἰς τ. κόσμ. to His entrance upon His public ministry, as Grotius already 
did (from whom Calovius differs), and because the order of the words does 
not suggest the connecting of ἣν with ἐρχόμ ; rather would the prominence 
given to ἦν, and its wide separation from ἐρχόμ., be without any reason. 
Hence the connection by the early church of ἐρχόμ. with 7. ἄνθρ. is by no 
means (with Hilgenfeld) to be regarded as obsolete, but is to be retained,— 
and explained thus : ‘‘ There was present the true Light,which lighteth every man 
that cometh into the world.” {See Note UI. p. 95.] This, with the following 
ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ ἣν Onward to ἐγένετο, serves to prepare for and strengthen the 
portentous and melancholy antithesis, καὶ ὁ κόσμ. αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔγνω. The usual 
objection that ἐρχόμ. εἰς τ. κι, When referred to πάντα ἄνθρ., is a superfluous 
by-clause, is inept. There is such a thing as a solemn redundance, and that 
we have here, an epic fulness of words. Hence we must reject (1) the usual 
interpretation by the older writers (before Grotius), with whom also Kaeuffer 


sides : 


1Not to bring more fully to light the 
greatness of Christ, through the subordina- 
tion to Him of the greatest men and 
prophets, as Hengstenb. asserts. In this 
cease John ought to have been described ac- 
cording to his own greatness and rank, and 
not simply as in ver. 6. 

2 Comp. ix. 3, xiii. 18, xv. 25; 1 Johnii. 19; 
Fritzsche, ad Matt. 840f.; Winer, p. 297 


‘* He (or even that, namely τὸ φῶς) was the true Light which lighteth all 


[E. T. p. 458]. 

3 With Origen, Syr., Copt., Euseb., Chrys., 
Cyril., Epiph., Nonnus, Theophyl., Euth. 
Zig., It., Vulg., Augustine, Erasmus, Luther, 
Beza, Calvin, Aret., and most of the early 
expositors. So of late Paulus also, and 
Klee, Kaeuffer in the Sdchs. Stud. 1844, p, 
116, Hoelemann, and Godet. 


‘ CHAPS Es 9. 5d 


men who come into this world” (Luther), against which we have already re- 
marked under (1) and (2) above ; again, (2) the construction of épyéu. with 
φῶς as an accompanying definition : *‘‘ He was the true Light, which was at 
that time to come into the world ;’* also, (3) the connecting of ἦν with ἐρχόμενον, 
either in a sense purely historical, ‘‘ He came” (Bleek, Koéstlin, B. Crusius, 
Lange, Hengstenberg, with reference to Mal. iii. 1 ; and so already Bengel) ; 
or relatively, as de Wette, Liicke : ‘‘ when John had appeared to bear wit- 
ness of Him, even then came the true Light into the world ;” ® or as future, 
of Him who was soon to appear : venturwm erat (Rinck, Tholuck), according 
to Luthardt (comp. Baeuml.) : ‘‘it had been determined of God that He should 
come ;” ormore exactly, of an unfulfilled state of things, still present at that 
present time : ‘‘Jt was coming’ (Hilgenfeld, Lehrbegr. p. 51) ;* and after 
Ewald, who attaches it to vv. 4, 5: ‘‘It was at that time always coming into 
the world, so that every human being, if he had so wished, might have let 
himself be guided by it ;” comp. Keim: ‘‘He was continually coming into 
the world.” As to details, we have further to remark : ἦν] aderat, as in vii. 
39 and often ; its more minute definition follows in ver. 10 : ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ ἣν. 
The Light was already there (in Jesus) when John bore witness of Him, ver. 
26. The reference of vv. 9-13 to the preincarnate agency of the Logos® 
entirely breaks down before vv. 11-13, as well as before the comparison of 
the Baptist with the Logos, which presupposes the personal manifestation 
of the latter (comp. also ver. 15) ; and therefore Baur erroneously denies 
any distinction in the Prologue between the preincarnate and the postincar- 
nate agency of the Logos.*— 76 ἀληθινόν [Because it was neither John 
nor any other, but the true, genuine, archetypal Light, corresponding to 
the idea—the idea of the light realized." Comp. iv. 23, 37, vi. 32, vil. 
28, xv. 1. See, generally, Schott, Opuse. I. p. 7 ff.; Frommann, Lehr- 
begr. p. 130 ff. ; Kluge in the Jahrb. f. D. Th. 1866, p. 333 ff. ; 
also Hoelemann, l.c. p. 63, who, however, supposes an antithesis, which 
is without any support from the connection, to the cosmie light (Gen. 
1.).—6 φωτίζει πάντα ἄνθρ.} a characteristic of the true light ; 


1So probably Theod. Mopsu.; some in 
Augustine, de pecc. mer. ef rem. i. 25; Cas- 
talio, Vatablus, Grotius ; Schott, Opusc. I. Ὁ. 
14; Maier. 

2The interpretation of Schoettgen, Sem- 
ler, Morus, Rosenmiiller, as if instead of 
ἐρχόμ. we had ἦλϑεν, is quite erroneous. 
Luther’s explanation down to 1527 was 
better: “through His advent into this 
world.”’ 

3 Comp. Hauff in the Stud. τ. Krit. 1846, p. 

io. . 

4 That is, during the time before His bap- 
tism ; the man Jesus (according to the Val- 
entinian Gnosis) did not become the organ 
of the Logos until His baptism, and accord- 
ingly through that rite the Logos first came 
into the world. The birth of Jesus was 
only introductory to that coming. Briick- 


ner, while rejecting this importation of 
Gnosticism, agrees in other respects with 
Hilgenfeld.—Philippi (der Hingang d. Joh. 
Hv. p. 89): “ He was to come, according to 
the promises of the O. T.,;°? and ver. 10: 
““These promises had now received their 
fulfilment.”’ 

5 Tholuck, Olshausen, Baur, also Lange, 
Leben J. 1Π1. p. 1806 ff. 

δ Comp. Bleek in the Stud. u. rit. 1833, p. 
414 ff. 

7 In the classics, see Plato, Pol. i. p. 347 D 
(τῷ ὄντι ἀληϑινός), Vi. p. 499 C; Xen. Anad. i. 
9.17; Oec. x. 3; Dem. 1138. 27, 1248. 22 ; Theo- 
erit. 16 (Anthol.) ; Pindar, QZ. ii. 201 ; Polyb. 
i. 6. 6, οὐ al. Riick., Abend. p. 266, errone- 
ously says, ‘‘ the word se/dom occurs in the 
classics.’’ It is especially common in Plato, 
and among later writers in Polybius. 


.᾿ 


56 THE GOSPEL OF\JOHN. 


it illumines every one. This remains true, even though, as a matter 
of fact, the illumination is not received by many (see on Rom. ii. 4), so that 
every one does not really become what he could become, a child of light, φῶς ° 
ἐν κυρίῳ, Eph. v. 8. The relation, as a matter of experience, resolves itself 
into this : ‘‘ quisquis illuminatur, ab hac luce illuminatur,” Bengel ; comp. 
Luthardt. It is not this, however, that is expressed, but the essential rela- 
tion as it exists on the part of the Logos.’| Bengel well says: ‘‘ numerus 
singularis magnam hic vim habet.” Comp, Col. i. 15 ; Rom. iii. 4. —ép y6- 
μενον εἰς τ. κόσμον] every man coming into the world ; rightly without 
the article ; comp. 2 John 7. The addition of the predicative clause gives 
emphatic prominence to the conception of πάντα. There is no need to com- 
pare it with the Rabbinic 071p3 N13 (see Lightfoot and Schoettgen). Comp. 
xvi. 21, and see on xviii. 37. : 

Ver. 10. What here follows is linked to the preceding by ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ 
ἦν, following upon εἰς τ. κόσμβ. This is a fuller defining of the emphatic 
qv of ver. 9: ‘‘ It was in the world,” viz. in the person of Jesus, when John 
was bearing witness. There is no mention here of its continual presence in 
humanity (B. Crusius, Lange), nor of the ‘‘lumiére innée” (Godet) of every 
man ; see on ver. 5. The triple repetition of κόσμος, which in its last occur- 
rence has the narrower sense of the world of mankind, gives prominence to 
the mournful, antitHesis ; Buttm. newt. Gr. p. 341 [E. T. p. 898]. — ἢ ν] 
not pluperfect (“Τὸ had been already always in the world, but was not rec- 


‘ognized by it”), as Herder, Tholuck, Olshausen, and Klee maintain, but 


like ἦν in ver. 9. --καὶ ὁ κόσμος δι’ αὐτοῦ éyév.] Further prepara- 
tion, by way.of climax, for the antithesis, with reference to ver. 8. If the 
Light was in the world, and the world was made by it, all the more could 
and ought the world to have recognized it : it could, because it needed only 
not to close the inner eye against the Light, and to follow the impulse of 
its original necessary moral affinity with the creative Light ; it ought, be- 
cause the Light, shining within the world, and having even given existence 
to the world, could demand that recognition, the non-bestowal of which 
was ingratitude, originating in culpable delusion and moral obduracy. 
Comp. Rom. i. 19 ff. We need not attach to the «ai, which is simply con- 
junctive, either the signification although (Kuinoel, Schott), or the force 
of the relative (which was made by it, Bleek). —airév| the Logos, identi- 
fied with the Light, and spoken of as its possessor, according to vv. 4 
ff. ; αὖ τοῦ was still neuter, bat the antithesis passes over into the masculine, 
because the object which was not recognized was this very personal mani- 
Jfestation of the Logos.—With regard to the last «ai, observe : ‘‘ cum vi 
pronuntiandum est, ut saepe in sententiis oppositionem continentibus, ubi 
frustra fuere qui καίτοι requirerent.”* Very often in John. 

Ver. 11. More particular statement of the contrast. Observe the grad~ 
ual advance to greater definiteness : ἦν, ver.-9 ; ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ ἦν, Ver. 10 5 εἰς 


1 Luther: “Of what avail is it that the also Delitzsch, Psychol. Ὁ. 348 [E. T. p. 410]. 
clear sun shines and lightens, if I shut my 2 Stallbaum, ad Plat. Apol. Ὁ. 29 B. Comp, 
eyes and will not see his light, or creep Hartung, Partikell. Ὁ. 147. 
away from it beneath the earth?’ Comp. 


CHAP. F512. 57 
τὰ ἴδια ἦλθε, Ver. 11.— etc τὰ ἴδια] to His own possession, [See Note IV. p. 95. ] 
is‘ to be explained of the Jewish people as specially belonging to the Messiah 
(Ecclus. xxiv. 7 ff.), as they are called in Ex. xix. 5, Deut. vii. 6, Ps. exxxv, 
4, Isa. xxxi. 9, Jehovah’s possession ; from Israel salvation was to spread 
over all the world (iv. 22; Matt. viii. 12 ; Rom. i. 16). This interpreta- 
tion is required by the progress of the discourse, which by the use of ἦλθε 
excludes any reference to the world,’ as was proposed alongside of this by 
Chrysostom, Ammonius, Theophylact, Euth. Zig., and conjoined with it 
by Augustine and many others. ‘‘He was in the world,” and now 
follows His historical advent, ‘‘He came to His own possession.” Therefore 
the sympathy of God’s people, who were His own people, should have 
led them to reach out the hand to Him. —oi idcozc| the Jews. — rapé- 
λαβον])] They received Him not, i.e. not as Him to whom they peculiarly be- 
longed.* Observe that the special guilt of Israel appears still greater (οὐ 
παρέλαβον, they despised Him) than the general guilt of mankind (οὐκ 
ἔγνω). Comp. the οὐκ ἠθελήσατε of Matt. xxiii. 837; Rom. x. 21. In the 
negative form of expression (vv. 10, 11) we trace a deeply elegiac and 
mournful strain. ὶ 

Ver. 12. The mass of the Jews rejected Him, but still not all of them. 
Hence, in this fuller description of the relation of the manifested Logos to 
the world, the refreshing light is now (it is otherwise in ver. 5) joyfully rec- 
ognized and placed over against the shadow. —é2afov] He came, they re- 
cetwved Him, did not reject Him.*—The nominative ὅσοι stands with emphasis 
independent of the construction that follows. See on Matt. vii. 24, x. 14, 
xili, 12, xxili. 16; Acts vii. 40.—é£ovciav] not dignity or pre-eminence 
(Erasmus, Beza, Flacius, Rosenmiiller, Semler, Kuinoel, Schott), nor pos- 
sibility (de Wette, Tholuck), nor capability (Hengstenberg, Briickner), which 
does not reach the force of the word,° but He gave them full power (comp. v. 
27, xvii. 2). The rejection of the Logos when He came in person, excluded 
from the attainment of that sacred condition of fitness—received through 
Him—for entering into the relationship of children of God, and they only 
who received Him in faith obtained through Him this warrant, this title 
(ἐπιτροπὴ νόμου, Plato, Dejin. p. 415 B). It is, however, an arrangement in 
the gracious decree of God ; neither a claim of right on man’s part, nor any 
internal ability (Liicke, who compares 1 John vy. 20 ; also Lange),—-a mean- 
ing which is not in the word itself, nor in the connection, since the com- 
mencement of the filial relationship, which is the consummation of that 
highest theocratic ἐξουσία, is conceived as a being born, ver. 13, and therefore 
as passive (against B. Crusius).—réxva θεοῦ] Christ alone is the Son of 
God, manifested as such from His birth, the μονογενής. Believers, from their 
knowledge of God in Christ (xvii. 3), become children of God, by being born 





1 With Erasmus, Luther, Beza, Calvin, 
Bengel, Lampe, and many expositors, also 
Liicke, Tholuck, Bleek, Olshausen, de Wet- 
te, B. Crusius, Maier, Frommann, K6stlin, 
Hilgenfeld, Luthardt, Ewald, Hengsten- 
berg, Godet, and most interpreters. 

3 Corn. ἃ Lapide, Kuinoel, Schott, Reuss, 


Keim. 

3 Comp. Matt. i. 20, xxiv. 40,41; Herod. i. 
154, vii. 106; Plato, Soph. p. 218 B. 

4 Comp. Υ. 43; Soph. Phil. 667, ἰδών τε καὶ 
λαβὼν φίλον. 

5 Comp. Godet: “il les a mis en position.” 


58 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


of God (comp. 111. 3; 1 John iii. 9), 1.6. through the moral transformation 
and renewal of their entire spiritual nature by the Holy Ghost ; so that now 
the divine element of life rules in them, excludes all that is ungodly, and 
permanently determines the development of this moral fellowship of nature 
with God, onwards to its future glorious consummation (1 John iii. 2; 
John xvii. 24). See also 1 John iii. 9 and 1 Pet.i. 23. It isthus that John 
represents the idea of filial relationship to God, for which he always uses 
τέκνα from the point of view of a spiritual genesis,’ while Paul apprehends 
it from the legal side (as adoption, Rom. viii. 15 ; Gal. iv. 5), regarding the 
spiritual renewal connected therewith (regeneration), the καινότης ζωῆς (Rom. 
vi. 4), as a new creation (2 Cor. v. 17; Gal. vi. 15), a moral resurrection 
(Rom. vi.), and the like ; while the Synoptics (comp. also Rom. viii. 23) 
make the viofecia appear as first commencing with the kingdom of the Mes- 
siah (see on Matt. v. 9, 45 ; Luke vi. 35), as conditioned, however, by the 
moral character. There is no difference as to the thing itself, only in the 
manner of apprehending its various sides and stages. —toi¢ πιστείουσιεν, 
.7.A.| guippe qui eredunt, is conceived as assigning the reason; for it is as 
believers that they have fulfilled the subjective condition of arriving at son- 
ship, not only negatively, since they are no longer under the wrath of God 
and the condemnation of the law (ili. 36, 16, 17, v. 45), but also positively, in- 
asmuch as they now possess a capacity and susceptibility for the operation 
of the Spirit (vii. 38, 39). John doesnot say πιστεύσασιν, but πιστεύουσιν, 
for the faith, the entrance of which brought about the ἔλαβον, is thenceforth 
their enduring habitus.—ei¢ τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ) not essentially different 
from εἰς αὐτόν, but characterizing it more fully ; for the entire subject-matter 
of faith lies in the name of the person on whom we believe ; the wttered name 
contains the whole confession of faith. Comp. 11. 238, 111. 18, 1 John iii. 23, 
vy. 13. The name itself, moreover, is no other than that of the historically 
manifested Logos—Jesus Christ, as is self-evident to the consciousness of the 
reader. Comp. ver. 17; 1 John v. 1, ii. 22. 

Ver. 13. ΟἹ] refers to τέκνα ϑεοῦ (the masculine in the well-known constructio 
κατὰ σύνεσιν, 2 John 1, Philem. 10, Gal. iv. 19)," not to τοῖς πιστεύουσιν, because , 
the latter, according to ver. 12, are said to become God’s children, so that 
ἐγεννήθησαν would not be appropriate. The conception ‘‘ children of God” is 
more precisely defined as denoting those who came into existence not after 
the manner of natural human generation, but who were begotten of God. 


1 Hilgenfeld, indeed, will have it that 
those spoken of are already regarded as 
originally τέκνα θεοῦ (comp. ili. 6, Vill. 44, xi. 
52), and attempts to escape the dilemma 
into which γενέσθαι brings him, by help of 
the interpretation: ‘‘the power by which 
the man who is born of God realizes this, 
and actually becomes what he is im himself 
according to his nature !” Thus we should 
have here the Gnostic semen arcanum electo- 
rum et spiritualium. See Hilgenfeld, Hvan- 
gélien, Ὁ. 233. The reproach of tautology 
which he also brings against the ordinary 


explanation (in his Zeifsch7. 1863, Ὁ. 110) is 
quite futile. The great conception of thé 
τέκνα θεοῦ, Which appears here for the first 
time, was in John’s eye important enough 
to be accompanied by a more detailed 
elucidation. Generally, against the anthro- 
pological dualism discovered in John by 
Hilgenfeld (also by Scholten), see Weiss, 
Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 128 ff.; also Weizsiicker in the 
Jahrb. f. D. Th. 1862, p. 680f.; and even 
Baur, neutest. Theol. Ὁ. 359 ff. 
2 Comp. Eurip. Suppl. 12, Androm. 571. 


CHAP. I., 13. 59 


The negative statement exhibits them as those in whose coming into exist- 
_ence human generation (and consequently also Abrahamic descent) has no 
part whatever. This latter brings about no divine sonship, iil. 6.—ovk ἐξ 
αἱμάτων] not of blood, the blood being regarded as the seat and basis of 
the physical life (comp. on Acts xv. 20), which is transmitted by generation.* 
The plural is not to be explained of the commingling of the two seves (‘‘ ex 
sanguinibus enim homines nascuntur maris et feminae,” Augustine ; comp. 
Ewald), because what follows (ἀνδρός and the corresponding ἐκ ϑεοῦ) points 
simply to generation on the man’s side ; nor of the multiplicity of the children 
of God (B. Crusius), to which there is no reference in what follows ; quite 
as little does it refer to the continuos propagationum ordines from Adam, and 
afterwards from Abraham downwards (Hoelemann, p. 70), which must nec- 
essarily have been more distinctly indicated. Rather is the plural used in a 
sense not different from the singular, and founded only on this, that the 
material blood is represented as the sum-total of all its parts.°—The nega- 
tion of human origination is so important to John (comp. iii. 6), that he 
adds two further parallel definitions of it by οὐδέ--- οὐδέ (which he arranges co- 
ordinately); nor—nor, where σαρκός designates the flesh as the substra- 
tum of the generative impulse, not ‘‘the woman” (Augustine, Theophylact, 
Rupertus, Zeger, Schott, Olshausen),—an interpretation which is most 
inappropriately supported by a reference to Gen. ii. 22, Eph. v. 28, 29, Jude 
7, while it is excluded by the context (ἀνδρός, and what follows). The 
man’s generative will is meant, and this is more exactly, 7.6. personally, 
defined by ἐκ ϑελ. ἀνδρός, to which the contrasted ἐκ ϑεοῦ is correlative ; and 
hence ἀνήρ must not be generalized and taken as equivalent to ἄνϑρωπος 
(Liicke), which never occurs—even in in the Homeric πατὴρ ἀνδρῶν τε ϑεῶν τε 
only apparently—but here least of all, because the act of generation is the 
very thing spoken of. The following are merely arbitrary glosses upon the 
points which are here only rhetorically accumulated to produce an ever-in- 
creasing distinctness of description ; 6.5. Baumgarten Crusius: ‘‘ There is 
an advance here from the most sensual to the most noble” (nature, inclina- 
tion, will—in spite of the twice repeated Vedjuaroc!); Lange (ZL. J. HI. p. 
558): ‘There is a progress from natural generation to that which is caused 
by the will, and then to that consummated in theocratic faith ;” Hoelemann : 
"σάρξ, meant of both sexes, stands midway between the universalis humani 
generis propagatio (αἵματα) and the proprius singularis propagationis auctor 
(ἀνήρ). Even Delitzsch refines upon the words, finding in ϑελήμ. σαρκός the 
unholy side of generation, though John has only in view the antithesis be- 
tween the human and the divine viewed in and by themselves. —éx ϑεοῦ 





1 ὡς τοῦ σπέρματος VAHY TOD αἵματος ἔχοντος, 
Eustath. ad Hom. Il. vi. 211. Comp. De- 
litzsch, Pyschol. Ὁ. 246 [E. T. p. 230, and note]. 
Comp. Acts xvii. 26; Hom. JZ/. vi. 211, xx. 
241; Soph. Aj. 1284, #/. 1114 ; Plato, Soph. p. 
268 D; Liv. xxxviii. 28. Kypke and Loesner 
on the passage, Jnlerpp. ad. Virg. Aen. vi. 
836 ; Horace, Od. ii. 20.6 ; Tib.i. 6. 66. 

2 Kiihner, II. p. 28. Comp. Eur. Jon. 705, 


ἄλλων τραφεὶς ἀφ᾽ αἱμάτων ; Soph. Ant. 121, 
and many places in the tragedians where 
αἵματα is used in the sense of murder. Aesch. 
Fum. 163, 248; Eur. 27]. 187; Or. 1547, al. ; 
Monk, ad Eur. Ale. 512 ; Blomf. Gloss. Choeph. 
60. Comp. Ecclus. xxii. 22, xxxi. 21; 2 Macc. 
xiv. 18; also Plato, Legg. x. p. 887 D, ἔτι ἐν 
γάλαξι τρεφόμενοι. 


60 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ἐγεννήθ.] were begotten of God, containing the real relation of sonship to 
God, and thus explaining the former τέκνα ϑεοῦ, in so far as these were begot- 
ten by no human being, but by God, who through the Holy Spirit has re- 
stored their moral being and life, iii. 5. Hence ἐκ ϑεοῦ ἐγενν. is not tautolog- 
ical. ’Ex indicates the issuing forth from God as cause, where the relation 
of immediateness (in the first and last points) and of mediateness (in the 
second and third) lies in the very thing, and is self-evident without being 
distinctively indicated in the simple representation of John. 

Ver. 14. Kai] and ; not assigning a reason for the sonship just mentioned 
(Chrys., Theophyl., Jansen, Grotius, Lampe, and several others); nor = οὖν 
(Bleek), nor in the sense of nainely (Frommann), nor yea (Godet), but sim- 
ply carrying forward the discourse, like every καί in the Prologue ; and not 
therefore pointing back to ver. 4 (Maldonatus) or to ver. 9 (de Wette), nor 
joining on to ver. 11 (Liicke : ‘‘ The Logos came not only to His own pos- 
session, but appeared visibly ;” so, substantially, also Baur and Hilgenfeld), 
which would be a merely apparent advance in the exposition, because the 
visible manifestation is already intimated by φαίνει in ver. 5 and in vv. 9- 
13. No ; after having in vy. 4-13 spoken of the Logos as the light, of the 
melancholy contrast of the darkness of unbelief to that true light divinely 
attested by the Baptist, and of the exceedingly blessed agency which He has 
exercised on believers through the bestowal of the gift of sonship, the evan- 
gelist, on arriving at this last point, which expresses his own deepest and 
most blessed experience, can no longer delay formally and solemnly again 
to proclaim the great event by which the visible manifestation of the Logos— 
previously so frequently presupposed and referred to—had, with all its saving 
power, been brought about ; and thus by an outpouring of speech, which, 
prompted by the holiest recollections, soars involuntarily upwards until it 
reaches the loftiest height, to set forth and celebrate the mode of that mani- 
festation of the Logos which was attended with such blessed results (vv. 
12, 15), and which he had himself experienced. The transition, therefore, 
is from what is said in vv. 12, 13 of the agency of the manifested Logos, to 
the nature and mode of that manifestation itself, i.e. consequently to the 
incarnation, as a result of which He, as Jesus Christ, exhibited the glory of 
the Only-begotten, and imparted the fulness of grace and truth,—that in- 
carnation which historically determined what is recorded of Him in vv. AR, 
13. Accordingly καί is not definitive, ‘‘under such circumstances, with such 
consequences” (Briickner, who inappropriately compares Heb. iii. 19, 
where «ai connects the answer with the question as in continuous narration), 
but it carries onward the discourse, leading up to the highest summit, which 
even from ver. 5 shows itself as in,the distance. We must interpret it: 
and—to advance now to the most momentous fact in the work of redemp- 
tion, namely, how He who had come and wrought so much blessing was 
manifested and was able to accomplish such a work—the Word became flesh, 
etc. —6 Ξ λ 6γ ος] John does not simply say καὶ σὰρξ ἐγένετο, but he names the 
great subject as he had done in ver. 1, to complete the solemnity of the 
weighty statement, which he now felt himself constrained still to subjoin 
and to carry onward, as in joyful triumph, to the close of the Prologue.— 


CHAP, I., 14. 61 


σὰρξ ἐγένετο) The word cdpé is carefully chosen, not as against the divine 
idea of humanity, which is here not in question,’ but as opposed to the purely 
divine, and hence also to the purely immaterial nature® of the Logos,* whose 
transition, however, into this other form of existence necessarily presupposes 
that He is conceived of asa personality, not as a principle (Beyschlag, Christol. 
p- 169); as is, besides, required by the whole Prologue. The incarnation 
of a principle would be for John an unrealizable notion. Just as decidedly 
is ὁ λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο Opposed to the idea that the Logos became more and 
more completely σάρξ (Beyschlag) during the whole unfolding of His earthly 
life. The ὁ λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο is a definite act in the consummation of His 
history. He became flesh, i.e. a corporeal material being, visible and tangi- 
ble (1 John i. 2), which He was not before,* and by which evidently was in- 
tended the human mode of existence in which He appeared, and which was 
known to the reader in the person of Jesus. Ἔν σαρκὶ ἐλήλυθεν (1 John iv. 2 ; 
2 John 7 ; comp. 1 Tim. iii. 16) is, in fact, the same thing, though expressed 
from the point of view of that modality of His coming which is conditioned 
by the σὰρξ ἐγένετο. As, however, ἐγένετο points out that He became what He 
was not before, the incarnation cannot be a mere accident of His substantial 
being (against Baur), but is the assumption of another real existence, where- 
by out of the purely divine Logos-Person, whose specific nature at the same 
time remained unaltered, and in order to accomplish the work of redemp- 
tion,° a really corporeal personality, 1.6. the God-man Jesus Christ (ver. 17), 
came into existence.® Since σάρξ necessarily carries with it the idea only of 
the ψυχή, it might seem as if John held the Apollinarian notion, that in 
Christ there was no human νοῦς, but that the λόγος took its place.* But it 
is not really so,° because the human ψυχή does not exist by itself, but in 
necessary connection with the πνεῦμα, "ἢ and because the N. T. (comp. viii. 40) 


1 Against Beyschlag in the Stud. u. Krit. 
1860, p. 459. 

2 Hence also capé is selected for the pur- 
pose of expressing the full antithesis, and 
not σῶμα, because there might be a σῶμα 
without σάρξ (1 Cor. xv. 40, 44) ; and be- 
sides, the expression ὁ λόγος σῶμα ἐγένετο 
would not necessarily include the posses- 
sion of ahuman soul. John might also have 
written ἄνθρωπος ἐγένετο (y. 27, Viii. 40), 
but σάρξ presented the antithesis of the 
two forms of existence most sharply and 
strikingly, and yet at the same time un- 
questionably designates the human person- 
ality (xvii. 2). 
it is said to be impossible to understand by 
the incarnation any proper assumption of 
humanity. 

%Clem. ad Cor. Il. 9, ὧν μὲν τὸ πρῶτον 
πνεῦμα ἐγένετο σάρξ ; comp. Hahn, Theol. ἃ. 
1.97: 

* Comp. the well known ‘‘ Sum quod eram, 
nec eram quod sum, nunc dicor utrumque.” 
In Jesus Christ we have the absolute syn- 
thesis of the divine and the human. 


According to Baur, indeed, « 


5 Chap. vi. ; Rom. viii. 3; Heb. ii. 14, 15. 

® Comp. on the point, 1 John iv. 2; Phil. 
τ 1 Tim, iii; 163 Heb. ii. 14, v. 7. 

7™See Schulz, Adbendm. Ὁ. 94 ff.; Weiss; 
Lehrbeqgr. p. 256. 

8 Of late, Zeller in particular (in the Theol. 
Jahrb. 1842, I. 74) has limited the Johannean 
doctrine of the human element in the per- 
son of Jesus simply to His conporeity, ex- 
cluding any special human anima rationalis. 
Comp. also Kostlin, p. 148 ff., and Baur, 
neutest. Theol. Ὁ. 362. That σάρξ was the 
merely formal non-personal clothing of the 
Logos-subject (Pfleiderer, in Hilgenfeld’s 
Zeitschr. 1866, p. 260), does not correspond 
with the conception of ἄνθρωπος, under 
which Christ represents Himself (viii. 40). 
This is also in answer to Scholten, who in 
like manner comes to the conclusion that, 
in John’s view, Jesus was man as to His 
body only, but the Logos as to His spirit. 

9 566, on the other side, Mau, Progr. de 
Christolog. N. T., Kiel 1848, p. 13 ff. 

10 Beck, bibl. Seelenl. § 18; Hahn, Theol. d. 
WP, I. '§ 154: 


62 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


knows Jesus only as perfect man.’ In fact, John in particular expressly 
speaks of the ψυχή (xii. 27) and πνεῦμα of Christ (xi. 38, ΧΙ. 21, xix. 30), 
which he does not identify with the Logos, but designates as the substra- 
tum of the human self-consciousness (xi. 98).5 The transcendental charae- 
ter, however, of this self-consciousness, as necessarily given in the incarna- 
tion of the Logos, Weizsiicker has not succeeded, in his interpretation of the 
passages referred to, in explaining away by anything Jesus Himself says in this — 
Gospel. The conception of weakness and susceptibility of suffering,*® which 
Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, Olshausen, Tholuck, Hengstenberg, Philippi, 
and others find in σάρξ, is quite remote from this verse (comp. 1 John iv. 
2), where the point in question is simply that change in the divine mode of 
existence in which the σάρξ bears the δόξα ; and so also is any anti-Docetic 
reference, such as Frommann and others, and even de Wette and Lech- 
ler, imagine. —The supernatural generation of Jesus is neither presupposed 
nor included (as also Godet maintains), nor excluded,‘ in the ὁ λόγος σὰρξ éyé- 
vero, for the expression contains nothing as to the manner of the incarnation ; 
it is an addition to the primitive apostolical Christology, of which we have 
no certain trace either in the oldest Gospel (Mark), or in the only one which 
is fully apostolic (John), or anywhere in Paul: see on Matt. i. 18 ; comp. 
John v. 27, Rom. i. 8, 4. ---καὶ ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν) and tabernacled, 
i.e. took up His abode, among us: ἐσκήνωσεν here is chosen merely to draw 
our attention to the manifestation of the incarnate Logos, whose holy σκή- 
voua (2 Pet. i. 13) was in fact His human substance,* as the fulfilment of 
the promise of God’s dwelling with His people,® and therefore as the Sheki- 
nah which formerly revealed itself in the tabernacle and in the temple (see 
on Rom. ix. 4); an assumption which the context justifies by the words : 


ἐθεασ. τ. δόξαν αὐτοῦ. The Targums, in like manner, represent the Word 


1 So John in particular. See Hilgenfeld, obstacle in his way! Further, according to 


Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 234 ff., who, however, explains 
the σὰρξ ἐγένετο from the Valentinian sys- 
tem, and attributes to the evangelist the 
notion of a corporeity, real indeed, but not 
fettered by the limitation of a material 
body, appealing to vi. 16 ff., vii. 10, 15, viii. 
59, ii. 19 ff. Baur’s view is similar, though he 
does not go so far. Baur, p. 367. 

2 Rightly has the church held firmly to the 
perfection (perfectio) of the divine and 
human natures in Christ in the Athanasian 
sense. No change and no defect of nature 
on the one side or the other can be justified 
on exegetical grounds, and especially no 
such doctrine as that of Gess, that by the 
incarnation the Logos became a human 
soul or a human spirit (comp. also Hahn, 
Theol. ἃ. N. T. 1.198 f.). This modification, 
which some apply to the κένωσις, is unscrip- 
tural, and is particularly opposed to John’s 
testimony throughout his Gospel and First 
Epistle. How little does Gess succeed in 
reconciling his view with Johny. 26, for 
example,—a passage which is always an 


Worner, Verhdlin. αἰ. Geistes zum. Sohne Gott. 
p. 27, the Logos became a soul. Against 
Hahn, see Dorner in the Jahrb. f. ἃ. Theol. 
1856, p. 393 ff. 

3 See on Acts ii. 17. 

4 For assurecly the same subject, which 
in His divine essence was pre-existent as the 
eternal Logos, may as a temporal human 
manifestation come into existence and begin 
to be, so that in and by itself the manner 
of this origination, natural or supernatural, 
makes no difference in the conceivableness 
of the fact (against Baur in the Theol. Jahrb. 
1854, p. 222). 

5In this He tabernacled among us not 
merely as a divine principle (Beyschlag), 
but as πᾶν τὸ πλήρωμα τῆς θεότητος (Col. il. 9), 
i.e. exactly what He was as the personal 
Logos. Thus His body was the temple of 
God (ii. 19), the true special dwelling of 
God’s gracious presence. 

6 Ex. xxv. 8, xix.45; Lev. xxvi. 11; Joel 
111. 21; Ezek. xxxvii. 27; Hagg. ii. 8: comp. 
Ecclus. xxiv. 8; Rev. xxi. 3. 


CHAPSI, 14, 63 


(81D) as the 17°2W, and the Messiah as the manifestation of this. — ἐν 
ἡ xiv] refers to the ὅσοι ἔλαβον αὑτόν, vv. 12, 138, to whom John belongs, not 
‘simply to the Twelve (Tholuck), nor to the Christian consciousness (Hil- 
genfeld), nor to mankind generally ; comp. ver. 16. The believers whom 
Jesus found are the fellowship who, as the holy people, surrounded the in- 
carnate Word, and by whom His glory was beheld (comp. 1 John i. 1). — 
καὶ ἐθεασάμεθα, x.t.A.] We must not (as most expositors, even Liicke, 
Frommann, Maier, de Wette) take this clause as far as πατρός to be a lively 
insertion, interrupting the narrative ; for the having beheld the δόξα is the 
essential element in the progress of the discourse. [See Note V. p. 96.] 
It is an independent part in the connection ; so that πλήρης yap. κ. ἀλ., which 
is usually joined grammatically with ὁ λόγος, is to be referred to αὐτοῦ in an 
irregular combination of cases, determined by the logical subject (B. 
Crusius, Briickner, Weiss, comp. Grotius), by which the nominative instead 
of the dependent case (Augustine read πλήρους) sets forth the statement 
more emphatically without any governing word.!—ryv δόξαν αὐτοῦ) 
the Majesty (W353) of the Logos, 2.6. of necessity the divine glory (in the 
O. T. symbolically revealing itself as the brilliant light which surrounded 
the manifestation of Deity, Ex. xxiv. 17, xl. 34 ff.; Acts vii. 2), so far as 
the Logos from His nature (see what follows) essentially participated there- 
in, and possessed it in and from His pre-existent state.” It presented itself 
to the recognition of believers asa reality, in the entire manifestation, 
work, and history of Him who became man ; so that they (not unbelievers) 
beheld it * (intuebantur), because its rays shone forth, so as to be recognized 
by them, through the veil of the manhood, and thus it revealed itself visibly 
to them (1 John i. 1 ; comp. chap. 11. 11). The idea of an inner contempla- 
tion is opposed to the context (against Baur). The δόξα τοῦ λόγου, which 
before the incarnation could be represented to the prophet’s eye alone (xii. 
41), but which otherwise was, in its essence, incapable of being beheld by 
man, became by means of the incarnation an object of external observation by 
the eye-witnesses (Luke i. 2 ; 1 John iv. 14) of His actual self-manifestation. 
We must, however, bear in mind that the manifestation of this divine glory 
of the Logos in His human state is conceived of relatively, though revealing , 
beyond doubt the divine nature of the Logos, and nothing else than that, yet 
as limited and conditioned on the one hand by the imperfection of human in- 
tuition and knowledge, and on the other by the state of humiliation (Phil. ii. 
6 ff.) which was entered upon with the ‘‘ becoming flesh.” For the absolute 
glory, which as such is also the adequate ‘‘form of God,” was possessed by the 
Incarnate One—the Logos, who entered into our human life—only in His 
pre-evistent state (xvii. 5), and was resumed only after His exaltation (xii. 41, 
Xvii. 5, xxii. 24) ; while during His earthly life His δόξα as the manifesta- 
tion of the ἴσα εἶναι θεῷ was not the absolutely divine, but that of the God-man.' 


1 See especially Bernhardy, p. 68; Heind. e.g. to the miracles, or even specially to the 
ad Plat. Tieaet. 89, Soph. ; Winer, p. 524 history of the transfiguration (Luke ix. 32; 
[E. T. p. 564]. Wetstein, Tittmann), are arbitrary. 

2 Comp. Gess, Person Chr. p. 123. 4 Which indeed, even after His exaltation, 

$ All limitations to individual points, as is and ever continues to be that of the God- 


64 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


See on Phil. ii. 8, note, and chap. xvii. 5. No distinction is hereby made 
between the divine and the theanthropic δόξα (as objected by Weiss) ; the 
difference is simply in the degrees of manifestation and appearance. Still 
Weiss is right in denying, as against Késtlin and Reuss, that there is in 
John no idea whatever of humiliation (comp. xii. 32, 34, xvii. 5). —dé6 Fav] 
more animated without Jé..— ὡς μονογεν οὔ ς] as of anonly-begotten, i.e. as 
belongs to such an one,’ corresponds to the nature of one who is μονογετῆὴς 
παρὰ πατρός; Chrysostom: οἵαν ἔπρεπε καὶ εἰκὸς ἔχειν μονογενῆ καὶ γνήσιον υἱὸν ὄντα, 
x.t.A. The idea of reality * (ὄντως) lies as little in ὡς as in the erroneously so 
called 3 veritatis (against Olshausen, Klee, and earlier writers) ; it involves 
rather the idea of comparison, approaching the meaning of quippe.*—yo- 
νογενῆς] of Christ, and regarded, indeed, in His divine nature, is Johan- 
nean, expressing the apostle’s own idea of Christ’s unique relationship as 
the son of God, i. 18, iii. 16, 18, 1 John iv. 9, though it is put into the 
mouth of Christ Himself in 111. 16, 18. Comp. the Pauline πρωτοτόκος, Col. 
i. 15, Heb. i.6, which as to the thing corresponds with the Johannean povoy- 
evic, but presents the idea in the relation of time to the creation, and in 
Rom. viii. 29 to Christianity. Movoy. designates the Logos as the only Son 
(Luke vii. 12, viii. 42, ix. 88 ; Heb. xi. 17; Tob. viii..17 ; Herod. vii. 221; 
Plato, Legg. 111. p. 691 Ὁ ; Aesch. Ag. 898 ; Hes. ἔργ. 378), besides whom the 
Father has none, who did not, like the τέκνα θεοῦ (vv. 12, 13), become such 
by moral generation, nor by adoption, but by the intrinsic relation inhering 
in the divine essence, whereby He was in the beginning with God, being Him- 
self divine in nature and person, vv. 1, 2. He did not become this by His 
incarnation, but 7s this before all time as the Logos, and manifests Himself 
as the yovoy. by means of the incarnation, so that consequently the povoy. vide 
is not identical (Beyschlag, p. 151 ff.) with the historical person Jesus Christ, 
but presents Himself in that person to believers ; and therefore we are not to 
think of any interchange of the predicates of the Logos and the Son, ‘‘ who 
may be also conceived of retrospectively.” ° Finally, the designation corre- 
sponds to human relations, and is anthropomorphic, as is υἱὸς θεοῖ; itself,—a 
circumstance which necessarily limits its applicability as an expression of the 
metaphysical relation, which of course excludes the idea of birth as involy- 
ing the maternal function. Origen well remarks : τὸ δὲ ὡς povoy. παρὰ πατρ. 
νοεῖν ὑποβάλλει, Ex τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ πατρὸς εἶναι TOV υἱὸν . . . εἰ yap Kai ἄλλα 
παρὰ πατρὸς ἔχει τὴν ὕπαρξιν, ματαίως ἡ τοῦ μονογενοῦς ἔκειτο φωνή. ---πατρό ς] 
without the article. Παρὰ πατρ. must be joined to povoy., to which it adds 
the definite idea of having gone forth, i.e. of having come from the Father 


man, though without limitation and perfect. 
—According to Weiss (Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 261), the 
δόξα of the Logos cannot be that of the 
originally divine essence itself, but one 
vouchsafed to Christ for the purpose of His 
works. This, however, is contrary to the 
express meaning of the word here, where 
by the τὴν δόξ. αὐτοῦ, «.7.A., we can only 
understand His proper glory brought with 
Him by the Logos into His incarnate life. 
As to xvii. 22, see on that passage. 


1Comp. Hom. Od. a, 22f.; Dem. de. cor. 
143 (p. 275, Reisk.): ᾿Αττικὴν 
εἰσάγεις... πόλεμον ᾿Αμφικτυονικόν, See 
Kriiger, § 59, 1. 3, 4. 

2 Therefore povoy. is without the article. 
The expression is qualitative. 

3 Euthymius Zigabenus : ὄντως. 

4 Ellendt, Lex. Soph. II. p. 1002; see Kiih- 
ner, § 330. 5. 

5 Weizsacker, 1862, p. 699. 

5. Winer, p. 116 [E. T. p. 122]. 


πόλεμον εἰς τ. 


CHAP. I., 14. 65 


(vi. 46, vii. 29, xvi. 27). [See Note VI. p. 96.] Correlative with this is ver. 
18, ὁ ὧν εἰς τ. κόλπον τοῦ πατρός, Where the only-begotten Son who cume 
' forth from the Father is viewed as having again returned to the Father. 
The conception of having been begotten, and thus of essential origin, would 
be expressed by the simple genitive (πατρός) ; or by the dative, or by ἐκ 
or ἀπό, but lies in the word jovoyevoi¢ itself ; since this expresses the very 
generation, and therefore the ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ πατρὸς εἶναι (Origen). Its con- 
nection with δόξαν (Erasmus, Grotius, Hofmann, Schriftbew. I. 120, Weiss ; 
already Theophyl.?) is in itself grammatically admissible (Plut. Agis, 2 ; 
Plato, Phaedr. p. 232 A ; Acts xxvi. 12), but is favoured here neither by the 
position of the words nor by the connection, which has no concern with 
the origin of the δόξα, but only with the designation of its nature ; moreover, 
the anarthrous yovoy. requires a more precise definition, which is exactly 
what it has in παρὰ πατρός. ---πλήρης Yap K.aA7O.] To be referred to 
αὐτοῦ as its subject, though this stands in the genitive. See above. It ex- 
plains how the Logos, having become incarnate, manifested Himself to those 
who beheld His glory. Grace and truth* are the two efficaciously saving 
and inseparable factors of His whole manifestation and ministry, not consti- 
tuting His δόξα (Luthardt),—a notion opposed to ii. 11 and xvii.,—but dis- 
playing it and making it known to those who beheld that glory. Through 
God’s grace to sinful man He became man ; and by His whole work on earth 
up to the time of His return to His Father, He has been the instrument of 
obtaining for believers the blessing of becoming the children of God. Truth, 
again, was what revealed itself in His entire work, especially by His preach- 
ing, the theme of which was furnished by His intuition of God (ver. 18), 
and which therefore must necessarily reveal in an adequate manner God’s 
nature and counsel, and be the opposite of darkness and falsehood. Comp. 
Matt. xi. 97. The truth (ἀλήθεια) corresponds formally to the nature of the 
Logos as light (φῶς) ; the grace (χάρις), which bestows everlasting life (iii. 
15), to His nature as life (ζω), vv. 4, 5. That the χάρις κ. ἀλήθεια with which 
He was filled are divine grace and truth, of which He was the possessor and 
bearer, so that in Him they attained their complete manifestation (comp. xiv. 
6), is self-evident from what has preceded, but is not specially indicated, as 
would necessarily have been done by the use of the article, which would have 
expressed the grace and truth (simply) κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν. Ver. 16 f. is decisive 
against the construction of πλήρης with what follows (Erasmus, Paulus). 
Whether John, moreover, used the words rip. χάριτος x. ἀληθ. with any 
reference to Ex. xxxiv. 6 (Hengstenberg) is very doubtful, for M8 in that 


passage has a different meaning (truthfulness, fidelity). John is speaking 
independently, from his own full experience and authority as a witness. 
Through a profound living experience, he had come to feel, and here 
declares his conviction, that all salvation depends on the incarnation of the 
Logos. 

1 Where, according to Hilgenfeld, the Matthew and Mark also do not use it; while 
author must have had in view the female Luke does not employ it in the sense of 
Aeons of the two first Syzygies of the Val- saving Christian grace, in which sense it first 


entinian system. John undoubtedly has occurs in the Acts and in Paul, 
the word χάρις only in the Prologue, but 


66 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Ver, 15. [See Note VII. p. 96.] It is to this great fact of salvation to 
which the Baptist bears testimony, and his testimony was confirmed by the 
gracious experience of us all (ver. 16). — μαρτυρεῖ) Represents it as pres- 
ent, as if the testimony were still sounding forth. —xéxpaye] ‘ clamat 
Joh, cum fiducia et gaudio, uti magnum praeconem decet,” Bengel. He 
erieth, comp. vii. 28, 37, xii. 44 ; Rom. ix. 27. The Perfect in the usual 
classical sense as a present.’ Not so elsewhere in the N. T. Observe, too, 
the solemn circwmstantial manner in which the testimony is introduced : 
‘* John bears witness of Him, and cries while he says.” —oitoc ἢν] ἦν is used, 
because John is conceived as speaking at the present time, and therefore as 
pointing back to a testimony historically past : ‘‘This was He whom I meant 
at the time when I said.” Witheiweiv τινα, ‘to speak of any one,” 
comp. x. 36.7. See on vill. 27.—6 ὀπίσω pov ἐρχόμ. ἔμπροσθέν μου 
γέγονεν) ‘‘ Hewho cometh after me is here before me ;’—in how far is stated 
in the clause ὅτι πρῶτός μου ἦν, which assigns the reason. The meaning of 
the sentence and the point of the expression depend upon this,—namely, 
that Christ in His human manifestation appeared after John, but yet, as the 
pre-mundane Logos, preceded him, because He existed before John. On 
γίνεσθαι with an adverb, especially of place, in the sense of coming as in Vi. 
25.° Both are adverbs of place, yet under the local image representing time 
and not rank (ἐντιμότερός μοί ἐστι, Chrysostom ; so most critics, with 
Liicke, Tholuck, Olshausen, Maier, de Wette),* which would involve a di- 
verse mode of construing the two particles (the first being taken temporally), 
and the sentence then becomes trivial, and loses its enigmatical character, 
since there is no reason why later comers should stand lower in dignity. 
Origen long ago rightly understood both clauses as relating to time, though 
the second is not therefore to be rendered ‘‘ He was before me” (Luther and 
many, also Briickner, Baeumlein), since ἦν is not the word ;° nor: ‘‘ He 
came into being before me,” which would not be referable ‘‘to the Ὁ. T. ad- 
vent of Christ” (Lange), but, in harmony with the idea of μονογενής, to His 
having come forth from God prior to all time. It is decisive against both, 
that ὅτι πρῶτός μου ἣν would be tautological,—an argument which is not to 
be set aside by any fanciful rendering of πρῶτος (see below). Nonnus well 
remarks : πρῶτος ἐμεῖο βέβηκεν, ὀπίστερος ὅστις ἱκάνει. Comp. Godet and 
Hengst.; alsoin his Christol. III. 1, p. 675, ‘‘my successor is my predeces- 
sor,” where, however, his assumption of a reference to Mal. iii. 1 is without 
any hint to that effect in the words. According to Luthardt (comp. Hof- 
mann, Weissag. u. Erf. Il. 256), what is meant to be said is: ‘‘ He who at 
first walked behind me, as if he were my disciple, has taken precedence of 





1 Boar ... καὶ κεκραγώς, Dem. 271, 11; Soph. 4 This rendering is not ungrammatical (in 
Aj. 1136; Arist. Plut. 722. Vesp. 415. opposition to Hengstenberg), if only we 
2Xen. Cyr. vii. 3.53 Plato, Crat. p.482C; maintain that, while adopting it, the local 
Hom. 11. ¢. 479. meaning of ἔμπροσθεν is not changed. 
3 See Kriiger on Xen. Anab. i. 2.7%; Kiih- (Comp. Gen. xlviii. 20; Baruch ii. 5.) 
ner, II. p. 89; Nagelsbach, note on Iliad, 5 So, too, in Matt. xix. 8 and John xx. 7, 


ed. 3, p. 295. Comp. Xen. Cyrop. vii. 1. 22, γίνεσθαι does not mean esse, but fiert (against 
ἐγένετο ὄπισθεν τῶν ἁρμαμαξῶν ; Ando. Vii. 1. Baeumlein); so also in passages such as 
10; i. 8, 24. Luke i. 5, 2)Pet. ii. 1. 


CHP. ΠΟ: 67 


me, .6. He has become my master.” But the enigma of the sentence lies 
just in this, that ὁ ὀπίσω μου ἐρχόμ. expresses something still futwre, as this 
also answers to the customary ἔρχεσθαι of the Messiah’s advent. Hofmann’s 
view, therefore, is more correct, Schriftbew. II. 1, p. 10 ff.,—mnamely, that 
the meaning of the Baptistis, ‘‘ while Jesus is coming after him, he is already 
before Him.” But even thus ἐμπρ. μου yéy. amounts to a figurative designa- 
tion of rank, which is not appropriate to the clause ὅτε πρῶτός μου ἦν, Which 
assigns the reason, and manifestly refers to time. —é7e πρῶτός μου ἢν] 
is a direct portion of the Baptist’s testimony which has just been adduced,’ 
as ver. 30 shows, presenting the key to the preceding oxymoron : for before 
me He was in existence. The reference to rank,’ requiring our construing, 
‘¢ He was more than I,” is overthrown by ἦν, for which we should have had 
ἐστίν. Comp. Matt. 111. 11. Only a rendering which refers to time (i.e. only 
the pre-existence of the Logos) solves the apparent opposition between sub- 
ject and predicate in the preceding declaration. — πρῶτος in the sense of 
πρότερος, answering to the representation, ‘‘first in comparison with me.” * 
We must not, with Winer and Baur, force in the idea of absolute priority.* 
This also against Ewald (‘‘far earlier’), Hengstenberg, Briickner, Godet 
(‘‘the principle of my existence”). To refuse to the Baptist all idea of the 
pre-evistence of the Messiah, and to represent his statement merely as one 
put into his mouth by the evangelist,° is the more baseless, the more pointed 
and peculiar is the testimony ; the greater the weight the evangelist attaches 
to it, the less can it be questioned that deep-seeing men were able, by 
means of such Ὁ. T. passages as Mal. 111. 1, Isa. vi. 1 ff., Dan. vii. 13 ff., 
to attain to that idea, which has also Rabbinical testimony in its support, °® 
and the more decidedly the harbinger of the Messiah, under the influence 
of divine revelation, took his stand as the last of the prophets, the Elijah 
who had come. 

Ver. 16. Not the language of the Baptist,” against which ἡμεῖς πάντες is 
decisive, but that of the evangelist continued. —é7x (see critical notes) in- 
troduces the personal and superabounding gracious experience of believers, with 
a retrospective reference indeed to the πλήρ. χάριτος x. ἀληθ., ver. 14, and in 
the form of a confirmation of John’s testimony in ver. 15: this testimony is 
justified by what was imparted to us all out of the fulness of Him who was 
borne witness to.—éx τοῦ πληρώμ. αὐτοῦ] out of that whereof He was 
Sull, ver. 14 ; πλήρωμα in a passive sense ; see on Col. i. 19. The phrase and 
idea were here so naturally furnished by the immediate context, that it is 
quite far-fetched to find their source in Gnosticism, especially in that of the 


1 Against Hengstenberg. 
2 Chrysostom, Erasmus, Beza, Calvin, 


naw}, in relation to me.’? The comparison 
of A and Q in the Revelation is inapplicable 


Grotius, and most comm., also B. Crusius 
and Hofmann. 

3 Comp. the genitive relation in πρωτότοκος 
πάσης κτίσεως, Col. i, 15. See Herm. ad 
Viger. p. 718; Dorvill. ad Charit. p. 478; 
Bernhardy, Fratosth. 42, Ὁ. 192. : 

4 Philippi, d. Hingang d. Joh. Ev., Ὁ. 179: 
“ He is the unconditioned first (i.e. the eter- 


here, because we have not the absolute o 
πρῶτος, but πρῶτός μου. Comp. xv. 18; and 
Buttmann, newt. Gr. p. 74 [E. T. p. 84]. 

‘6 Strauss, Weisse, B. Bauer, de Wette, 
Scholten, and many others. 

ὁ Bertholdt, Christol. p. 131. 

7 Heracleon, Origen, Rupertus, Erasmus, 
Luther, Melanchthon, Lange. 


68 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Valentinians.'— ἡ μ εἴ ς] we on our part, giving prominence to the personal 
experience of the believers (which had remained unknown to unbelievers), 
vv. 10, 11.—xdvrec] None has goneempty away. Inexhaustibleness of the 
πλήρωμα. ---ἐλάβομεν] absolute: we have received.—xai] and indeed.? — 
χάριν ἀντὶ χάριτος] grace for grace, isnot to be explained,* NV. T. instead 
of O. T. grace,* or instead of the original grace lost in Adam (see especially 
Calovius), since in ver. 17 ὁ νόμος and ἡ χάρις are Opposed to each other, and 
since in the N. T. generally χάρις is the distinctive essence of Christian sal- 
vation (comp. especially Rom. vi. 14, 15) ; but with Beza and most modern 
expositors,° ‘‘so that ever and anon fresh grace appears in place of that already 
received.” ‘‘ Proximam quamque gratiam satis quidem magnam gratia sub- 
sequens cumulo et plenitudine sua quasi obruit,” Bengel. So superabundant 
was the λαμβάνειν ! This rendering is justified linguistically by Theogn. 
Sent. 344, ἀντ’ ἀνιῶν ἀνίας ; Philo, de poster. Caini, I. p. 254 ; Chrys. de sae. vi. 
13,—as in general by the primary meaning of ἀντί (grace interchanging with 
grace) ; it corresponds, in the context, with the idea of the πλήρωμα, from 
which it is derived, and is supported further by the’ increasingly blessed 
condition of those individually experiencing it (justification, peace with 
God, consolation, joy, illumination, love, hope, etc.: see on Rom. v. 1 
ff. ; Gal. v. 22; Eph. v. 9). John might have written χάριν ἐπὶ χάριτι or 
χάριν ἐπὶ χάριν (Phil. ii. 27), but his conception of it was different. Still, any 
special reference to the fulness of the special χαρίσματα, 1 Cor. xii.—xiv. 
(Ewald), lies remote from the context here (ver. 17) ; though these; as in 
general any spiritual blessing (Eph. i. 3), wherewith God in Christ has 
blessed believers, are not excluded. 
Ver. 17. Antithetical confirmation of χάριν ἀντὶ χάριτος ; ‘‘ for how high 
above what was formerly given by Moses, does that stand which came 
‘through Jesus Christ ! Comp. Rom. iv. 15, x. 4; Gal. iii. 10ff., al. The 
former is the Jaw, viewed by Paul as the antithesis of grace (Rom. vi. 14, 
vii. 3; Gal. iv. 4, and many other passages), in so far as it only lays us 
under obligation, condemns us, and in fact arouses and intensities the need 
of grace, but does not bestow peace, which latter gift has been realized for 
us through Christ. The antithesis without μὲν----δέ has rhetorical force (iv. 
22, vi. 05). ---ἡ χάρις] in the definite and formal sense of redemption, sao-: 
ing grace, i.e. the grace of the Father in the Son. Hence also καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια is 
added with a pragmatical reference to ver. 14 ; this, like all Christ’s gifts 
of grace, was included in the universal χάριν ἀντὶ χάριτος of ver. 16. More- 
over, the ἀλήθεια was not given in the law, in so far as its substance, which 
was not indeed untrue, but an outflow of the divine will for salvation (Rom. 


1 Schwegler, Hilgenfeld. 

2See Winer, Ὁ. 407 [E. T. Ὁ. 437]; Har- 
tung, Partikeil. 1. 145. 

3 With Chrysostom, Cyril, Severus, Non- 
nus, Theophylact, Erasmus, Beza, Aretius, 
Calovius, Jansen, Wolf, Lampe, and many 
others, even Paulus. 

1 Euthymius Zigabenus: τὴν καινὴν διαθήκην 
ἀντὶ τῆς παλαιᾶς. 


5 Among whom, however, Godet regards 
the phrase with ἀντί as a play upon words, 
referring to the O. T. law of retaliation, ac- 
cording to which “ chaque grace était la ré- 
compense Dun mérite acquis.” But such an 
allusion would be inappropriate, since χάρις 
in ἀντὶ χάριτος is not something human, but 
divine. 

6 Buttm. WV. 7. Gk. p. 344 (E. T. p. 364). 


CHAP. I., 18. 69 


vii. 10 sqq. ; Acts vii. 38), was related only as type and preparation to the 
absolute revelation of truth in Christ and hence through its very fulfilment 
(Matt. v. 17) had come to be done away.* Comp. Gal. 111. 34. Grace was 
still wanting to the law, and with it ¢rwth also in the full meaning of the 
word. See also 2 Cor. 11. 13 ff. —éyéve7o0] The non-repetition of ἐδόθη is 
not to point out the independent work of the Logos,” with which διά is incon- 
sistent, or of God (Origen), whose work the law also was. It comes from a 
change of thought (not recognized by Liicke), in that each clause sets forth 
the historical phenomenon as it actually oceurred. In the case of the law, 
this took place in the historical form of being given, whereas grace and truth 
originated, came into being, not absolutely, but in relation to mankind, for 
whom they had not before existed asa matter of experience, but which now, 
in the manifestation and work of Christ, unfolded their historical origin. 
Comp. 1 Cor. i. 830.—Observe how appropriately, in harmony with the crea- 
tive skilful plan of the Prologue, after the incarnation of the Logos, and the 
revelation of His glory which was therewith connected, have been set forth 
with glowing animation, there is now first announced the great historical 
Name, Jesus Christ, which designates the incarnate Logos as the complete 
concrete embodiment of His manifestation. Comp. 1 Johni. 1-3. Only 
now is the Prologue so fully developed, that Jesus Christ, the historical per- 
son of the λόγος ἔνσαρκος (hence all the less, with Hofmann and Luthardt, 
to be understood immediately from the beginning under the Logos), comes 
before the eye of the reader, who now, however, knows how to gather up in 
this name his full theanthropic glory. 

Ver. 18 furnishes an explanation of what had just been said, that ἡ ἀλήθεια 
διὰ "I. X. ἐγένετο, ;* for this there was required immediate knowledge of God, 
the result of experience, which His only-begotten Son alone possessed. — 
οὐδείς] no man, not even Moses. ‘‘ Besides is no doctor, master, or 
preacher, than the only Teacher, Christ, who is in the Godhead inwardly,” 
Luther ; comp. Matt. xi. 27.— ἑώρα κε] has seen, beheld (comp. iii. 11), of 
the beholding of God's essence (Ex. xxxiii. 20), to the exclusion of visions, 
theophanies, and the like.4 Agreeably to the context, the reference is to the 
direct vision of God’s essential glory, which no man could have (Ex. J.¢.), 
but which Christ possessed in His pre-existent condition as λόγος (comp. vi. 
46), and possesses again since His exaltation. —6 ὧν εἰς τὸν κόλπ. τοῦ 
πατρός] As ἐξήγησ. refers to the state on earth of the Only-begotten, ὧν con- 
sequently, taken as an imperfect, cannot refer to the pre-human state ;* yet it 
cannot coincide with ἐξήγη. in respect of time (Beyschlag), because the εἶναι 
εἰς τὸν KOA. τ. 7. Was not true of Christ during His earthly life (comp. espe- 
cially i. 52).° The right explanation therefore is, that John, when he wrote 





Som. στ: 4: ἸΟΟΪ, ΓΙ; 145. Heb, x. 1) ff, 


4 Comp. 1 John iv. 12; also Rom. i. 20; 
vii. 18. 


ΘΟΕ ih sl) ima: 1s Wie 


2 Clemens, Paedag. i. 7. 

3 Not including any explanation of ἡ χάρις 
also (Luthardt), because ἑώρακε and ἐξηγή- 
σατο answer only to the conception of the 
truth in which the vision of God is inter- 
preted. . 


5 Against Luthardt, Gess, pp. 123, 236, and 
others. 

6 Hence we must not say, with Briickner, 
comp. Tholuck and Hengstenberg, that a 
relation of the μονογενής is portrayed which 
was neither interrupted nor modified by 


\ 
70 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ὁ ὧν εἰς τ. Kk. τ. 7., expressed himself from his own present standing-point, 
and conceived of Christ as in His state of exaltation, as having returned to 
the bosom of the Father, and therefore into the state of the εἶναι πρὸς τὸν 
θεόν. Thus also must we explain the statement of direction towards, εἰς 
τὸν κόλπ., Which would be otherwise without any explanation (Mark ii. 1, 
xiii. 16; Luke xi. 7) ; so that we recognize in εἰς as the prominent element 
the idea of having arrived at,’ not the notion of leaning upon,* nor of moving 
towards, which is warranted neither by the simple ὧν (in favour of which 
such analogies as in aurem dormire are inappropriate) nor by εἰς, instead of 
which zpéc* or ἐπί with the accusative ought rather to be expected.° This 
forced interpretation of εἰς would never have been attempted, had not ὧν 
been construed as a timeless Present, expressing an inherent relation, and in 
this sense applied ° also to the earthly condition of the Son ; comp. Beyschlag, 
pp. 100, 150. So far as the thing itself is concerned, the εἶναι εἰς τὸν KéAr- 
does not differ from the εἶναι πρὸς τὸν θεόν of ver. 1 ; only it expresses the 
fullest fellowship with God, not before the incarnation, but after the exal- 
tation, and at the same time exhibits the relation of dove under a sensuous 
form (κόλπον) ; not derived, however, from the custom (xiii. 23) of reclining 
at table (thus usually, but not appropriately in respect of fellowship with 
God), but rather from the analogy of a father’s embrace (Luke vi. 22). In 
its pragmatic bearing, ὁ ὧν is the historical seal of the ἐξηγήσατο : but we 
must not explain it, with Hilgenfeld, from the Gnostic idea of the πλήρωμα. 
[See Note VIII. p. 97.] —éxeivoc] strongly emphatic, and pointing heaven- 
wards.’ --ἰ ξηγήσατο])] namely, the substance of His intuition of God ; 
comp. viii. 88. The word is the usual one for denoting the exposition, inter- 
pretation of divine things, and intuitions.* It does not occur elsewhere in 


the incarnation. The communion of the 
Incarnate One with God remained, He in 
God, and God in Him, but not in the same 
manner metaphysically as before His in- 
carnation and after his exaltation. He while 
on earth was still in heaven (iii. 13), yet not 
de facto, but de jure, because heaven was 
His home, His ancestral seat. 

1So Hofmann, Schriftbew. I. 120, II. 98 ; 
Weiss, Lehrbeqr. 239. 

2 Ellendt, Lew. Soph. I. p. 537 ; Jacobs, ad 
Anthol. XIII. p. 71; Buttm. VW. 7. Gz. p. 286; 
[E. T. p. 333]. 

3 Godet, after Winer, Lticke, Tholuck, 
Maier, Gess, and most others. 

4 Hom. Jl. vi. 467. 

5 Philippi’s objections (Glaubensl. IV. 1, 
p. 409 f.) to my rendering are quite baseless. 
For an explanation of the ὧν εἰς τὸν κόλπ. 
which occurs to every unprejudiced ex- 
positor as coming directly from the words 
themselves cannot be ‘‘arbitrary.”” And it 
is not contrary to the connection, as both 
Godet and Beyschlag hold, because what 
the words, as usually interpreted, say, is 
already contained in the ὁ μονογενὴς vids, 


whereupon ὃ ὧν, x.7.A. sets forth the exal- 
tation of the Only-begotten—just as in ὁ 
μονογ᾽ υἱός were given the ground and source 
of the ἐξηγήσατο---ἃ 5 its infallible confirma- 
tion. This also against Gess, p. 124. My 
interpretation is quite as compatible with 
earnest treatment of the deity of Christ (Heng- 
stenberg) as the usual one, while both 
are open to abuse. Besides, we have 
nothing at all todo here with the earnest- 
ness referred to, but simply with the corvect- 
ness or incorrectness of the interpretation. 
Further, I have not through fear of spirit- 
ualism (as Beyschlag imagines) deviated 
from the usual meaning, which would quite 
agree with iii. 13. 


6 Liicke, Tholuck, de Wette, Lange, 


-Briickner, Hengstenberg, Philippi, and most 


expositors. 

7 As with Homer (see Nitzsch, p. 87, note 
1), so in the N. T. John pre-eminently re- 
quires not merely to be read, but to be 
spoken. His work is the epic among the 
Gospels. 

8 Plato, Pol. iv. p. 427 C; Schneid. Theagq. 
p. 181; Xen. Cyr. viii. 8.11; Soph. 2. 417; 


CHAP; Το 18. 1} 


John, and hence a special reference in its selection here is all the more to be 
presumed, the more strikingly appropriate it is to the context (against 
᾿ Liicke, Maier, Godet). Comp. LXX. Ley. xiv. 57. [See Note IX. p. 71]. 


Note.—The Prologue, which we must not with Reuss restrict to vv. 1-5, is 
not ‘A History of the Logos,’’ describing Him down to ver. 13 as He was before 
His incarnation, and from ver. 14 ff. as incarnate (Olshausen). Against this it 
is decisive that vv. 6-13 already refer to the period of His human existence, and 
that, in particular, the sonship of believers, vv. 12, 13, cannot be understood in 
any other than a specifically Christian sense. For this reason, too, we must 
not adopt the division of Ewald ; (1) The pre-mundane history of the Logos, 
vv. 1-8; (2) the history of His first purely spiritual agency up to the time of 
His incarnation, vy. 4-13; (3) the history of His human manifestation and 
ministry, vv. 14-18. John isintent rather on securing, in grand and condensed 
outline, a profound comprehensive view of the nature and work of the Logos 3 
which latter, the work, was in respect of the world creative, in respect of man- 
kind illuminative (the Light). As this working of the Logos was historical, the 
description must necessarily also bear an historical character ; not in such a 
way, however, as to give a formal history, first of the λόγος ἄσαρκος (which 
could not have been given), and then of the λόγος ἔνσαρκος (which forms the 
substance of the Gospel itself), but in such a way that the whole forms a histori- 
cal picture, in which we see, in the world which came into existence by the cre- 
ative power of the Logos, His light shining before, after, and through His 
incarnation. This at the same time tells against Hilgenfeld, p. 60 ff., accord- 
ing to whom, in the Prologue, ‘‘the Gnosis of the absolute religion, from its 
immediate foundation to its highest perfection, runs through the series of its 
historical interventions.’’ According to Késtlin, p. 102 ff., there is a brief 
triple description of all Christianity from the beginning onwards to the 
present ; and this, too, (1) from the standing-point of God and His relation to 
the world, vv, 1-8; then (2) from the relations of the Logos to mankind, vv. 
9-13 ; and lastly, (3) in the individual, vv. 14-18, by which the end returns to 
the beginning, ver. 1. But a triple beginning (which Kaeuffer too assumes in 
the Sdchs. Stud. 1844, p. 103 ff.) is neither formally hinted at nor really made : 
for, in ver. 9, ὁ λόγος is not the subject to ἦν, and this jv must, agreeably to the 
context, refer to the time of the Baptist, while K®6stlin’s construction and 
explanation of 7v—épyouevov is quite untenable ; and because in the last part, 
from ver. 14 onwards, the antithesis between receiving and not receiving, so 
essential in the first two parts, does not at all recuragain. The simple explana- 
tion, in harmony with the text, is as follows : The Prologue consists of three 
parts,—namely, (1) a description (a) of the primeval existence of the Logos, vv. 
1, 2, and (b) of His creative work, ver. 3 (with the addition of the first part 
of ver. 4, which is the transition to what follows). Next, (2)a representation 
of Him in whom was life as the Light of mankind, ver. 4 ff., and this indeed (a)as 
He once had been, when still without the contrast of darkness, ver. 4, and (Ὁ) as 
He was in this contrast, ver. 5. This shining in the darkness is continuous 
(hence φαίνει, ver. 5), and the tragic opposition occasioned thereby now unfolds 
itself before our eyes onwards to ver. 13, in the following manner: ‘Though 


comp. the ἐξηγηταί in Athens: Ruhnken, ad Tim. p. 109 ff.; Hermann, gottesd. Alterth. 
§ 1, 12. 


92 . THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


John came forward and testified of the Light, not being himself the Light, but 
a witness of the Light (vv. 6-8,—though He, the true Light, was already evist- 
ing (ver. 9),—though He was in the world, and the world was made by Him, still 
men acknowledged Him not; though He came to I/is own, His own received 
Him not (vy. 10, 11); whereas those who did receive Him obtained from Him 
power to become the spiritual sons of God (vv. 12, 13.’’ Lastly, (3) this 
blessedness of believers, due to the Logos who had historically come, now 
constrains the apostle to make still more prominent the mode and fashion in 
which He was manifested in history (His incarnation), and had revealed His glory, 
vy. 14-18. Thus the Prologue certainly does not (against Baur) lift the histori- 
cal out of its own proper soil, and transfer it to the sphere of metaphysics, but 
rather unveils its metaphysical side, which was essentially contained in and 
connected with it, as existing prior to its manifestation, and in the light of 
this its metaphysical connection sums it up according to its essence and antithe- 
sis, its actual development and the proof of its historical truth being furnished 
by the subsequent detailed narrative in the Gospel. We may distinguish the 
three parts thus : (1) The premundane ewistence and creative work of the Logos, Vv. 
1-4a ; (2) His work as the Light of men, and the opposition to this, vv. 4-18 ; 
(3) The revelation of His glory which took place through the incarnation, vv. 14-18. 
Or, in the briefest way : the Logos (1) as the creator ; (2) as the source of light 3 
(3) as the manifestation of the God-man. ‘This third part shows us the Incarnate 
One again, ver. 18, where as ἄσαρκος He was in the beginning—d ὧν εἰς τ, κόλπ. 
τοῦ πατρός ; and the cycle is complete. 


Vv. 19, 20. The historical narrative, properly so called, now begins, and 
quite in the style of the primitive Gospels (comp. Mark i. ; Acts x. 36, 87, 
xiii, 23-25), with the testimony of the Baptist. —« ai] and, now first of all 
to narrate the testimony already mentioned in ver. 15; for this, and not 
another borne before the baptism, is meant ; see note foll. ver. 18. — airy] 
‘‘ The following is the testimony of John, which he bore when,” ete.’ In- 
stead of ὅτι, the evangelist puts ὅτε, because the idea of time was with him 
the predominant one.? Had he written ὅτι, his thought would have been : 
‘‘ Herein did his testimony consist, that the Jews sent to him, and he con- 
fessed,” etc. —oi Ἰουδαῖοι] means, even in such passages as this, where 
it is no merely indifferent designation of the people (as in ii. 6, 18, iii. 1, 
iv. 22, v. 1, xviii. 33 ff., and often), nothing else than the Jews ; yet John, 
writing when he had long severed himself from Judaism, makes the body of 
the Jews, as the old religious community from which the Christian Church 
had already completely separated itself, thus constantly appear in a hostile 
sense in face of the Lord and His work, asthe ancient theocratic people 
in corporate opposition to the new community of God (which had entered 
into their promised inheritance) and to its Head. How little may be de- 
duced from this as ground of argument against the age and genuineness of 
the Gospel, see my Jntrod. ὃ 8. For the rest, in individual passages, the 


1 Following Origen and Cyril, Paulus and simplicity of John’s style. 
B. Crusius suppose that ore begins a new 2 Comp. Pflugk, ad Hee. 107 ; Ellendt, Lew. 
sentence, of which καὶ ὡμολόγησε, etc., isto Soph. 11. p. 393. 
be taken as the apodosis—contrary to the 


CHAP Fey 21. 73 


context must always show who, considered more minutely as matter of his- 
tory, the persons in question were by whom the Jews are represented, as 
in this place, where it was plainly the Sanhedrim+who represented the 
people of the old religion. Comp. v. 15, ix. 22, xviii. 12, 31, etc. —x«ai 
Aevirac] priests, consequently, with their subordinates, who had, however, 
a position as teachers, and aspired to priestly authority (see Ewald and Heng- 
stenberg). The mention of these together is a trait illustrative of John’s 
precision of statement, differing from the manner of the Synoptics, but for 
that very reason, so far from raising doubts as to the genuineness, attesting 
rather the independence and originality of John (against Weisse), who no 
longer uses the phrase so often repeated in the Synoptics, ‘‘the scribes and 
elders,” because it had to him already become strange and out of date. — σὺ 
τίς ei] for John baptized (ver. 25), and this baptism had reference to Mes- 
siah’s kingdom (Hzek. xxxvi. 25, 26, xxxiii. 23 ; Zech. xiii. 1). He had, 
generally, made a great sensation as a prophet, and had even given rise to 
the opinion that he was the Messiah (Luke iii, 15 ; comp. Acts xiii. 25) ; 
hence the question of the supreme spiritual court was justified, Deut. xviii. 
21, 22, Matt. xxi. 23. The question itself is not at all framed in a captious 
spirit. We must not, with Chrysostom and most others, regard it as prompt- 
ed by any malicious motive, but must explain it by the authoritative po- 
sition of the supreme court. Nevertheless it implies the assumption that 
John regarded himself as the Messiah ; and hence his answer in ver. 20, 
hence also the emphatic precedence given to the σύ ; comp. viii. 25. Lu- 
thardt too hastily concludes from the form of the question, that the main 
thing with them was the person, not the call and purpose of God. But they 
would have inferred the call and purpose of God from the person, as the 
question which they ask in ver. 25 shows. —é£ ‘Iepoc.] belongs to 
ἀπέστειλαν. ---καὶ ὡμολόγ.] still dependent on the ὅτε. ---ὧμολ. καὶ οὐκ 
ἠρνήσ΄.] emphatic prominence given to his straightforward confession ; ὡς 
ἀληθὴς καὶ oreppdc, Kuthymius Zigabenus,?—x«at 0%.) The first «. dod. 
was absolute ;* this second has for subject the following sentence (ὅτε recita- 
tive). Moreover, ‘‘ vehementer auditorem commovet ejusdem redintegratio 
verbi,” ad Herenn. iv. 28. There is, however, no side glance here at the 
disciples of John (comp. the Introd.). To the evangelist, who had him- 
self been the pupil of the Baptist, the testimony of the latter was weighty 
enough in itself to lead him to give it emphatic prominence. — According 
to the right order of the words (sce crit. notes), ἐγὼ οὐκ εἰμὶ ὁ X., the 
emphasis lies upon ἐγώ ; Ton my part, which implies that he knew another 
who was the Messiah. 

Ver. 21. In consequence of this denial, the next point was to inquire 
whether he was the Elijah who, according to Mal. iv. 5, was expected (back 
from heaven) as the immediate forerunner of the Messiah. —ré οὖν] not, 
quid ergo es (Beza et al.), but as τίς does not again occur (vv. 19, 22): 


1 Comp. ᾿Αχαιοί in Homer, which often 73: λέξω πρὸς ὑμᾶς καὶ οὐκ ἀποκρύψομαι, See 
means the proceres of the Greeks. Bremi tm loc. ; Valcken. Schol. ad Act. xiii. 
2 Comp. Eur. 2. 1057: Φημὶ καὶ οὐκ ἀπαρ- ati le 
νοῦμαι ; Soph. Ant. 443; Dem. de Chers. 108. 3 Add. ad Esth. i. 15, and in the classics. 


74 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
what then is the case, if thou art not the Messiah ? what is the real state of 
the matter ?— Art thou Elijah? So put, the question assumes it as certain 
that John must give himself out to be Hlijah, after he had denied that he 
was the Messiah. —oix εἰμί] He could give this answer, notwithstand- 
ing what is said in Luke i. 17, Matt. xi. 14, xvii. 10 (against Hilgen- 
feld), since he could only suppose his interrogators were thinking of 
the /iteral, not of the antitypical Elijah. Bengel well says: ‘‘ omnia a se 
amolitur, ut Christum confiteatur et ad Christum redigat quacrentes.” He 
was conscious, nevertheless, according to ver. 23, in what sense he was 
Elijah ; but taking the question as literally meant, there was no occasion 
for him to go beyond that meaning, and to ascribe to himself in a special 
manner the character of an antitypical Elijah, which would have been 
neither prudent nor profitable. The οὐκ εἰμί is too definite an answer to the 
definite question, to be taken as a denial in general of every externally de- 
Jined position (Briickner) ; he would have had to answer evasively. — ὁ 7 po- 
φήτης εἰ σύ) The absence of any connecting link in the narrative shows 
the rapid, hasty manner of the interrogation. ὁ προφήτης is marked out 
by the article as the well-known promised prophet, and considering the pre- 
vious question ᾿Ηλίας εἶ σύ, can only be a nameless one, and therefore not 
Jeremiah, according to Matt. xvi. 14,’ but the one intended in Deut. xviii. 
15, the reference of whom to the Messiah Himself (Acts 111. 22, vii. 37 ; 
John 1. 46, vi. 14) was at least not universal (comp. vil. 40), and was not 
adopted by the interrogators here. Judging from the descending climax of 
the questions, they must rather have thought of some one inferior to Elijah, 
or, in general, of an individual undefined, owing to the fluctuation of view 
regarding Him who was expected as ‘‘ the prophet.”? Nonnus well expresses 
the namelessness and yet eminence of this ὁ προφήτης : μὴ ob μοί, ὃν καλέουσι, 
θεηγόρος ἐσσὶ προφήτης, ἄγγελος ἐσσομένων; Observe how the rigid denials be- 
come shortened at last to the bare oi. Here also we have a no on the Bap- 
tist’s lips, because in his view Jesws was the prophet of Deut. xviii. 

Vy. 22, 23. Nowcomes the question which cannot be met by a bare nega- 
tive ; ivaas in ix. 36.— The positive answer to this is from Isa. xl. 3 
according to the LXX., with the variation εὐθύνατε instead of ἑτοιμάσατε, in 
unison with the second half of the words in the LXX. For the rest, see on 
Matt. iii. 3. The designation of himself, the herald of the coming Messiah 
calling men to repentance, as a voice, was given in the words of the prophet, 
and the accompanying βοῶντος ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ excludes the idea which Baur 
entertains, that John here intended to divest himself, as it were, of every 
personal characteristic. According to Hilgenfeld,*® the evangelist has put 
the passage of Scripture applied to the Baptist by the Synoptics (who, how- 
ever, have not tis account at all) ‘‘at last into the Baptist’s own mouth.” 


1@Grotius, Kuinoel, Olshausen, Klee, answer taken from Isa. xl.. But if his inter- 


Lange. 

2 Luthardt thinks of the prophet in the 
second portion of Isaiah. Comp. Hofmann, 
Weissag. τ. Hrf. 11. p. 69. It would agree 
with this, that John immediately gives an 


ΕἼ 


rogators had had in mind Isa. xl. ff., they 
would probably have designated him whom 
they meant more characteristically, viz. as 
the servant of Jehovah. 

3 Hvang. p. 236. 


CHAP. I., 24. 75 


Ver. 24 ff. The inquiry, which proceeds still further, finds a pragmatic 
issue in pharisaic style (for the Sanhedrim had chosen their deputies from 
this learned, orthodox, and crafty party). From their strict scholastic 
standing-point, they could allow (οὖν) so thoroughly reformatory an innova- 
tion as that of baptism (see on Matt. ii. 5), considering its connection with 
Messiah’s kingdom, only to the definite personalities of the Messiah, Elijah, 
or the promised prophet, and not to aman with so vague a call as that which 
the Baptist from Isa. xl. 3 ascribed to himself,—a passage which the Phar- 
isees had not thought of explaining in a Messianic sense, and were not 
accustomed so to apply in their schools. Hence the parenthetical remark 
here inserted : ‘‘ And they that were sent belonged to the Pharisees,”—a state- 
ment, therefore, which points forward, and does not serve as a supplementary 
explanation of the hostile spirit of the question (Euthymius Zigabenus, Liicke, 
and most others). — The reply corresponds to what the Baptist had said of 
himself in ver. 23, that he was appointed to prepare the way for the Messiah. 
His baptism, consequently, was not the baptism of the Spirit, which was 
reserved for the Messiah (ver. 33), but a baptism of water, as yet without the 
elementum coeleste ; there was already standing, however, in their midst the 
far greater One, to whom this preparatory baptism pointed. The jirst clause 
of the verse; ἐγὼ Barr. ἐν ὕδατι, implies, therefore, that by Ais baptism he 
does not lay claim to anything that belongs to the Messiah (the baptism of 
the Spirit) ; and this portion refers to the εἰ σὺ οὐκ ei ὁ Χριστός of ver. 25. 
The second clause, however, μέσος, etc., implies that this preliminary baptism 
of his had now the justification, owing to his relation to the Messiah, of a 
divinely ordained necessity (ver. 23) ; since the Messiah, unknown indeed to 
them, already stood in their midst, and consequently what they allowed to 
Elijah, or the prophet, must not be left unperformed on his part ; and 
this part of his answer refers to the οὐδὲ ᾿Ηλίας οὐδὲ ὁ προφήτης in ver. 25. 
Thus the question τί οὖν βαπτίζεις is answered by a twofold reason. There is 
much that is inappropriate in the remarks of expositors, who have not sufli- 
ciently attended to the connection : ¢.g., de Wette overlooks the appropri- 
ateness of the answer to the Elijah question ; Tholuck contents himself with 
an appeal to the ‘‘laconic-comma style” of the Baptist ; and Briickner thinks 
that ‘‘ John wished to give no definite answer, but yet to indicate his relation 
to the Messiah, and the fact of his pointing to Him ;” while Baeumlein 
holds that the antithetical clause, ὃς βαπτίσει ἐν πνεύμ. dy., intended to be 
here inserted, was forgotten, owing to the intervening sentences ; and final- 
ly, Hilgenfeld, from comparison of Matthew and Luke, deduces the unhis- 
torical character of the narrative. Heracleon already held that John did 
not answer according to the question asked of him, but as he αὐτὸς ἐβούλετο. 
In answer to him, Origen. —iy6] has the emphasis of an antithesis to the 
high Baptizer (μέσος δὲ, etc.), not to ὑμεῖς (Godet). Next to this, the stress 
lies on ἐν ὕδατι. This is the element (see on Matt. iii. 11) in which his 
baptism was performed. This otherwise superfluous addition has a limiting 
force, and hence is important. —uéoo0¢] without the spurious dé is all the 
more emphatic ; see on ver. 17. The emphasizing of the antithesis, however, 
brings this μέσος to the front, because it was the manifestation of the Messiah, 


6 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


already taking place in the very midst of the Jews, which justified John in 
baptizing. Had the Messiah been still far off, that baptism would have 
lacked its divine necessity ; He was, however, standing in their midst, 7.e. 
ἀναμεμιγμένος τότε τῷ λαῷ (Euthymius Zigabenus). —év ὑμεῖς οὐκ οἴδατε) 
reveals the reason why they could question as they had done in ver. 25. 
The emphasis is on ὑμεῖς, as always (against Tholuck) ; here in contrast 
with the knowledge which he himself had (see on ver. 28, note) of the man- 
ifested Messiah : you on your part, you people, have the Messiah among you, 
and know Him not (that is, as the Messiah). In ver. 27, after rejecting 
the words αὐτός ἐστίν and ὃς ἔμπροσ. μου γέγονεν (see the critical notes), there 
remains only 6 ὀπίσω pov ἐρχόμενος (ver. 15), and that in fact as the 
subject of μέσος ἕστηκεν, Which subject then receives the designation of its 
superiority over the Baptist in the οὗ ἐγὼ οὐκ εἰμὶ ἄξιος, x.7-2. Concerning 
this designation, see on Matt. 111. 11. —éy6] I for my ραγί. --- ἄξιος ἵνα] 
worthy that I should loose ; ἵνα introduces the purpose of the ἀξιότης. Comp. 
ἱκανὸς iva, Matt. viii. 8, Luke vii. 6. —aizov] placed jirst for emphasis, and 
corresponding to the ἐγώ. Τούτου would have been still more emphatic. 
Ver. 28. On account of the importance of His public appearance, a defi- 
nite statement of its locality is again given. — A place so exactly described 
by John himself (xi. 18), according to its situation, as Bethany.on the Mount 
of Olives, cannot be meant here ; there must also have been another Bethany 
situated in Peraea, probably only a village, of which nothing further is 
known from history. Origen, investigating both the locality and the text, 
did not find indeed any Bethany, but a Bethabara instead? (comp. Judg. 
vii. 24 ?), which the legends of his day described as the place of baptism ; 
the legend, however, misled him. For Bethany in Peraca could not have 
been situated at all in the same latitude with Jericho, as the tradition rep- 
resents, but must have lain much farther north ; for Jesus occupied about. 
three days in travelling thence to the Judaean Bethany for the raising of 
Lazarus (see on xi. 17). Yet Paulus (following Bolten) understood the 
place to be Bethany on the Mount of Olives, and puts a period after ἐγένετο, 
in spite of the facts that τῇ ἐπαύριον (comp. ver. 35) must begin the new 
narration, and that ὅπου ἦν Iwdvy. βαπτ. must clearly refer to ver. 25 ff. 
Baur, however, makes the name, which according to Schenkel must be 
attributed to an error of anon-Jewish author, to have been invented, in order 
to represent Jesus (?) as beginning His public ministry at a Bethany, seeing 
that He came out of a Bethany at its close. Against the objection still taken 
to this name even by Weizsiicker (a name which a third person was certainly 
least of all likely to venture to insert, seeing that Bethany on the Mount of 


ogy is not at all appropriate to the position 
of Bethany on the Mount of Olives. Origen 
himself explains the name Bethabara with 
an evident intention to allegorize: οἶκος 
κατασκευῆς ( 2). The derivation of the 
name Bethany (Lightfoot: 1}. 1.3, house 


1Qn αὐτοῦ after οὗ, see Winer, p. 140 [E. 
Tp 155]: 

2 To suppose, with Possinus, Spicil. Huang. 
p. 32 (in the Catena in Mare. p. 382 f.), that 
both names have the same signification 
(WIAYP M3, domus transitus, ford-house ; 


MIS ΓΞ, domus navis, ferry-house),—a 
view to which also Lange inclines, Z. .7. IT. 
461,—is the more uniczable, as this etymol- 


of dates; Simon: M1}), V3 locus depres- 
sionis ; others: N°)}' 3, domus miseri) is 
doubtful. 


CHAP. I., 28. rte 


Olives was so well known), see Ewald, Jahrb. XII. p. 214 ff. As to the 
historic truth of the whole account in vv. 19-28, which, especially by the real- 
ity of the situation, by the idiosyncrasy of the questions and answers, and 
their appropriateness to the characters and circumstances of the time, as 
well as by their connection with the subsequent designations of the day, 
reveals the recollections and interest of an eye-witness, see Schweizer, 
Ρ. 100 ff.; Bleek, Beitr. Ὁ. 950. ---“ῥφπου ἦν "Iwdvv. βᾶαπτ΄.]} where John 
was employed in baptizing. 


Note.—(1) Since, according to vv. 26, 27 (comp. especially ὃν ὑμεῖς οὐκ οἴδατε, 
which implies his own personal acquaintance), the Baptist already knows the 
Messiah, while according to vv. 31-35 he first recognized Him at His baptism 
through a divine σημεῖον, it follows that the occurrences related in vy. 19-28 
took place after the baplism of Jesus; and consequently this baptism could not 
have occurred on the same or the following day (Hengst.), norin the time between 
vy. 31 and 32 (Ewald). Wieseler, Ebrard, Luthardt. Godet, and most exposi- 
tors, as already Liicke, Tholuck, de Wette, following the older expositors, 
rightly regard the events of ver. 19 ff. as subsequent to the baptism. It is futile 
to appeal, as against this (Briickner), to the ‘‘ indefinileness’’ of the words ὃν 
ὑμεῖς οὐκ οἴδατε, for there is really no indefiniteness in them ; while to refer 
them to a merely preliminary knowledge, in opposition to the definite acquaint- 
ance which began at the baptism, is (against Hengst.)a mere subterfuge. That 
even after the baptism, which had already taken place, John could say, ‘‘ Ye know 
Him not,” is sufficiently conceivable, if we adhere to the purely historical 
account of the baptism, as given in vy. 31-34. See on Matt. p. 111 ff. (2) 
Although, according to Matt. iii. 14, John already knows Jesus as the Messiah 
when He came to be baptized of him, there isin this only an apparent discrep- 
ancy between the two evangelists ; see on ver. 31. (8) Marki. 7, 8, and Luke 
iii. 16 ff., are not at variance with John ; for those passages only speak of the 
Messiah as being Himself near at hand, and do not presuppose any personal 
acquaintance with Jesus as the Messiah. (4) The testimonies borne by the 
Baptist, as recorded in the Synoptics, are, both as to time (before the baptism) 
and occasion, very different from that recorded in Johni. 19 ff., which was 
given before a deputation from the high court ; and therefore the historic truth 
of both accounts is to be retained side by 516,1 though in details John (against 
Weisse, who attributes the narrative in John to another hand; so Baur and 
others) must be taken as the standard. (5) To deny any reference in ver. 19 ff. 
to the baptism of Jesus (Baur), is irreconcilable with vv. 31 and 33 ; for the evan- 
gelist could not but take it for granted that the baptism of Jesus (which indeed 
Weisse, upon the whole, questions) was a well-known fact. (6) Definite as is 
the reference to the baptism of Jesus, there is to be found no allusion whatever 
in John’s account to the history of the temptation with its forty days, which 
can be brought in only before ver. 19, and even then involving a contradiction 


1 Keim, Gesch. J. I. p. 522, sees in John’s 
account “ot so much an historical narrative, 
as rather (Ὁ) a ‘‘very significant literary in- 
troduction to the Baptist, who to @ certain 
extent (?) is officially declaring himself. Ac- 
cording to Scholten, the Baptist, during his 
ministry, did not at all recognize Jesus as 


Messiah, and Matt. iii. 14, 15 is said to be an 
addition to the text of Mark ;” while the 
fourth Gospel does not relate the baptism 
of Jesus, but only mentions the revelation 
from heaven then made, because to narrate 
the former would not be appropriate to the 
Gnosis of the Logos. 


"8 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


with the Synoptics. [See Note X. p. 98.] The total absence of any mention of 
this—important as it would have been in connection with the baptism, and 
with John’s design generally in view of his idea of the Logos (against B. Cru- 
sius)—does not certainly favour the reality of its historic truth as an actual and 
outward event. Comp. Schleiermacher, LZ. J. p. 154. If the baptism of Jesus 
be placed between the two testimonies of ver. 19 ff. and ver. 29 ff. (so Hilgen- 
feld and Briickner, following Olshausen, B. Crusius, and others), which would 
oblige us still to place it on the day of the first testimony (see Briickner), 
though Baeumlein (in the Stud. αι. Krit. 1846, p. 389) would leave this uncertain ; 
then the history of the temptation is as good as expressly excluded by John, 
because it must find its place (Mark i. 12; Matt. iv. 1; Luke iv. 1) immediately 
after the baptism. In opposition to this view, Hengstenberg puts it in the 
period after iii. 22, which is only an unavailing makeshift. 


Ver. 29. Τῇ ἐπαύριον] on the following day, the next after the events 
narrated in vv. 19-28. Comp. vv. 35, 44 (ii. 1), vi. 22, xii. 12.—épyéu. 
πρὸς avt.| coming towards him, not coming to him, i.e. only so near that 
he could point to Him (Baur). He came, however, neither to take leave of 
the Baptist before His temptation (Kuinoel, against which is ver. 35), nor 
to be baptized of him (Ewald, Hengstenberg ; see the foregoing note) ; but 
with a purpose not more fully known to us, which John has not stated, be- 
cause his concern here was only with the testimony of the Baptist. If we 
were to take into account the narrative of the temptation,—which we are 
not,—Jesus might be regarded as here returning from the temptation.’—ide 
ὁ ἀμνὸς τοῦ θεοῦ, x.t.A.] These words are not addressed to Jesus, but 
to those who are around the Baptist, and are suggested by the sight of 
Jesus ; comp. ver. 36. As to the use of the singular ide, when several are 
addressed, see on Matt. x. 16. The article denotes the appointed Lamb of 
God, which, according to the prophetic utterance presupposed as well 
known, was expected in the person of the Messiah. This characteristic form 
of Messianic expectation is based upon Isa. liii. 7. Comp. Matt. viii. 17 ; 
Luke xxii. 37 ; Acts viii. 32 ; 1 Pet. ii. 22 ff. ; and the ἀρνίον in the Apoc- 
alypse.2 The genitive is that of possession, that which belongs to God, 1.¢. 
the lamb appointed as a sacrifice by God Himself. This interpretation fol- 
lows from the entire contents of Isa. liii., and from the idea of sacrifice which 
is contained in ὁ αἴρων, «.t.A. We must not therefore render : ‘‘ the Lamb 
given by God” (Hofmann, Luthardt). But while, according to this view, 
the lamb, designated and appointed by God, is meant,—the lamb spoken 
of in holy prophecies of old, whose fulfilment in Jesus was already recog- 
nized by the Baptist,—it is erroneous to assume any reference to the paschal 
lamb.? Such an assumption derivés no support from the more precise defi- 
nition in ὁ αἴρων, κ.τ.2., and would produce a ὕστερον πρότερον ; for the view 
which regarded Christ as the paschal lamb first arose ex eventu, because He 
was crucified upon the same day on which the paschal lamb was slain (see 


1See Euthymius Zigabenus, Liicke, Lu- 12; 6 λέων 6 ἐκ τῆς φυλῆς Ἰούδα, Rev. v. 5. 
thardt, Riggenbach, Godet. 3 Luther, Grotius, Bengel, Lampe, Olshau- 

2 On the force of the article, see ver. 21, sen, Maier, Reuss, Luthardt, Hofmann, 
ὁ προφήτης ; also ἡ ῥίζα Tod Ἴεσσαί, Rom. XY. Hengstenberg ; comp. Godet. 


— 


: 


CHAP. 1.;'29. 79 
on xviii. 28; 1 Cor. v. 7). He certainly thus became the antitype of the 
paschal lamb, but, according to the whole tenor of the passage in Isaiah, 
He was not regarded by the Baptist in this special aspect, nor could He be 
so conceived of by his hearers, The conception of sacrifice which, according 
to the prophecy in Isaiah and the immediate connection in John, is con- 
tained in ὁ ἀμνὸς τοῦ θεοῦ, is that of the trespass-offering, DW, Isa. lili, 10 : 1 
1 John 11. 2, iv. 10, 1. 7. It by no means militates against this, that, ac- 
cording to the law, lambs were not as.a rule employed for trespass-offerings 
(Lev. xiv. 2, Num. vi. 12, relate to exceptional cases only ; and the daily 
morning and evening sacrifices, Ex. xxix. 38 ff., Num. xxviii., which Wet- 
stein here introduces, were prayer- and thank-offerings), but for sacrifices of 
purification (Lev. v. 1-6, xiv. 12 ; Num. vi. 12) :? for in Isaiah the Servant 
of Jehovah, who makes atonement for the people by His vicarious sufferings, 
is represented as a lamb; and it is this prophetic view, not the legal pre- 
scription, which is the ruling thought here. Christ was, as the Baptist here 
prophetically recognizes Him, the antitype of the O. T. sacrifices : He must 
therefore, as such, be represented in the form of some animal appointed for 
sacrifice ; and the appropriate figure was given not in the law, but by the 
prophet, who, contemplating Him in His gentleness and meekness, repre- 
sents Him as a sacrificial /amb, and from this was derived the form which 
came to be the normal one in the Christian manner of view. The apostolic 
church consequently could apprehend Him as the Christian Passover ; though 
legally the passover lamb, as a trespass-offering, which it certainly was, 
differed from the ordinary trespass-offerings.* This Christian method of 
view accordingly had a prophetical, and not a legal foundation. To exclude 
the idea of sacrifice altogether, and to find in the expression Lamb of God 
the representation merely of a divinely consecrated, innocent, and gentle 
sufferer,* is opposed to the context both in Isaiah and in John, as well as to 
the view of the work of redemption which pervades the whole of the N. T. 
Weiss, Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 159 ff. —6 αἴρων τ. duaprt. τ. κόσμου] may either 
signify, ‘‘ who takes away the sin of the world,” or, ‘‘ who takes upon himself,” 
etc., i.e. in order to bear it. Both renderings (which Flacius, Melanchthon, 
and most others, even Baeumlein, combine) must, according to Isa. liii., ex- 
press the idea of atonement ; so that in the first the cancelling of the guilt is 
conceived of as a removing, a doing away with sin (an abolition of it) ; in 
the second, as a bearing (an expiation) of it. The latter interpretation is 
usually preferred,® because in Isa. lili. the idea is certainly that of bearing 
by way of expiation (SVJ: LXX. φέρει, ἀνένεγκε, ἀνοίσει). But since the 
LXX. never use aipev to express the bearing of sin, but always φέρειν etc., 


1 As to the distinction between trespass 
or guilt and sin offerings, KNYNM, see 
Ewald, Alterth. p. 76 ff.; and for the various 
opinions on this distinction, especially Keil, 
Arch. 1. § 46; Oehler in Herzog’s Hneyki. X. 
p. 462 ff.; Saalschiitz, Jf 2. p. 321 ff. 

2 Concerning DWN, Lev. vy. 6, see Knobel 
in loc. 

3 Ewald, Alterth. Ὁ. 467 1.; Hengstenberg 


takes a different view, Opfer. d. h. Schr. p. 
24 ff. 

4 Gabler, οί. in Joh. i. 29, Jen. 1808- 
1811, in his Opusc. Ὁ. 514 ff.; Paulus, Kui- 
noel. 

5 So Liicke, B. Crusius, de Wette, Hengs- 
tenberg, Briickner, Ewald, Weber, v. Zorne 
Gotles, Ὁ. 250. 


80 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


while on the other hand they express the taking away of sin by aipew;! and 
as the context of 1 John iii. 5, in like manner, requires us to take τὰς duap- 
τίας ἡμῶν apy, there used to denote the act of expiation (comp. ii. 2), as 
signifying the taking away of sins ; so ὁ αἴρων, etc., here is to be explained 
in this sense,—not, indeed, that the Baptist expresses an idea different from 
Isa. liii., but the expiation there described as a Zearing of sins is represented, 
according to its necessary and immediate result, as the abolition of sins by ~ 
virtue of the vicarious sacrificial suffering and death of the victim, as the 
John himself expresses this idea in 1 John 1. 
7, when referring to the sin-cleansing power of Christ’s blood, which oper- 
ates also on those who are already regenerate,* by καθαρίζει ἡμᾶς ἀπὸ πάσης 
The taking away of sins by the Lamb presupposes His taking 
them upon Himself. The interpretation ‘‘to take away,” in itself correct, is 
(after Grotius) misused by Kuinoel : ‘‘ removebit peccata hominum, 1.6. pra- 
vitatem e terra ;” * and Gabler has misinterpreted the rendering ‘‘ to bear :” 
‘‘qui pravitatem hominum. . . 1.6. mala sibi inflicta, patienti et mansueto 
animo sustinebit.” Both are opposed to the necessary relation of the word 
to ὁ ἀμνὸς τ. θεοῦ, as well as to the real meaning of Isa. lili. ; although even 
Gabler’s explanation would not in itself be linguistically erroneous, but 
would have to be referred back to the signification, to take upon oneself, to 
take over.” — The Present ὁ αἴρων arises from the fact that the Baptist pro- 
phetically views the act of atonement accomplished by the Lamb of God as 


ἀθέτησις ἁμαρτίας, Heb. ix. 26.? 


ἁμαρτίας. 


present. This actis ever-enduring, not in itself, but in its effects (against 
Hengstenberg). Luthardt holds that the words are not to be understood of 


the future, and that the Baptist had not Christ’s death in view, but only 
regarded and designated Him in a general way, as one who was manifested 
in a body of weakness, and with liability to suffering, in order to the salva- 
tion of men. But this is far too general for the concrete representation of 
Christ as the Lamb of God, and for the express reference herein made to sin, 
especially from the lips of a man belonging to the old theocracy, who was 
himself the son of a sacrificing priest, a Nazarite and a prophet. —7)v 
ἁμαρτίαν] the sins of the world conceived of as a collective unity ; ‘‘una 
pestis, que omnes corripuit,” Bengel. Comp. Rom. v. 30. ---τοῦ κόσμου] 
an extension of the earlier prophetic representation of atonement for the 
people, Isa. liil., to all mankind, the reconciliation of whom has been object- 
ively accomplished by the ἱλαστήριον of the Lamb of God, but is accomplished 
subjectively in all who believe (iii. 15, 16). Comp. Rom. v. 18. 


Vote.—That the Baptist describes Jesusas the Messiah, who by His sufferings 
makes expiation for the world’s sin, is to be explained by considering his apoc- 


SAM: 2D, KEXV. 28s) Ads ΕΒ ΧΈΧΙ, Ὁ; 
where Symm. has ἀφέλῃς and the LXX. 


sin by His personal manifestation and min- 
istry throughout.”’ This is connected with 


ἀφῆκας. 

39 Comp. already Cyril: ἵνα τοῦ κόσμον τὴν 
ἁμαρτίαν ἀνέλῃ ; Vulgate: qui ¢ollit; Goth.: 
afnimith. 

3 See Diisterdieck in loc., p. 99 ff. 

4Comp. Baur, V. 7. Theol. p. 396: ‘‘Ina 
general sense, He bears away and removes 


the error that we do not find in John the 
same significance attached to Christ’s death 
which we find in Paul. 

5 Asch. Pers. 544; Soph. 77. 70; Xen. 
Mem. ivy. 4. 14; 1 Macc. xiii, 17; Matt. xi. 29, 
al. 


CHAP. (I.,, 30: 81 


alyptic position, by which his prophecies, that had immediate reference to the 
person and work of Jesus, were conditioned ; comp, vy. 31 ff. It was not from 
a sudden glimpse of light obtained in a natural manner (Hofmann, Schweizer, 
Lange), or from agrowing presentiment (de Wette), or from a certitude arrived 
at by reason and deep reflection (Ewald) ; but from a revelation (comp. ver. 33). 
This was necessary in order to announce the idea of a suffering Messiah with 
such decision and distinctness, even according to its historical realization in 
Jesus ;—an idea which, though it had been discovered by a few deep-seeing 
minds through prophetic hints or divine enlightenment (Luke ii. 25, 34, 35), 
nevertheless undoubtedly encountered in general expectations of a kind dia- 
metrically opposite (xii, 34; Luke xxiv. 26),—and in order likewise to give to 
that idea the impress of world-embracing universality, although the way was 
already prepared for this by the promise made to Abraham. The more foreign 
the idea of a suffering Messiah was to the people in general ; the more disin- 
clined the disciples of Jesus showed themselves to accept such a view (Matt. 
xvi, 21 ; Luke xxiv, 25); the more certain that its unfolding was on the path of 
historical development, while even thus remaining a constant σκάνδαλον to the 
Jews ; at once the more necessary and justifiable does it appear to suppose 
a special divine revelation, with which the expression borrowed from Isa. liii. 
may very well be consistent. And the more certain it is that the Baptist really 
was the subject of divine revelations as the forerunner of the Messiah (comp. 
Matt. iii. 14), all the more unhistorical is the assumption that the evangelist 
divests the idea of the Messiah of its historical form (Keim) by putting his own 
knowledge into the Baptist’s mouth (Strauss, Weisse, Baur, Hilgenfeld, Schol- 
ten ; comp. de Wette’s doubt, but against this latter, Briickner), This view 
receives no support from the subsequent vacillation of the Baptist (Matt. xi. 3), 
because the revelation which he had received, as well as that made to him at 
the baptism ver. 32), would not exclude a subsequent and temporary falling in- 
to error, and because this was not caused by any sufferings which Jesus under- 
went, but by his own sufferings in the face of the Messianic works of Jesus, 
whereby the divine light previously received was dimmed through human 
weakness and impatience, It is only by surrendering the true interpretation 
(see ὁ αἴρων above) that Luthardt avoids such a supposition as this. The notion 
of a spiritualizing legend (Schenkel) is of itself excluded by the genuineness of 
the Gospel, whose author had been a disciple of the Baptist. Moreover, Jesus 
Himself, according also to the testimony of the Synoptics (Mark ii. 20 ; Matt. 
xii. 39, etc.), was sufficiently acquainted from the very first with the certainty 
of His final sufferings, 


Ver. 30 does not refer to vv. 26, 27, where John bears his witness before 
the deputies from the Sanhedrim, but to an earlier testimony borne by 
him before his disciples and hearers, and in this definite enigmatic form, 
to which ver. 15 likewise refers. So essential is this characteristic form, 
that of itself it excludes the reference to vv. 26, 27.’ The general testimony 
which John had previously borne to the coming Messiah, here receives its 
definite application to the concrete personality there standing before him, 1.6. 
to Jesus. —iari] not ἦν again, as in ver. 15, for Jesus is now present. —éy 6] 
possesses the emphasis of a certain inward feeling of prophetic certitude. — 


1 De Wette, Hengst., Ewald, Godet, and others. 


82 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


av%p] as coming from the Baptist, more reverential and honourable than 
ἄνθρωπος." ὶ 

Ver. 31. Κὶ ἀγώ] not J also, like all others, but and J, resuming and car- 
rying forward the ἐγώ of ver. 30. Though the Baptist had borne witness in 
a general way concerning the Messiah, as ver. 30 affirms, Jesus was, at the 
time when he bare that witness, still unknown to him as in His own person 
the historic Messiah. [See Note XI. p.99.] Ver. 34 shows that καί in κἀγώ 
is the simple and, for the thrice repeated κἀγώ, vv. 31-34, can only be 
arbitrarily interpreted in different senses. ~The emphasis of the ἐγώ, however 
(Ion my part), consists in his ignorance of the special individuality, in the 
face of the divine revelation which he had received. — οὐκ qdecv αὐτόν] 
that is, as the Messiah, see ver. 33; not ‘‘as the manifestation of a pre- 
existent personality” (Hilgenfeld); still not denying, in general, every kind 
of previous acquaintance with Jesus (Liicke, Godet), which the following 
ἕνα φανερωθῇ and ὃν ὑμεῖς οὐκ οἴδατε in ver. 26 forbid. This οὐκ ydew leaves it 
quite uncertain whether the Baptist had any personal acquaintance generally 
with Jesus (and this is by no means placed beyond doubt by the legendary 
prefatory history in Luke i. 36 ff., which is quite irreconcilable with the 
text before us). That Jesus was the Messiah became known to the Baptist 
only at the baptism itself, by the sign of the descending dove ; and thissign 
was immediately preceded only by the prophetic presentiment of which 
Matt. iii. 14 is the impress (see on that passage). Accordingly, we are not 
to assume any contradiction between our text and Matt. /.c.,* nor leave the 
οὐκ ἤδειν With its meaning unexplained :3 nor, again, are we to interpret it 
only comparatively as a denial of clear and certain knowledge.*—aa2’ iva 
φανερωθῇ, x.7.2.] emphatically beginning the clause, and stating the pur- 
pose of the Baptist’s manifestation as referring to Messiah, and as still apply- 
ing notwithstanding the κἀγὼ οὐκ den, and being thus independent of his 
own intention and choice, and purely a matter of divine ordination. —iva 
φανερωθῃ) This special purpose, in the expression of which, moreover, no 
reference can be traced to Isa. xl. 5 (against Hengstenberg), does not ex- 
clude the more generally and equally divine ordinance in ver. 23, but is in- 
cluded in it. Comp. the tradition in Justin, 6. Zryph. 8, according to 
which the Messiah remained unknown to Himself and: others, until Elijah 
anointed Him and made Him manifest to all (φανερὸν πᾶσι ποιήσῃ). ---ὸδν τῳ 
ὕδατι βαπτίζων] a humble description of his own baptism as compared 
with that of Him who baptizes with the Spirit, ver. 33 ; comp. ver. 26. 
Hence also theéyé, Jon my part. For the rest, we must understand ἐν τ. id. 
Barr. of John’s call to baptize in general, in which was also included the con- 
ception of the baptizing of Jesus, to which ver. 32 refers.* 

Ver. 82. What John had said in ver. 31, viz. that though Jesus was un- 


1 Acts xvii. 31; Zech. vi. 12; Dem. 426.6; Tischendorf), following B. C. 6. L. P. A. &., 


Herod. vii. 210; Xen. Hier. vii. 3. cursives, and some of the Fathers, reads év 
2 Strauss, Baur, and most others. ὕδατι : but the article after ver. 26, comp. 
3 Briickner. ver. 33, would be more easily omitted than 
4 Neander, Maier, Riggenbach, Hengsten- inserted. It is demonstrative, for John as 
berg, Ewald. he speaks is standing by the Jordan, 


‘For ἐν τῷ ὕδατι, Lachmann (now also 


CHAP. 1... 90. 89 


known to him as the Messiah, yet his commission was to make him known 
to the people, needed explanation ; and that as to the way in which he himself 
had come to recognize Him as the Messiah. This was, indeed, a necessary con- 
dition before he could make the manifestation to the people. This explana- 
tion he now gives in the following testimony (not first spoken upon another 
occasion, Ewald) concerning the divine sign, which he beheld. And the 
evangelist considers this testimony so weighty, that he does not simply con- 
tinue the words of the Baptist, but solemnly and emphatically introduces 
the testimony as such: καὶ ἐμαρτύρησεν, K.T.A., words which are not 
therefore parenthetical (Bengel, Liicke, and most), but form an impressive 
part of the record : ‘‘ And a testimony did John bear, when he said.” The 
following ὅτι is simply recitative. —re@éapwar] I have seen ; Perfect, like 
ἑώρακα in ver. 34, which see. The phenomenon itself took place at the bap- 
tism, which is assumed as known through the Gospel tradition, and is refer- 
red to in ver. 83 by ὁ πέμψας pe βαπτίζειν ἐν ὕδατι, which implies that the 
sign was to take place at the baptism of the person spoken of. This is in 
answer to Baur, p. 104 ff., according to whom there is no room here for the 
supposition that Jesus was baptized by John,—an assertion all the more 
groundless, because for inserting the baptism of Jesus before ver. 19, and with 
this for the narration of a fact which is assumed as universally known, there is 
no place in the plan of this Gospel. —The sight itself here spoken of was nomere 
product of the imagination, but a real vision ; it indicates an actual event 
divinely brought about, which was traditionally worked up by the Synoptics 
into a visible occurrence more or less objective (most unhesitatingly by Luke) 
but which can be the subject of testimony only by virtue of a θεωρία νοητικῆ 
(Origen). See on Matt. ili. 17, note. —dc¢ περιστεράν) 1.6. shaped like a 
dove: ἀντίτυπον μίμημα πελειάδος, Nonnus. See on Matt. ii. 16. According | 
to Ewald, ‘‘the sudden downward flight of a bird, coming near to Him at 
the moment, confirmed the Baptist’s presentiment,” ctc. Conjectures of 
this kind are additions quite alien to the prophetic mode of view. —«Kai 
ἔμεινεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν] The transition here to the finite verb is owing to the 
importance of the fact stated.’ ἐπ’ αὐτόν, however, is not synonymous 
with ἐπ’ αὐτοῦ (xix. 31); the ideais, ‘‘it remained (‘fluttered not away,’ 
Luther) directed towards Him.” We are to suppose the appearance of a dove 
coming down, and poising itself for a considerable time over the head of 
the person. See on ἐπί with the accusative (iii. 36 ; 1 Pet. iv. 14), seem- 
ingly on the question ‘‘ where ?’” 

Ver. 33. John’s recognition of Jesus as the Messiah (whom he had not 
before known as such) rested upon a revelation previously made to him 
with this intent ; and this he now states, solemnly repeating, however, the 





declaration of his own ignorance (κἀγὼ οὐκ ἤδειν αὐτόν). --- ἐκεῖνος] in em- 
phatic contrast with his own reflection. —eizev] i.e. by express revelation. 
We cannot tell the precise time or manner of this prior revelation. By it 
John was referred to some outwardly visible σημεῖον (idy¢) of the Spirit, in a 


1 Bernhardy, p. 473; Buttmann, WV. 7. Gk. 2 Schaef. ad Long. Ὁ. 427; Matthiae, p. 
Ὁ: 827 ΕΗ T. p. 382]. 1375; Kiihner, ad Xen. Anad. i. 2. 2. 


84 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

general way, without any defining of its form. He was to see it descending, 
and this descent took place in the form of a dove, and after that divine inti- 
mation there was no room for doubt. Comp. on Matt. iii. 17, note. —éy’ ὃν 
av idyc] that is, when thou baptizest Him with water. This is not express- 
ly stated in the divine declaration, but John could not fail so to understand it, 
because, being sent to baptize, he would naturally expect the appearance of 
the promised sign while fulfilling His mission ; comp. ver. 31. He therefore 
describes the giver of the revelation as ὁ πέμψας με, x.7.A., and the evangelist 
puts the statement in the conditional form : ἐφ᾽ ὃν ἂν, «.7.2., d.¢., according 
to the connection of the narrative : ‘‘ When, in the fulfilment of this your mis- 
sion, you shall see the Spirit descending upon one of those whom thou baptizest, 
this is He,” etc. —év πνεύμ. ἁγίῳ] by communicating it to those who 
believe upon Him. See on Matt. iii. 11. The designation of this communi- 
cation as a baptism very naturally arose from its close relation to the work 
of the Baptist’s mission,’ because the gift of the Spirit, according to the 
prophetic figure (Joel iii. 1; Isa. xliv. 3), had been promised under the form 
of an outpouring (comp. Acts ii. 33). The contrast itself distinctly sets 
before us the difference between the two baptisms : the one was a prepara- 
tion for the Messianic salvation by repentance; the other, an introduction 
thereto by the divine principle of life and salvation, the communication of 
which presupposes the forgiveness of sins (see on Mark i. 4). 

Ver. 34. A still more distinct and emphatic conclusion of what John had 
to adduce from ver. 31 onwards, in explanation of the οὗτός ἐστίν mentioned 
in ver. 30. —Kxay6] and Ionmy part, answering triumphantly to the double 
κἀγώ in vv. 31, 88. —édpaxa] i.e. as the divine declaration in ver. 33 had 
promised (idyc). This having seen is to the speaker, as he makes the declara- 
tion, an accomplished fact. Hence the Perfect, like τεθέαμαι in ver. 82. 
Nor can the μεμαρτύρηκα be differently understood unless by some arbi- 
trary rendering : it does not mean : ‘‘ I shall have borne witness” (de Wette, 
Tholuck, Maier), as in the classics the aorist is used (see on vi. 86) ; or, ‘I 
have borne witness, and do so still” (Grotius, Liicke), or ‘‘ testis sum factus” 
(Bengel, comp. Bernhardy, p. 378 ff.) ; but, Z have borne witness, that is, 
since I saw that sight ; so that, accordingly, John, immediately after the 
baptism of Jesus, uttered the testimony which he here refers to as an accom- 
plished fact, and by referring to which he ratifies and confirms what he now 
has testified (ver. 30).*— ὅτε οὗτος, κιτ.}.1 the subject-matter of the 
μεμαρτ. ---ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ] the Messiah, whose divine Sonship, however, 
had already been apprehended by the Baptist in the metaphysical sense 
(against Beyschlag, Ὁ. 67), agreeably to the testimony borne to His pre- 
existence in vv. 80, 15.*° The heavenly voice in Matt. iii. 17, in the synop- 
tic account of the baptism, corresponds to this testimony. All the less on 
this account are the statements of the Baptist concerning Jesus to be 
regarded as unhistorical, and only as an echo of the position assigned to 
the former in the Prologue (Weizsiicker). The position of the Baptist 

1 Comp. Matt. 111. 11; Mark i. 8; Luke iii, 8 ὅττι θεοῦ γόνος οὗτος, ἀειζώοιο τοκῆος, 


ἴδ: ΑΙΟΙΒῚΝ ὧν ταὶς 10. Nonnzus. . 
3 Comp. also Winer, p. 256 [Th. T. p. 273]. 


[9.4] 
Cr 


CHAP. I., 34. 


in the Prologue is the result of the history itself. That the meaning 
attaching to υἱὸς τ. θεοῦ in the fourth Gospel generally is quite different from 
that which it has in the Synoptics (Baur), is a view which the passages 
Matt. xi, 27, xxviii. 19, should have prevented from being entertained. 


Note.—On vv. 32-34 we may obserye in general ; (1) The λόγος and the πνεῦμα 
ἅγιον are not to be regarded as identical in John’s view,! against which the ὁ 
λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο in ver. 14 is itself conclusive, in view of which the πνεῦμα in 
our passage appears as an hypostasis distinct from the λόγος, an hypostasis of 
which the σὰρξ ἐγένετο could not have been predicated. The λόγος was the 
substratum of the divine side in Christ, which having become incarnate, 
entered upon a human development, in which the theanthropic subject needed 
the power and incitement of the πνεῦμα. (2) He was of necessity under this 
influence of the Spirit from the very outset of the development of His thean- 
thropic consciousness (comp. Luke ii. 40, 52, and the visit when twelve years 
old to the temple), and long before the moment of His baptism, so that the 
πνεῦμα was the awakening and mediating principle of the consciousness which 
Jesus possessed of His oneness with God ; see on x. 36. Accordingly, we are 
not to suppose that the Holy Ghost was given to Him now for the first time, 
and was added consciously to His divine-human life as a new and third 
element ; the text speaks not of a receiving, but of a manifestation of the Spirit, 
as seen by John, which in this form visibly came down and remained over Him, 
in order to point Him out to the Baptist asthe Messiah who, according to O. T. 
prophecy (Isa. xi. 2, xlii. 1), was to possess the fulness of the Spirit. The pur- 
pose of this divine σημεῖον was not, therefore (as Matthew and Mark indeed 
represent it), to impart the Spirit to Jesus (which is not implied even in iii. 34), 
but simply for the sake of the Baptist; to divinely indicate to him who was to 
make Him known in Israel, that individuality who, as the incarnate Logos, 
must long before then have possessed the powers of the Spirit in all their 
fulness (comp. ili. 84). The πνεῦμα in the symbolic form of a dove hovered 
over Jesus, remained over Him for a while, and then again vanished (comp. 
Schleiermacher, LZ. J. p. 150). This the Baptist saw ; and he now knows, 
through a previously received revelation made to him for the purpose, who it is 
that he has to make known as the Messiah who baptizes with the Spirit. To 
find in this passage a special stimulus imparted through the Spirit to Jesus 
Himself, and perceived by the Baptist, tending to the development or opening 
up of His divine-human consciousness and 116,5 or the equipment of the Logos 
for a coming forth from his state of immanence (Frommann), or the communica- 
tion of official power,* as the principle of which the Spirit was now given in 
order to render the capé fit to become the instrument of His self-manifestation,* 
—as in a similar way B. Crusius already explained the communication of 
the Spirit as if the πνεῦμα (in distinction from the λόγος) were now received by 
Jesus, as that which was to be further communicated to mankind j—these and all 


. 


1 Against Baur, δὲδί. Theol. ἃ. N. T. ΤΙ. 
268; J. E. Chr. Schmidt, in d. Bibl. f. Krit. 
κι. Μεγ. 1. 3, p. 361 ff.; Eichhorn, Hind. 11’ 
158 ff.; Winzer, Progr., Lps. 1819. 

2Liicke, Neander, Tholuck, Osiander, 
Ebrard, de Wette, Riggenbach, and others ; 
comp. Lange and Beyschlag, p. 103. 


3 Gess, Pers. Chr. Ὁ. 374; comp. Worner, 
Verhdltn. αἰ. Geistes, p. 44. 

4Luthardt, after Kahnis, vom heiligen 
Geiste, Ὁ. 44; comp. also Hofmann, Schrift- 
dew. I. 191, 11. 1, 166; Godet; and Weisse, 
Lehrbegr. p. 268, who connects with yer. 52. 


86 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


such theories find no justification from our Gospel at least, which simply 
records a manifestation made to the Baptist, not a communication to Jesus ; and 
to it must be accorded decisive weight when brought face to face with 
those other diverging accounts. Thus, at the same time, the whole phenome- 
non must not be regarded as an empty, objectless play of the imagination 
(Liicke) : it was an objective and real sign divinely presented to the Bap- 
tist’s spiritual vision, the design of which (iva φανερωθῇ τῷ ᾿Ισραῇλ, ver. 31, 
that is, through the Baptist’s testimony) was sufficiently important as the 
γνώρισμα of the Messiah,! and the result of which (ver. 34) corresponded to its 
design ; whereas, the supposition that we have here a record of the receiving of 
the Spirit imports into the exposition something quite foreign to the text. Dis- 
carding this supposition, we deprive of all support the opinion that the descent 
of the Spirit upon Jesus at His baptism is a mythical inference of Ebionitism 
(Strauss), as well as the assertion that here too our Gospel stands upon the 
verge of Gnosticism (Baur) ; while the still bolder view which (in spite of the 
βαπτίζων ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ) takes the πνεῦμα to be, not the Holy Spirit, but the 
Logos (in spite of i. 14), which as a heavenly Aeon was for the first time united 
at the baptism with Jesus the earthly man (so Hilgenfeld, following the Valen- 
tinian Gnosis), does not even retain its claim to be considered a later historical 
analogy. There remains, however, in any case, the great fact of which the 
Baptist witnesses—‘‘ the true birth-hour of Christendom’’ (Ewald) : for, on the one 
hand, the divinely sent forerunner of the Messiah now received the divinely re- 
vealed certainty as to whom his work as Elijah pointed ; and, on the other 
hand, by the divinely assured testimony which he now bore to Jesus before the 
people, the Messianic consciousness of Jesus Himself received not only the 
consecration of a heavenly ratification, but the warrant of the Father's will, 
that now the hour was come for the holy beginning of His ministry in word and work. 
It was not the formation of the Messiah’s purpose, but rather His entrance on its 
realization (comp. Acts xiii. 23) which was the event of world-historical sig- 
nificance that marked this hour, when the fulness of time was come for the ac- 
complishment of the counsel of God. 


Vv. 35, 36. Πάλεν εἱστήκει) pointing back to ver. 29. —dio] One 
was Andrew, ver. 41. The other? Certainly John himself,’ partly on 
account of that peculiarity of his which leads him to refrain from naming 
himself, and partly on account of the special vividness of the details in the 
following account, which had remained indelibly impressed upon his mem- 
ory ever since this first and decisive meeting with his Τιοτα. ---ὀἀὠἀὀμ βλέψας] 
denoting fixed attention.* The profoundest interest led him to fix his gaze 
upon Him. —ide ὁ ἀμνὸς τ. θεοῦ] These few words were quite sufficient 


1 Justin. 6. Tryph. 88. 

2 Already Chrysostom (according to Cor- 
derius, Cat.; Theodore of Mopsuestia) men- 
tions the same view, but along with it the 
other: ὅτι ἐκεῖνος οὐχὶ τῶν ἐπισήμων Hv, Which 
he seems to approve of.—But if John is here 
already (and see on yer. 42) indicated 
though not by name, and afterwards (ver. 
46) Bartholomew under the name Nathanaed ; 
if, again, ver. 42 implies that James is 
brought to Jesus by his brother John, and 


that he therefore has his place after John; 
then we certainly cannot say, with Steitz 
(in the Stud. u. Krit. 1868, Ὁ. 497): ‘The 
order in which Papias, in Euseb. iii. 39, 
quotes the six apostles, Andrew, Peter, 
Philip, Thomas, James, John, exactly cor- 
responds with that in which these names 
occur in succession in the fourth Gospel.” 

3 Comp. ver. 43; Mark x. 21, 27, xiv. 6735 
uke, 17. σὴ: ΟῚ, 


CHAP. I., 37-40. δὲ 


to direct the undivided attention of both to Him who was passing that way ; 
for, beyond a doubt (against de Wette, Ewald,—because the fact that 
nothing is now added to the ὁ ἀμνὸς τ. θεοῦ gives the words quite a retrospec- 
tive character), they had been witnesses the day before of what is recorded 
in vv. 29-34. The assumption of a further conversation not here recorded! 
is unnecessary, overlooks the emphasis of the one short yet weighty word on 
which hangs their recollection of all that occurred the day before, and 
moreover is not required by ver. 837. — We need not even ask why Jesus, 
who was now walking along (περίπατ.) in the same place, was with John, 
because the text says nothing about it. Answers have been devised ; 6.0. 
Bengel : ‘‘ Jesus had sufficiently humbled Himself by once joining Himself 
with John ;” Lampe: ‘‘He wished to avoid the suspicion of any private 
understanding with the Baptist.” Equally without warrant in the text, B. 
Crusius and Luthardt: ‘‘ Jesus had already separated Himself from the 
Baptist to begin His own proper ministry, while the Baptist desired indi- 
rectly to command his disciples to join themselves with Jesus ;” as Heng- 
stenberg also supposes, judging from the result, and because he at the same 
time regards the two as representatives of all John’s disciples. 

Vv. 37-40. And the two disciples heard (observed) him speak. For he had 
not addressed the words ide ὁ ἀμνὸς τ. θεοῦ Airectly to them, but in general 
(comp. ver. 29) to those round about him.—7«0A0bt070av] not the fol- 
lowing of discipleship, nor in a ‘‘ sens profondément symbolique” (Godet), 
but simply : ‘‘ they went after Him” (ὀπίστεροι ἦλθον ὁδῖται Χριστοῦ νεισσομένοιο, 
Nonnus), in order to know Him more intimately.* Nevertheless Bengel 
rightly says: primae origines ecclesiae Christianae.—cor7pa¢eic| for He 
heard the footsteps of those following Him.—7ri ζητεῖτε] what do you 
desire? He anticipates them by engaging in conversation with them, not 
exactly because they were shy and timid (Euthymius Zigabenus). But no 
doubt the significant θεασάμενος, x.7.A. (intuitus), was accompanied by a 
glance into their hearts, 11. 9. --- ποῦ μένεις) correlative to the repira- 
τοῦντι, ver. 36 ; therefore : ‘‘ where dost thou sojourn ?”* They regarded Him 
as a travelling Rabbi, who was lodging in the neighbourhood at the house 
of some friend. —ipyeabe Kk. ὄψεσθε) come and ye will see (see the criti- 
cal notes) ; a friendly invitation to accompany Him at once.* They had 
sought only to know where the place was, so that they might afterwards 
seek Him out, and converse with Him undisturbed. We have not here the 
Rabbinical form of calling attention, T81) δὲ 3," nor an imitation of Rev. vi. 1 
(Weisse), nor yet an allusion to Ps. Ixvi. 5, 9, and a gentle reference on the 
part of Jesus to His Godhead (Hengstenberg), for which there was no occa- 
sion, and which He could not expect to be understood. —7A0o0v, «.7.A. | 
marks the simplicity of the narrative. —yévevr] insertion of the direct 
address, common in dependent clauses. Kiihner, 11. 594 ; Winer, p. 251 


1 Kuinoel, Liicke, and most. place where He was lodging was near or 

2 πεῖραν λαβεῖν αὐτοῦ, Euthymius Zigabe- remote, although Ewald would infer the 
nus. latter from the reading ὄψεσθε. 

3 Polyb. xxx. 4. 10; Strabo, iii. p. 147. 5 Buxt. Lex. Talm. Ὁ. 248; Lightfoot, p. 


4 There is nothing to indicate whether the 968. 


88° THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


[Εἰ. T. p. 268]. — rv ἡμέρ. ἐκ.] 1.6. the remaining part of that day, not 
at once from that day onwards (Credner, against whom is Ebrard),— 
δεκάτη) that is, at the beginning of their stay with Him. We have no 
reason to suppose in John, as Rettig,’ Tholuck, Ebrard, Ewald, the Roman 
mode of counting the hours (from midnight to midnight, therefore ten 
o'clock in the morning) instead of the Jewish, which is followed elsewhere 
in the N. T. and by Josephus (Vit. 54), 1.9. four o’clock in the afternoon ; 
because there is time enough from 4 p.m, till late in the evening to justify 
the popular expression τὴν ἡμέρ. éx.; because, moreover, in xi. 9 it is plainly 
the Jewish method which is followed ; which also in iv. 6 best suits the 
context, and is not excluded in iv. 52, while in xix. 14 it is with a harmon- 
istic view that the Roman reckoning is resorted to. The Remans themselves, 
moreover, frequently measured the day after the Babylonian computation of 
the hours, according to the twelve hours from sunrise to sunset ; and the 
tenth hour especially is often named, as in our text, as the hour of return 
from walking, and mention of it occurs as a date hour in the day, when e.g. 
the soldiers were allowed to rest,? or when they went to table,* etc. See 
Wetstein. — The great significance of this hour for John (it was the jirst of 
his Christian life) had indelibly impressed it on his grateful recollection, and 
hence the express mention of it here. This consideration forbids our giving, 
with Hilgenfeld and Lichtenstein, to the statement of time an onward ref- 
erence to the incident next mentioned, the finding by Andrew of his brother 
Simon. Briickner, too, imports a foreign element into this statement of time, 
when he says that it indicates, in connection with ver. 41 ff., how rapidly 
faith developed itself in these disciples. 

Vy. 41-43. Still on the same day (not on the following, as, after the early 
expositors, de Wette, Baur, Luthardt, Ewald, and most others suppose ; 
see, on the contrary, the ἐπαύριον which again appears, but not till ver. 44), 
Andrew first meets his brother Simon. —zpéroc] We must understand 
the matter thus : Both disciples go out from the lodging-place (at the same 
time, or perhaps Andrew first), still in the first fresh glow of joy at having 
found the Messiah,* that each of them may seek his own brother (we must 
assume that both brothers were known to be in the neighbourhood), in 
order to inform him of the new joy, and to bring him to Christ. Andrew 
is the first ° who finds his brother. John does not say that he also sought 
his brother James, found him, and brought him to Jesus ; and this is in 
keeping with the delicate reserve which prevents him from naming either 
himself or those belonging to him (even the name of James does not occur 
in the Gospel), Still this may be clearly seen from the πρῶτος, and is con- 


1 Stud. u. Krit. 1830, p. 106. 


2 Liv. ix. 37. 

3 Martial, vii. 1. 

4 John’s use here and in iy. 95 οὗ τὸν 
Μεσσίαν (FWD) is accounted for by the 
depicting of the scene exactly as it occurred 
whereas in i. 20, 25, when he simply writes 
historically, he uses the ordinary transla- 
tion Χριστός. The genré picture is spe- 


cially minute ; so here. According to Baur, 
N. T. Theol. p. 393, the author has given an 
antiquarian notice, as it were, of this He- 
brew name, which occurs nowhere else in 
the N. T. 

5 πρῶτος, not πρῶτον, an inelegant change 
adopted by Lachmann, after A. B. M. X. 
N**, 


CHAP. I., 44, 45. 89 


firmed by the narrative of the Synoptics, in so far that both James and 
John are represented as being called at the same time by Jesus (Mark i. 19 
and parallels). Bengel, Tholuck, de Wette, Hengstenberg, wrongly say 
that Andrew and John both sought out Simon. The τὸν ἴδιον is against 
this ; as it neither here nor elsewhere (comp. v. 18) occurs as a mere pos- 
sessive (against Liicke, Maier, de Wette, and others), but in opposition to 
that which is foreign. Any antithetic relation to the spiritual brotherhood 
in which John as well as Andrew stood to Simon (Hengstenberg), is quite 
remote from the passage. —etp74«ajev| emphatically beginning the clause, 
and presupposing the feeling of anvious desire excited by the Baptist. The 
plural is used because Andrew had in mind the other disciple also. —é uv 8 2é- 
wac¢, k.t.A.| This fixed look (ver. 36) on the countenance of Simon pierces 
his inner soul. Jesus, as the Searcher of hearts,’ sees in him one who 
should hereafter be called to be the rock of the church, and calls him. by 
the name which he was henceforth to bear as His disciple (not first in Matt. 
xvi. 18, as Luthardt thinks). <A rock is the emblem of firmness as early as 
Homer (Od. xvii. 463); comp. Ezek. iii. 9. There is no contradiction here 
with Matt. xvi. 18 (it is otherwise with Mark iii. 16), as if John transferred 
the giving of the name to this place (Hilgenfeld, comp. Baur and Scholten), 
for in Matt. xvi. 18 the earlier giving of the name is really presupposed, con- 
Jirmed, and applied. See on Μαζί. ---σὺ εἰ Σίμων, «.t.4.] This belongs 
to the circumstantiality of the solemn ceremony of the name-giving ; it is 
first said who he is, and what in future he should be called.* Σὺ ei Σίμων is 
not, as Ewald thinks, a question ; and there is no ground for supposing 
that Jesus immediately recognized him,* for Andrew introduced his brother 
to Jesus. Grotius and Paulus? give arbitrary explanations of the reading 
Ἰωνᾶ, but see the critical notes. For the rest, we must not say, with Hil- 
genfeld, ‘‘ Peter here loses the pre-eminence of the first called disciple ;” 
but : Peter is first given this pre-eminence in the synoptical accounts (Matt. 
iv. 18 and parallels); but the personal recollection of John must take 
precedence of these. See especially the note following ver. 52. 

Vv. 44,45. TH ἐπαύρ.] 1.6. after the last-mentioned day, ver. 39, which 
is the same with the τῇ ἐπαύρ. of ver. 35, consequently the fourth day from 
i, 19. ---οθέλησεν, «.7.A.] He just willed to go forth, and findeth, etc. ; 
therefore still at the lodging-place, ver. 40, for ἐξελθεῖν refers to the stay 
there (μένει, ver. 40). --ιὑρίσκει] as if accidentally, but sce xvii. 5 ff. — 
The statement, instead of being hypotactic in form (‘‘when he would go out, 
he findeth”), is paratactic, as often in Greek from Homer downwards.*° We 


1ji. 25; Weiss, Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 263. (the church).” According to the true read 


2Comp: Gen. xxxii. 28, xxxv. 10, xvii. 5. 

3 Cyril, Chrysostom, Augustine, Aretius, 
Maldonatus, Cornelius & Lapide, Bengel, 
Luthardt, and many, comp. Strauss. 

4The fantastic play upon the words in 
Lange’s Z. J. 11. 469, is of this sort. He 
renders: ‘‘Now thou art the son of the 
timid dove of the rock ; in future shalt thou 
be called the sheltering rock of the dove 


ing of the passage, the name of Peter’s 
father contained in Βαριωνά which occurs 
in Matthew, must bé regarded as an ab- 
breviation for John, and has nothing what- 
ever to do with dove. See on Matt. xvi. 17. 

5 Nigelsbach, Ζ. J/ias, Ὁ. 65, ed. 3; Kiihner, 
II. p. 416, and in the N. T.; Buttmann, J. 7’. 
Gr. Ὁ. 249 [E. T. Ὁ. 196]. 


90 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


must place the scene at the commencement of the journey homeward, not on 
the road during the journey (Liicke).—aKxoa. μοι] of following as disci- 
ples. Comp. Matt. iv. 19, 20, ix. 9; see also ver. 46, ii. 2. The invitation 
to do this (not merely to go with Him) is explained by ver. 45, as brought 
about by the communications of Andrew and Peter, though certainly the 
heart-piercing look of Jesus Himself, and the impression produced by His 
whole bearing, must be regarded as the causes which mainly led Philip to 
come to a decision. John does not record the further conversations which 
of course ensued upon the ἀκολ. μοι, and the obedience which followed, be- - 
cause his aim was to narrate the call.—éx τ. πόλεως, x.7.4.] see on Matt. 
vili. 14. 

Ver. 46. Etpicxec] when and where in the course of the journey we are 
not told,—perhaps at some distance from the road, so that Philip, observ- 
ing him, quitted the road, and went towards him. According to Ewald, 
‘not till after their arrival in the village of Cana, which nevertheless is 
named for the first time in il. 1, and to which Nathanael belonged” (xxi. 
2). The supposition that Nathanael was on his way to John’s baptism 
(Godet) is quite groundless. —Nafavayi, ΠΣ, i.e. Theodorus (Num. i. 
8; 1 Chron. ii. 14), is identical with Bartholomaeus. For, according to 
this passage, in the midst of calls to the apostieship, comp. xxi. 2, he ap- 
pears as one of the twelve ; while in the lists of the apostles,’ where his 
name is wanting, we find Lartholomaeus, and placed, moreover, side by side 
with Philip (only in Acts i. 13 with Matthew ;? comp. Constitt. Apol. vi. 
14. 1). This identity is all the more probable, because Bartholomew is only 
a patronymic, and must have become the ordinary name of the individual, 
and that in most frequent use ; and thus it came to pass that his own dis- 
tinctive name does not appear in the synoptic narrative.-—dv ἔγραψε] 
of whom, etc. See on Rom. x. ὅ. ---Μωῦ σῆς] Deut. xviii. 15, and gener- 
ally in his Messianic reference and types. See on ver. 40. ---τὸν ἀπὸ Nala- 
ρέτ] for Nazareth, where Jesus has lived with His parents from infancy up- 
wards, passed for His birthplace. Philip may have obtained his knowl- 
edge from Andrew and Peter, or even from Jesus Himself, who had no occa- 
sion at this time to state more fully and minutely his relation to Nazareth < 
while the τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ᾿Τωσήφ, which must rest upon a communication from 
Jesus, leaves His divine Sonship undisturbed. To attribute to Philip 
knowledge of the facts with regard to both points (Hengstenberg) is in 


1 Matt. x.3; Luke vi. 14; Mark i. 18; Acts 
i. 13. 

2 Hilgenfeld regarded him as identical 
with Matthew; but how much opposed is 
this view to the history of Matthew’s call! 


ostom, Augustine, and others, long ago de- 
nied that he did, but this is already assum- 
ed in the “ἅπας viae ”(Hilgenfeld, NV. 7. 
extra canon. 1V.). According to Spaeth, in 
Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschrift, 1868, p. 168 ff., Na- 


though the meaning of his name is not dif- 
ferent from that of Matthew’s. Very re- 
cently, however, Hilgenfeld has supposed 
that the name answers to the Matthias who 
was appointed in the place of Judas (NW. 7. 
extra canon. lV. Ὁ. 105). Schleiermacher, Z. J. 
p.368,considers it very doubtful whether Na- 
thanael belonged to the twelve at all. Chrys- 


thanael is to be taken as a symbolical name, 
invented by the writer, under which the 
Apostle John himself is said to be represent- 
ed. The author of the Appendix, chap. xxi. 
2, where Nathanael is expressly distin- 
guished from the sons of Zebedee, is said to 
have made a mistake, 


CHAP. I., 47—49. 91 


itself improbable, and is not in keeping with the simplicity of his words, 
But it is a groundless assumption to suppose that John knew nothing of the 
birth at Bethlehem ; for it is Philip’s own words that he records (against 
Strauss, de Wette). See on vii. 41. 

— Ver. 47. Can anything good come out of Nazareth? A question of aston- 
ishment that the Messiah should come out ef Nazareth. But Nathanael asks 
_thus doubtingly, not because Nazareth lay in Galilee, vii. 52,’ nor because 
of its smailness, as too insignificant to be the birthplace of the Messiah,? 
nor from both reasons together (Hengstenberg); nor, again, because the 
prophecy did not speak of Nazareth as the Messiah’s birthplace (Godet) ; 
but, as the general expression τὶ ἀγαθόν proves (it is not the more special 
ὁ Χριστός), because Nathanael, and probably public opinion likewise, looked 
upon the little town as morally degenerate : it must bave been so regarded 
at least in the narrow circle of the surrounding villages (Nathanael belong- 
ed to Cana). We have no historical proof that this was so ; outside the 
N. T. the place is not mentioned, not even in Josephus ; nevertheless Mark 
vi. 6, and the occurrence recorded Luke iv. 15 ff., well correspond with 
Nathanael’s judgment as to its disrepute in a moral point of view. —aya06¥] 
which must be pre-eminently the case if the Messiah were to come there- 
from,—He whose coming must be a signally holy and sublime manifesta- 
tion. —épyov x. ide] ‘ optimum remedium contra opiniones praeconceptas,” 
Bengel. 

Ver. 48. Περὶ αὐτοῦ] to those, therefore, journeying with Him, but so 
that the approaching Nathanael hears it, ver. 49. --- ἀ λ᾿ θῶ ς] truly an Israel- 
ite, not merely in outward descent and appearance, but in the moral 
nature which really corresponds to that of an upright Israelite. Comp. 
Rom. ix. 6, 1. 29. Ἔν ᾧ δόλος οὐκ -éore tells by what means he is so. 
Thus sincere and honest, thus inwardly true, should every Israelite be (not 
simply free from self-righteousness, but possessing what essentially belongs 
to truth); and Nathanael was all this. This virtue of guilelessness, as the 
characteristic of the true Israelite, is not named as belonging generally to the 
ancient ideal of the nation (Liicke, de Wette ; this view arbitrarily passes 
by the reference to the nation historically which lay much nearer); but in 
view of the venerable and honourable testimonies which had been uttered 
concerning the people of Israel (e.g. Num. xxiii. 10), whose father was him- 
self already designated DA WS, LXX. ἄπλαστος," Gen. xxv. 27; Aq. ἁπλοῦς, 
Symm. ἄμωμος. ---- Jesus here also, as in vv. 43, 44, appears as the searcher of 
hearts. 

Ver. 49. The approaching Nathanael heard the testimony of Jesus, and 
does not decline His commendation,—itself ἃ proof of his guileless honesty ; 
but he asks in amazement how Jesus knew him.—obvra ὑπὸ τ. συκῆν] 
belongs, as ver. 51 shows, not to φωνῆσαι, but to εἶδόν ce. Thus, before 


1The Fathers, Luther, Melanchthon, καὶ οὔτι πλαστῶς εἰσὶν ἀγαθοί. Soph. 216 C: 


Ebrard, and many. οἱ μὴ πλαστῶς, GAN ὄντως φιλόσοφοι. 
2 Liicke, de Wette, Hug, Krabbe, Ewald, 4 Comp. Aristoph. Plut. 1159: οὐ yap δόλου 
Lange, Briickner, and others. νῦν ἔργον, ἀλλ᾽ ἁπλῶν τρόπων. 


8 Comp. Plato, Legg. I. p. 642 Ὁ : ἀληθῶς 


92 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Philip, vv. 46, 47, met and called him (φωνῆσαι, comp. ii. 9, iv. 16, xi. 28, 
xvill. 33), Nathanael had been under a fig-tree ; whether the fig-tree of his 
own house (Mic. iv. 4 ; Zech. iii. 10), whether meditating (perchance upon 
the Messianic hope of the nation), praying, reading,—which employments, 
according to Rabbinical statements (see in Lightfoot, Schoettgen, Wetstein), 
took place beneath such trees,—we are not informed. He had just come 
from the tree to the place where Philip met him.*— c¢idév ce] is usually 
taken as referring to ὦ glance into the depth of his soul,? but contrary to the 
simple meaning of the words, which affirm nothing else than : I saw thee, 
not [knew (ἔγνων) thee, or the like. Comp. also Hengst. The miraculous 
element in the εἶδόν ce, which made it a σημεῖον to Nathanael, and which led to 
his confession which follows in ver. 50, must have consisted in the fact that 
the fig-tree either stood out of sight of the place, or so far off that no ordi- 
nary power of vision could have discerned a person under it. Eidéy ce thus 
simply interpreted gives the true solution to Nathanael’s question, because 
there could not have been this rapport of miraculous far-seeing on the part 
of Jesus, unless brought about by the immediate recognition of the true 
Israelite when he was at that distance. This spiritual elective affinity was 
the medium of the supernatural εἶδόν ce. Nonnus well says : ὄμμασι καὶ πρα- 
πίδεσσι τὸν ov παρεόντα δοκεύων. Jesus would not have seen an ordinary Jew, 
who, as being without this spiritual affinity, was beyond the limits of sight. 
ὑπὸ τὴν συκ.]} with the article : ‘‘ under that well-known fig-tree, beneath 
which you were,” or, if the tree was within the range of vision, pointing 
towards it. De Wette also rightly abides by the simple meaning, J saw thee, 
but thinks that what caused the astonishment of Nathanael was the fact 
that Jesus saw him when he believed himself to be unobserved (though John re- 
garded this seeing as supernatural): But this gives no adequate psychologi- 
cal motive for the confession of ver. 50 ; and we must then further assume, 
with Ewald, that the words of Jesus reminded Nathanael of the deep and 
weighty thoughts which he was revolving when alone under the fig-tree, and 
he thus perceived that the depths of his soul were laid open before the spirit- 
ual eye of Jesus—which, however, is not indicated in the text. 

Ver. 50. The double designation is uttered in the excitement of joyful 
certainty. The simple faith in the Messiah, expressed in ver. 41, is here in- 
tensified, not as to its subject-matter, but in its outward expression. Comp. 
Luthardt, p. 844, The second designation is the more definite of the two ; 
and therefore the first, in the sense in which Nathanael used it, is not as yet 
to be apprehended metaphysically (against Hengstenberg) in John’s sense, 
but is simply theocratic, presupposing the national view (Ps. ii. 7; John xi. 
27) of the promised and expeeted theocratic King, * without perhaps implying 
the teaching of the Baptist (Olshausen). The early occurrence of such con- 


1 The reference of the εἶδόν oe to the same 2 Where it is imagined, though without 
place where Philip called him (so, after the the slightest hint to that effect in the text, 
Greek Fathers, B. Crusius) must be re- that Jesus had a short time before passed 
jected, because neither the πρὸ τοῦ-- by the fig-tree unobserved. 
φωνῆσαι nor the ὄντα ὑπὸ τὴν συκῆν would 3 Comp. Riehm in the Stud. u. Krit. 1865, 
thus have any essential significance. p. 68 ff, 


CHAP. I., 51. 93 


fessions therefore by no means conflicts with that later one of Peter (Matt. xvi. 
8), in which is recognized the higher import of the words (against Strauss). 

Ver. 51. Πιστεύεις is, with Chrysostom and most others (also Lach- 
mann and Tischendorf, not Godet), to be taken interrogatively ; see on xx. 
29.1 But the question is not one of censwre, which would only mar the fresh 
bloom of this first meeting (Theophylact : ‘‘he has not yet rightly believed 
in Christ’s Godhead ’’); nor the expression of slight disapproval of a faith 
not yet based upon adequate grounds (de Wette, comp. Ewald); but rather 
of the surprise with which Jesus joyfully acknowledges the faith, hardly thus 
early to be looked for, of Nathanael. And to this faith, so surprisingly 
ready in its beginning, He promises something greater (ἐς ἐλπίδα φέρτερον 
ἕλκων, Nonnus) by way of further confirmation. —rotrov| Plural of the 
category : ‘‘ than this which you now have met with, and which has become 
the ground of your faith.’—«ai λέγει αὖ τῷ] specially introduces the 
further explanation of the μείζω τούτων as a most significant word. —apiv 
ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν] The double ἀμήν does not occur in other parts of the 
N. T., but we find it twenty-five times in John, and only in the mouth of 
Jesus,—therefore the more certainly original. —i7v] to thee and Andrew, 
John, Peter (James, see in ver. 42), and Philip. — ax dé prc] from now onwards, 
for Jesus was about to begin His Messianic work. See chap. ii. Thus, in 
this weighty word He furnishes His disciples with the key for the only cor- 
rect understanding of that work. —éyecOe, «.7.4.] The ‘‘ opened heaven” 
has no literal and independent significance, but is conformed to the imagery 
of the metaphor which follows. [See Note XII. p. 99.] Observe here the 
perfect participle : heaven stands open ; comp. Acts vil. 56. The ascending 
and descending angels are, according to Gen. xxviii. 12, a symbolical represen- 
tation of the uninterrupted and living intercourse between the Messiah and 
God,—an intercommunion whieh the disciples would clearly and vividly 
recognize, or, according to the symbolic form of the thought, would sec as 
matter of experience throughout the subsequent ministry of Jesus.* The 
“angels” are not therefore personified divine powers (Olshausen, de Wette, 
and several), or personal energies of God’s Spirit (Luthardt and Hofmann), 
but as always, God’s messengers, who bring to the Messiah God’s commands, 
or execute them on Him,® and return again to God (ἀναβαίνοντας), while others 
descend with new commissions (καταβαίν.). Weare not told whether, and to 
what extent, Nathanael and his companions already perceived the symbolic 
meaning of the declaration. It certainly does not refer to the actual appear- 
ances of angels in the course of the Gospel history, * against which ἀπάρτι is con- 


1 As to the paratactic protasis, which may 
be read interrogatively or not according to 
the character of the discourse, see C. F. 
Hermann, Progr. 1849, Ὁ. 18; Scheibe in 
Schneidew. Philolog. 1850, p. 362 ff. Comp. 
also Nagelsbach’s note on the Jiiad, p. 350, 
ed. 3. 

2This expression tells us nothing con- 
cerning the origin of Christ’s knowledge of 
God, which ver. 18 clearly declares, and 


which cannot therefore be attributed to a 
series of progressive revelations (Weiz- 
siicker); the expression rather presupposes 
that origin. Comp. also Weiss, Lehrvegr. p. 
286 ff. 

3 Comp. Matt. iv. 11, xxvi. 53; Luke xxii. 
43. 

4 Chrysostom, Cyril., Euthymius Ziga- 
benus, and most of the early expositors. 


94 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


clusive ; nor merely to the working of miracles (Storr, Godet), which accords 
neither with the expression itself, nor with-that reference to the Messiah’s 
ministry as ὦ whole which is implied. in ἀπάρτι ὄψεσθε, etc. —avaRaiv.] is 
placed jirst, in remembrance of Gen. xxviii. 12, without any special purpose, 
but not inappropriately, because when the ὄψεσθε takes place, the inter- 
course between heaven and earth is already going on. We may supply ἀπὸ 
τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ ἀνϑρ. after ἀναβαίν from the analogy of what follows.’ — Concern- 
ing ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνϑρ., see on Matt. viii. 20 ; Mark ii. 8, note. In John 
likewise it is Jesus’ standing Messianic designation of Himself ; here, where 
angelic powers are represented as waiting upon Him who bears the Messi- 
anic authority, it corresponds rather with the prophetic vision of the Son of 
Man (Dan. vii. 14), and forms the impressive conclusion of the whole sec- 
tion, confirming and ratifying the joyous faith and confession of the first 
disciples, as the first solemn self-avowal on the part of Jesus in their pres- 
ence. It thus retained a deep and indelible hold upon the recollection of 
John, and therefore stands as the utterance of the clear Messianic conscious- 
ness of Jesus unveiled before us at the outset of His work. It is precisely 
in John that the Messiahship of Jesus comes out with the greatest definite- 
ness, not as consequence and result, but already, from the beginning, the sub- 
ject-matter of our Lord’s self-consciousness. ” 


Note.—[See Note XIII. p. 99.] The synoptical account of the call of the two 
pairs of brothers, Matt. iv. 18 ff. and parallels, is utterly irreconcilable with that 
of John as to place, time, and circumstances ; and the usual explanations re- 
sorted to—that what is here recorded was only a preliminary call,? or only a 
social union with Christ (Luther, Licke, Ebrard, Tholuck ; comp. also Ewald 
and Godet), or only the gathering together of the first believers (Luthardt), but not 
their call—fall to the ground at once when we see how the narrative proceeds ; 
for according to it the μαθηταί, 11. 2, are with Jesus, and remain with Him. 
See on Matt. iv. 19, 20. The harmony of the two accounts consists in this sim- 
ply, that the two pairs of brothers are the earliest apostles. To recognize in 
John’s account not an actual history, but a picture of the author’s own, drawn 
for the sake of illustrating his idea (Baur, Hilgenfeld, Schenkel),—that, viz., 
the knowledge of the disciples and that of Jesus Himself as to His Messianic 
destination should appear perfect from the outset,—is only one of the numer- 
ous self-deceptions in criticism which form the premisses of the unhistorical 
conclusion that the fourth Gospel is not the work of the apostle, but of some 
writer of much later date, who has moulded the history into the form of his 
own ideal. On the contrary, we must here specially observe that the author, 
if he wished to antedate the time and place of the call, certainly did not need 
to invent a totally different situation from that which was before his eyes in the 


1 See Kiihner, IT. p. 603. 

2 The historic accuracy of this relation, 
as testified by John, stands with the apos- 
tolic origin of the Gospel, against which 
also the objections of Holtzmann in his 
historically excellent investigation (Jahrb. 
Jj. D. Theol. 1867, p. 389), can have no effect. 

5 So, most recently, Mircker, Ueberein- 


stimm. der Evang. ad. Matt. κι. Joh., Mein- 
‘ngen 1868, p. 10 ff. The τὸν λεγόμενον Πέτρον, 
Matt. iv. 18, furnishes no proof, as is plain 
from the parallel in Mark i. 16, which is the 
source of Matthew’s account, but has not 
those words. They are simply a personal 
notice added from the standing-point of 
the writer, as in Matt. x. 2. 


! NOTES. 95 


Synoptics. Besides this, the assumption that, by previously receiving John’s 
baptism, Jesus renounced any independent action (Schenkel), is pure imagina- 
tion. Weizsiicker (p. 404) reduces John’s account to this: ‘The first acquaint- 
ance between Jesus and these followers of His was brought about by His 
meeting with the Baptist ; and on that occasion, amid the excitement which 
the Baptist created, Messianic hopes, however transitory, were kindled in this 
circle of friends.’”’ But this rests upon a treatment of the fourth Gospel, which 
refuses -to it the authority of an independent witness, and finds in its author 
merely the poet of a thoughtful Idyll. And when Keim (I. p. 553) finds here 
only the invention of an age that could no longer endure the humble and hu- 
man beginnings of Jesus, but would transfer to His first appearance the glory 
which, as a matter of history, distinguished His departure and exaltation, his 
procedure is all the more daring, the more close he himself brings the origin of 
the Gospel to the lifetime of the apostle, and into contact therefore with the 
most vivid recollections of His disciples. 


Notes py AMERICAN Eprror. 


TIL. ἦν τὸ φῶς τὸ ἀληθινόν. ----““ There was the genuine light.” Ver. 9. 


It is difficult to give to ἣν the meaning of aderat (as if παρῆν), was present, 
assigned to it by Meyer, but hardly supported by the analogy of vii. 39. It 
seems better, with Weiss, to construct it with ἐρχόμενον, but regard it as placed 
emphatically in advance. ‘‘ There was’’ (as against the preceding οὐκ jv) ‘the 
genuine light” (in contrast with John, the supposed but not the real light ; the 
λύχνος ; not the φῶς) ““ which lighteth every man, coming into the world.’’ Thus 
ἣν ἐρχόμενον forms a periphrastic imperfect : not equivalent to ἦλθεν, came, but 
marking impendency—what was just on the point of being. Or ἦν may 
be taken independently, as the verb of existence, ‘‘there was, as against the sup- 
posed and mere secondary light, the genuine Light, which, coming into the 
world,”’ ete. The one of these constructions the Revised Version has placed in 
its text, the otherin the margin. In either case Weiss seems right, against Meyer, 
in constructing ἐρχόμενον with Φῶς and not with ἄνθρωπον. The latter construc- 
tion seems idle in thought and un-Johannean in diction. There is scarcely a 
phrase more characteristic of John than that which designates Christ as ‘‘ com- 
ing into the world,” while he never distinctively so designates human birth, 


IV. εἰς τὰ ἴδια ἦλθεν. Ver. 11. 


This is among the expressions which try the capacities of a foreign tongue, 
to reproduce the flexible and delicate Greek. The rendering of the Common 
Ver., ‘‘He came unto his own, and his own,” etc., is very defective, and that 
of the Revision, ‘‘He came unto his own (marg. his own things),’’ is scarcely 
better. Meyer’s rendering, ‘‘ to his own possession,’’ is much preferable, yet 
inferior, I think, to that suggested by Frederick Field (Otium. Norv. vol. ii., 
p. 111.), ‘‘ He came to his own home, and his own people,’ or without the italics : 
‘his own home, and his own people.””. The meaning of ἴδια would perhaps 
be adequately given without the ‘‘own.” He came unto his home. See John 
ix. 27, ‘‘ From that hour the disciple took her εἰς τὰ ἴδια 3’ Acts xxi. 6, 
ὑπέστρεψαν εἰς τὰ ἴδια ; Esth. v. 10. 


9§ THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


The verse is of striking significance. A single brief phrase binds into one 
the Old and the New Testament, identifying the Jesus of the New Covenant with 
the Jehovah of the Old. Its climactic character is also striking. He who had 
made the world was in it, and it did not recognize Him ; He ‘came to what had 
béen His special inheritance, His chosen home, and they of His household did 
not receive Him—the Evangelist’s euphemism for hate, rejection, persecution, 
and murder. 


V. ““ And we beheld His glory.’’ Ver. 14. 


Τί is, I think, much better and simpler to regard, with most editors and in- 
terpreters (against Meyer and Weiss), καὶ ἐθεασάμεθα---πατρός, as parenthetical, 
and rather momentarily interrupting the course of thought than following in 
its main drift. It is rather the essential nature of the Word: ‘“‘ full of grace 
and truth,” that is for the time being in the writer’s mind. He turns aside 
for a moment to his and his companions’ vision of His glory, but immediately 
resumes with πλήρης the suspended thought and construction. The assump- 
tion of the violent change by which πλήρης is attached ungrammatically to the 
sentence as an incidental member, is unnecessary and unnatural. The ‘* grace 
and the truth’’ dwelling in the Word is the main idea (ver. 15 being also par- 
enthetical) from ver, 14 to ver. 17. 

The ἐθεασάμεθα δόξαν, as aor. (not ἐθεώμεθα, used to behold) may not improbably 
refer specifically to the extraordinary display of glory on the Mount of Trans- 
figuration, which must have made and did make (2 Pet. i. 16-19) amost power- 
ful impression on those who witnessed it. 


VI. Παρὰ πατρός, from the Father. Ver. 14. 


The more natural construction of παρὰ πατρός is, 1 think, rather with δόξαν 
@ glory from the Father) than with μονογενοῦς. Granting that rapa πατρός admits 
the explanation ‘‘ An only-begotten (sent) from the Father,” still it seems less 
natural than “ἃ glory from the Father,” which is explained by the interjected 
ὡς μονογενοῦς, as of an (not the) Only-begotten. With this construction παρά 
is easier ; the construction is more forcible and elegant, and it suggests the 
instances in which the Father bestows direct honour upon the Son. Matt. iii. 
17; xvii. 5; John xii. 28. ‘‘He received from God the Father honour and 
glory.’’? And this testimony directly from the Father John seems repeatedly to 
have heard. 


VII. “‘ John beareth witness.” Ver. 15. 


Vy. 14, 15, 16, should, I think, be constructed as follows. 14. And the word 
became fiesh and tabernacled among us (and we beheld [gazed upon] his glory, 
a glory, as of an Only-begotten, from the Father) full of grace and truth ; (15. 
John testifieth concerning him, and crieth, saying, He who cometh after me 
hath taken place in advance of me; because he was before me) ; 16. and out 
of his fulness did all we receive, and grace for grace. 

The mind of the Evangelist isso impregnated with the testimony of the 
Baptist in its fulness and great significance, that he breaks the main thread of 
his thought to introduce it at ver. 15, anticipating here the testimony which 
was historically borne at vv. 26, 30. It seems to me also that the words ὁ ἐρχό- 
μενος ὀπίσω μου do not here refer to ‘‘something still future,” to an advent of 
the Messiah yet to come (which indeed formally it actually was), but expresses 


NOTES. 97% 


the economical relation of the two personages ; John being the predicted and 
recognized predecessor of Jesus; Jesus in the order of time, his follower.— 
Hath taken place in advance of me. Although he cometh and came after and 
behind me, yet he has already taken precedence of me, and this on account of 
his intrinsic and essential superiority. Jesus has not yet been made manifest 
to Israel, but the Baptist recognizes him as already present, and as having 
already taken that place of transcendent superiority which belongs to his na- 
ture, and will very soon publicly display itself. 


VIII. ὁ ὧν εἰς τὸν κόλπον τοῦ πατρός. Ver. 1% 


Three constructions of ὁ dy are grammatically possible. One would make 
it strictly an imperfect participle, relative to ἐξηγήσατο, the being being contem- 
poraneous with the unfolding. This view would have few advocates. The sec- 
ond and more common construction takes it as a timeless present, expressing the 
eternal relation of the Sonto the Father, irrespective of the incarnation. 
Meyer and Weiss both reject this, and refer it to the ewisting historical relation of 
the Son since His exaltation. They explain by this the Prep. εἰς (marking His 
re-entrance into this relation), for which otherwise we should have ἐν. Jn either 
case we must ask after the logical ‘import and relation of the participial clause 
to the entire sentence. If it refer to the Son’s essential and eternal relation 
to the Father, it would then account for His capacity and fitness to unfold God : 
He fathoms and discloses the depths of the Being in whose bosom He dwells. 
If it refer to His post-incarnate relation, this idea would be irrelevant, and the 
clause would naturally express the relation of affection in which He stands to 
the Father, not indeed as a table-companion, reclining upon His bosom, but as 
enfolded in the arms of His love. This harmonizes, it is true, with the frequent 
language of the Gospels (‘‘my beloved Son’’), yet seems scarcely to meet the 
logical demands of the passage. I cannot but think the prevalent interpreta- 
tion, which makes it express Christ’s inherent and essential relation to the 
Deity, as here more probable, while still the εἰς, instead of ἐν, may be deter- 
mined by the fact, present so naturally to the mind of the writer, of the Son’s 
recent resumption of the apparently suspended relation. 


IX. Vv. 1-18. Analysis. 


Of this pre-eminently profound and wonderful passage—without its rival 
in human literature—it may not be inadmissible to endeavour to aid the 
understanding by a brief additional analysis. It falls, I think, naturally into 
three main divisions. 

I. The Pre-incarnate and Eternal Word in His essential character and rela- 
tions, vv. 1-5. 

Il. Preparation, through His harbinger John, for His entrance into the world, 
with anticipatory glance at His actual coming and its consequences, vy. 6-13. 

III. Resumption from ver. 9 (or ver. 5). Incarnation of the Word, as im- 
parter to men of essential grace and truth. 

I. The Word, in His relation to God of distinction and identity (1, 2) ; as me- 
dium of creation (3) ; as possessing inherently life and light, and their source to 
men (4) ; and the rejection of the light by men (5). 

Il. Preparation for*the coming of the Word into the world by the sending 


98 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


of His harbinger, as His witness (6, 7); not the light, but the lamp; not the 
original, but the reflected light ; emphatically, for testimony (8). In contrast 
with this secondary light, the genuine, archetypal light, the universal enlight- 
ener, was then coming into the world (9). Under the prompting of this 
contrast of the coming of the real (as against the supposed) light, the writer 
anticipates and beholds Him actually in the world which he had made, but un- 
known by it (10), coming to His own home-people, but rejected by them (11) ; 
yet to all who received Him by faith, bringing sonship with God (12) through a 
supernatural and divine birth (13). 

Ill. Resumption from ver. 9 (or ver. 5), taking up the next great stage in 
the Word’s history, His becoming incarnate, tabernacling among men (revealing to 
us His glory) full of grace and truth (15). (Interjected parenthetical testimony 
of John by anticipation, regarding Him as subsequent in appearance, but taking 
place in advance of and above him, 15). Universal communication of this 
fulness of truth and grace (16); the*Law being given through Moses, but es- 
sential grace and truth through Christ (17); through whom finally—(the 
grand and solemn climax and sum of all),—as the only-begotten Son, the invisi- 
ble God has been unfolded to men. 


X. The Temptation. Ver. 28, Note. 


Meyer summarily rules out the Synoptic account of the Temptation as unhis- 
torical. It cannot come into the narrative of John (he holds) before the dep- 
utation from Jerusalem (ver. 19), without being in contradiction with the Syn- 
optists. If the baptism be piaced between vv. 19 and 25, then of course John’s 
narrative leaves no place for it until ch. 111. vv. 22-36, where Hengstenberg 
placesit, and which Meyer calls ‘‘ an unavailing makeshift.’’ But remembering, 
in the first place, that there are broad gaps to fill up alike in Matthew and in 
John, and that it is often a matter of judgment, and of somewhat difficult de- 
cision, to determine just where the Jacunae are ; and then observing that in Matt. 
the Temptation, while on the one hand it immediately follows the baptism, 
yet on the other immediately precedes that return to Galilee which is probably 
to be identified with that of John iy. 1-3, it does not seem by any means im- 
possible to place it during that period of our Lord’s sojourn on the Jordan 
which John describes in chap. 111. 22 ff. True, the connecting particles of 
Matt. and Mark (τότε then. and εὐθύς straightway) are somewhat against this, yet 
(considering the elasticity of the connecting particles in the Gospels) I think 
not insuperably. That this is its only possible or its most probable location, [ 
would not maintain. It certainly cannot be affirmed without hazard that it 
cannot find a place in the Synoptics without contradiction to John ; for it and 
the baptism may have come in before the Jewish deputation, and αὔριον he next 
day of John i. 19 may be the day of Jesus’ return from the wilderness. The 
historical accounts are so obviously and intentionally incomplete, that contra- 
diction here between John and the Synoptists can be affirmed only by those 
who deny in general the historical validity of the Gospels, or who know a good 
deal more about the details of the history which they outline than did their 
writers. Hengstenberg’s view is not here ‘‘an unavailing makeshift.” It is 

imply an alternative—possibly not the most probable one,—between different 
modes of filling out the brief and fragmentary notices of the Gospels. 


NOTES. 99 


XI. ** I knew him not.” Ver. 31. 


That John first became aware at the baptism that Jesus was the Messiah is 
by no means certain, though perhaps not improbable. The ‘I knew him not” 
does not, as Weiss justly remarks, refer necessarily to the time of the baptism, 
but more probably to the time when the Baptist entered on his ministry. Be- 
sides, the decided emphasis in the above phrase on the ἐγώ, as if he had said, 
‘Tt was not 7 that knew him,” makes it doubtful if the Baptist does not mean 
simply to affirm that his cognizance of the Messiahship of Him whom he 
was announcing was not a thing self-derived, but he was indebted for his 
knowledge to the same Divine source whence he received his commission. 
It really has nothing to do with the nature or degree of his previous personal 
acquaintance with Jesus. The careful and exact narrative of Luke i. 36 ff., 
which Meyer stigmatizes as ‘‘legendary,’’ is therefore by no means “irreconcil- 
able with the text before us.’’ The narrative of Luke neither affirms nor 
necessarily implies any such acquaintance of the Baptist with Jesus as to 
make certain his previous knowledge of the Lord’s Messiahship ; and if it did, 
it would still be true that he knew him not from his own knowledge (κἀγὼ οὐκ 
ἤδειν αὐτόν), but from the heavenly revelation. And whatever his previous 
knowledge, the testimony at the baptism sealed and confirmed it. . 


XII. ‘* Heaven standing open.” Ver. 51. 


So Meyer gives exactly the force of the part. ἀνεῳγότα. It does not denote 
the process of opening (ἀνοιγόμενον : see σχιζομένους, Mark i. 10), or the mere 
fact of being momentarily opened (ἀνοιχθέντα, ἀνεῴχθησαν, Mark iii. 16), or 
being open as sequel to the act of opening (ἀνεῳγμένον, dinvoryuévove, Acts Vii. 
56). Both the common Eng. Ver. (open) and that of the Rey. Ver. (opened ) are 
inaccurate or ambiguous, failing of the precise force of the Greek (standing 
open), which denotes simply the permanent condition of mutual intereommunion 
between earth and heaven. 


XIII, Ver. 51, Note. 


It seems entirely gratuitous in Meyer thus to assume the utter irreconcila- 
bleness of John’s account of the calling of the two pairs of brothers with that 
of the Synoptists. The facts of the call must have been matter of such com- 
plete notoriety in the apostolic circle, that ignorance on the part of either of the 
Evangelists seems out of the question; and we are certainly not to assume 
contradiction between them in so simple and plain a matter without strong 
necessity. We are bound to suppose that the interstices existing in the Gospel 
records — confessedly fragmentary — would here, as elsewhere, if filled up, 
render them a coherent and consistent narrative. And in point of fact there 
is here scarce even the semblance of contradiction. Jobn informs us that 
Peter, Andrew, and himself (John) formed the acquaintance of Jesus at the 
Jordan, with the Baptist, but gives no intimation that they were then called 
by Him to permanent discipleship. The Synoptists inform us that these 
three, along with James the brother of John, were ealled by Jesus later on the 
Sea of Galilee into His permanent intimacy, but gives no hint that they had not 
seen and known Him earlier. On the contrary, the promptness with which 
they then obeyed His call and abandoned their vocation and home renders 


100 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


probable precisely the preparation of some such previous acquaintance. 
The two accounts, in fact, mutually supplement and explain each other, The 
call in the Synoptists is the natural sequel to the seemingly incidental meet- 
ing in John. The meeting in John explains the otherwise unexplained and 
seemingly accidental occurrence in the Synoptists. True, we have disciples now 
accompanying Jesus into Galilee, attending with Him the marriage feast, visiting 
with Him Capernaum, and going with Him up toJerusalem. But precisely who 
and how many these were we have no word of information ; probably among them 
were, during much of the time, most of those mentioned in the first chapter of 
this Gospel. But these were undoubtedly not the only ones, nor is it proba- 
ble that at this time they were constantly the same. With our Lord’s increas- 
ing notoriety, the number of His adherents was doubtless enlarging and fluctu- 
ating, and it is extremely probable that the first whom He called to His abiding 
intimacy were the two pairs of brothers (one of whom, James, we have, indeed, no 
assurance to have been with Him at the Jordan) from their employment on the 
Lake of Galilee. At what time Jesus had dismissed them to their callings before 
He finally recalled them we donot and need not know. Our Lord had had them 
with Him iong enough to try their fitness for their destined work, and they had 
been with Him long enough to enable them, when the hour arrived, to make an 
intelligent decision. Nothing is more natural than that Jesus, before requiring 
the final decision, should send them for a season to their homes and pursuits, 
and let them there review the extraordinary scenes through which they had 
passed. That Meyer, de Wette, and Briickner should find here a certain contra- 
diction in the Gospels is extraordinary indeed, and fittingly has his latest Ger- 
man editor, Weiss (with Liicke, Thol. Ew. Lith, Hengst. God.), held to their en- 
tire agreement. 


GHAP, I1,,,1, 101 


CHAPTER II. 


Ver. 10. τότε is wanting in B. L. δὲ ὃ Min. Verss. ; deleted by Tisch. But 
how easily might it, in itself superfluous, have been passed over before τὸν ! — 
Ver. 11. The τήν before ἀρχήν we must delete, with Lachm. and Tisch., follow- 
ing A. B. L. A. Min., Origen, and other Fathers. — Ver. 12. ἔμειναν. A. F. 
G. A. Min. Copt. Arm, Pers. p. Ver. Nonn. : ἔμεινεν. In keeping with the pre- 
ceding κατέβη and the following ἀνέβη. --- Ver. 15. For τὸ κέρμα, B. L. TY. X. 
33. Copt. Arm. Ver. Origen : τὰ κέρματα (explanatory). — Ver. 17. dé is want- 
ing in B, L. X. δὲ, Copt. ; bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. Added for 
the connection. For καταφάγεται Elz. has κατέφαγε, against all the 
Uncials, from the LXX.—Ver. 22. After ἔλεγε Elz. has αὐτοῖς, an addition 
feebly supported. 


Ver. 1. τρίτῃ] 15, with Origen, ¢. Cels. vi. 30, to be reckoned from the last- 
named day, i. 44, not from the coming to Cana (Ewald), which has not yet 
been alluded to. Thus we have in all siz days from i. 19, not seven (see on 
i. 41), in which number Luthardt would find this symbolic meaning : ‘‘ It 
is a Sabbath, as it were, which Jesus here is keeping.” — By τῆς Tadc- 
λαίας the village of Cana (now not Kafar kenna, as Hengstenberg and 
Godet still think, but Kana el-Jelil ; see Robinson, III. p. 449 ; Ritter, 
XVI. 753 ff.), about three hours N.W. from Nazareth, is distinguished from 
another Cana ; for in ver. 11, iv. 46, xxi. 2, τῆς Γαλιλαίας is also added, and 
hence it must be taken as a standing descriptive addition, as if belonging to 
the name (like our ‘‘ Freiburg im Breisgau” and the like), and not here as a 
mere allusion to the arrival in Galilee (B. Crusius). The other Cana lay in 
the tribe of Asher, Josh. xix. 28 (S.E. from Tyre ; comp. Robinson, III. 
657), and though also to be considered as belonging to Galilee, was yet so 
near to Phoenicia, that the designation of our Cana as K. τῆς Γαλιλαίας, in 
distinction from the other, is justified on geographical grounds. Ewald 
distinguishes our Cana from the Kanath lying east of the river district, but 
the name (Pp, Num. xxxii. 42, 1 Chron. ii. 23 ; and Bertheau on the word ; 
Κανάϑ LXX., Kavada Josephus) does not correspond. —kai ἣν ἡ μήτηρ, 
«.T.A.] Mary was already there when Jesus and His disciples arrived in 
Cana, no doubt arranging and helping (see vv. 3, 5) in the friend’s house 
where the wedding was to take place. That shortly before the baptism of 
Jesus she had come to live at Cana (Ewald), but soon after removed thence 
to Capernaum (ii. 12), disregards the specific intimation both here and in 
iv. 46. That Joseph was not there with her, is in keeping with his entire 
and unexplained disappearance from the Gospel narrative after Luke ii.41 ff. 
It is usually, though without special proof (see vi. 42), assumed that he was 
already dead. 


102 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Ver. 2. Jesus also and His disciples (those won in chap. i.) were invited, i.e. 
when, in the meanwhile, He had come to Cana.’ To take ἐκλήϑη as pluper- 
Ject is objectionable both in itself (see on xviii. 24), and also because the 
disciples had been first won by Jesus on the way. But there is nothing 
against the supposition that Jesus had journeyed not to Nazareth, but to 
Cana, on account of the wedding ; for He may have known (through 
Nathanael, Godet thinks) that His mother was there, and because, consider- 
ing the friendly relations with the family, He did not need a previous invita- 
tion. This is in answer at once to Weisse, I. 203, who finds an invitation 
inconceivable ; to Lange, who holds that Jesus found the invitation await- 
ing Him at Nazareth (?) ; and to Schleiermacher, who makes the invitation 
to have preceded even His baptism. Of the disciples, Nathanael, moreover, 
was himself a native of Cana (xxi. 2). But apart from this, the friendly 
invitation of the disciples along with Jesus by no means implies a previous 
extended ministry of Jesus in Galilee (Schenkel), or even such a ministry at 
all before His baptism (Schleiermacher).— As to the sing. ἐκλήϑη, see 
Kiihner, § 433, 1; Buttmann, YW. 7. Gh. 110 [E. Ὁ. p. 126 ff.]. 

Ver. 8. -Ὑστερήσ. οἴνου) when ὦ scarcity of wine had occurred,—on 
what day of the marriage feast (it usually lasted seven, Gen. xxix. 27 ; 
Judg. xiv. 14 ; Tob. ix. 12, x. 1) we are not told.” The expression ὑστερεῖ 
τι, something fails or runs short, belongs to later Greek (Mark x. 21 ; Isa. 11. 
14; Neh. ix. 21; Diosc. v. 86). ---οἷνον οὐκ ἔχουσι) they are short of 
wine, they, i.e. the family of the bridegroom, who provided the feast. [See 
Note XIV. p. 117.] They might be disgraced by the failure of the wine. The 
words, however, are not only an expression of interest, which was the more 
reasonable, as the deficiency was accelerated by the invitation of her Son 
and His disciples ; but they also contain, as Jesus Himself understood 
(ver. 4), an indirect appeal for help, as is confirmed by ver. 5, prompted by 
thoughtful consideration for the credit of the house providing the feast. 
Some find herein a call to work a miracle. But this would imply either that 
Mary had inferred from the conception, birth, etc., of her Son, His power 
of working miracles, which she now expected Him to display, or that Jesus 
had already, on some previous occasion, though in a narrower circle, 
wrought wonderful works (the former hypothesis in Chrysostom, Theophy- 
lact, Euthymius Zigabenus, Baumgarten, Maier, Godet, Hengstenberg, and 
many more; the latter in Liicke and others),—assumptions which are’ 
equally incapable of proof. Nor would the supply of this want of itself 
suggest the need of a miracle, and the thought of so disproportionate a 
means occurring to Mary’s mind without any adequate reason, even by the 
recollection of such traits as are related in Luke ii. 49 ff. (Briickner), or by 


1 Schenkel inconsiderately says. that,‘ ac- 
cording to our Gospel, Jesus was to all 


has nothing to do with its duration. Nor is 
there any hint in the text of ‘poor circum- 


appearance transported to Cana by a 
miracle of almighty power.” 

2 The text does not say that it lasted only 
one day, as Hengstenberg finds expressed 
in ver. 1, where we are simply told that the 
marriage began on the third day,—which 


stances,” for it speaks of the master of the 
feast and of servants. Least of all does 
the inviting of Jesus’ disciples along with 
Himself imply poverty. This also in answer 


‘to Godet. 


CHAP. I1.,4. ᾿ 102 


the miracle at His baptism, or by the call of the disciples, or by the declara- 
tion of i. 52, of which she would be informed at the marriage (Godet), is quite 
inexplicable, even supposing that she had observed more clearly than any 
others the change which had taken place in her Son, and had therefore with 
fuller expectation looked up to Him as the Messiah (Ewald’s view, comp. 
Tholuck). Rather did she wish to prompt Jesus in ὦ general way to render 
help ; and this she would suppose He would do in the most natural manner 
(by furnishing wine), a method as obvious as that of miracle was the reverse. 
But Jesus, in the feeling of His divine call (ver. 4), intended to-render help 
in a special and miraculous manner ; and with this design of His own in 
view, returns the answer contained in ver. 4. In this way the obscurity of 
the words is removed (which Lampe and de Wette dwell upon), and at the 
‘same time the objection raised from ver. 11 (by Strauss, B. Bauer, Schweizer, 
Scholten) against the entire narrative, upon the assumption that Mary (from 
the Logos standing-point of the evangelist, it is supposed !) expected a 
miracle. Lastly, it is purely gratuitous to suppose that Mary wished to give 
a hint to Jesus and His disciples to go away (Bengel, Paulus); yet Ebrard 
(on Olshausen) has again preferred this view, explaining afterwards ‘‘ mine 
hour” of the time of His death, when Jesus would have to leave the marriage- 
feast (which thus symbolizes the period of His earthly ministry).. This is 
not profundity, but a mere playing with exegesis. 

Ver. 4. Jesus understands His mother’s wish, but has in mind a method 
of help altogether different from what she meant. He therefore repels her 
interference, in the consciousness of the call which here is given Him to 
begin His Messianic ministry of miracles, and holds out the prospect of ren- 
dering help at a later period. — ri ἐμοὶ καὶ σοί!) arejection of fellowship 
(qo) *b-p, Josh. xxii. 24; Jude. xi. 12, αἴ. ; Matt. viii. 29; xxvii. 19 ; 
Mark i. 24 ; Luke viii. 28 ; also in the classics ; see Bernhardy, p. 98), here 
with reference to the help to be rendered, which He Himself, without His 
mother’s assistance, and independently of her, would accomplish, accord- 
ing to His own divinely determined call and will, and in a miraculous 
manner. Godet well says : ‘‘Sa devise sera desormais: mon pére et moi.” * 
The appellation γύναι added to the τί --- σοί (which Hofmann thinks 
should be joined to what follows ; but why ?) does not contain anything 
unfriendly (‘‘ duriter respondet,”” Melanchthon), as is clear already from xix. 
21 ; see also Wetstein. Comp. xx. 15. But His not saying μῆτερ followed 
involuntarily from the consciousness of His higher wonder-working capacity 
and will, by virtue of which, as an ἀμήτωρ, He rejects the interference of 
feminine weakness, such as was presented here before Him in His mother. 
The remark of Euthymius Zigabenus is not happy (comp. Augustine) : ‘‘ He 
spoke thus as God ;” that of Epiphanius, Beza, Calvin, and many others, 
is singular: ‘‘His aim was to oppose that future Mariolatry which 
He foresaw.” Still, the passage tells against that worship. Schenkel says 
erroneously, quoting Mark iii. 21, ‘‘ He was at variance with the members of 
His family.” —7 dpa μου] can only mean, the requisite time for me to 


1 Comp. Dorner, Jesu siindlose Vollkommenh. Ὁ. 11. 


104 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

help.’ So also Hengstenberg, in accordance with the context. Jesus, con- 
scious of His close communion with the Father, sees clearly that this His 
first manifestation of Himself as Messiah in the working of miracles stands, 
even with reference to its time of beginning, in connection with the divine 
appointment ; and He feels that the moment (ἡ ὥρα = ὁ καιρός, as in xvi. 21, 
and often in the N. T. and the classics) for this first Messianic display of 
power is not yet present when His mother refers to the want of wine. How 
He was conscious of the exact horas et moras for working, cannot be more 
precisely determined. Euthymius Zigabenus is substantially right : ἡ τοῦ 
ϑαυματουργῆσαι ; and Ewald : ‘‘the hour of full Messianic sense of power.” 
Strangely attributing to Mary thoughts of that kind, Baumgarten Crusius 
remarks, ‘‘the moment of my public appearance as Messiah ;” and Godet : 
‘‘Pheure de l’avénement royal.” Anticipating ver. 11, Liicke, Tholuck, 
Briickner, Maier, Baur, Baumgarten render : ‘‘ the moment of the revelation 
of my glory.”” Comp. Luthardt : ‘‘ This miracle, as the figurative prolepsis 
of Christ’s subsequent full relation of Himself before the eyes of men, was 
of significance only for that narrow circle, and was intended to lead Jesus 
on from it into public life,”—of which, however, the text contains no hint 
either in ver. 5 or elsewhere. 

Ver. 5. The words of Jesus last spoken implied that He intended to help, 
though not immediately. Hence Mary’s direction to the servants, whose 
service she supposed Jesus would require (perhaps to go and fetch wine). 
Any allusion to Gen. xli. 55 (Hengstenberg) is remote from the text. Ebrard 
reads into the passage, that Jesus, after He had spoken, ver. 4, rose and 
turned towards the servants. 5 

Ver. 6.’ Exei| Whether in the feast chamber, or perhaps in the vestibule, 
we are not told. —itdpia:] water-pitchers for carrying water, iv. 28. * — 
#£] Not stated as explanatory of the Jewish ewstom, but as vividly describing 
the exact circumstances, yet not with any symbolic signficance (six, Lange 
thinks, was the number of poverty and labour). —xeipevac] positae, set 
down, placed there. Comp. xix.29 ; Jer. xxiv. 1; Xen. Oee. vill. 19: χύτρας 
. . . εὐκρινῶς κειμένας. ---κατὰ τὸν καϑαρ. τῶν ’Lovd.] i.e. for the sake 
of cleansing (the hands and vessels, Matt. xv. 2; Mark vii. 3 ff.; Luke xi. 
39 ; Lightfoot, p. 974), which the Jews practised before and after meals. 
On κατά, in which, asin 2 Tim. i. 1, ‘‘notio seewndum facile transit in no- 
tionem propter.” ὃ ---μ᾿Ίετρητάς] In conformity with his Hellenic tendency, 
John gives the Attic measure, which, however, is equal to the Hebrew D3 


1 Τῇ is an error to suppose that ἡ ὥρα μον 
in John always signifies the hour of Christ's 
death. Its reference depends entirely upon 
the context, as in vii. 30, viii. 20, where it 
means the hour of Christ’s seizure; and 
xiii. 1, where the more precise definition is 
expressly given. Already τινές in Chrysos- 
tom, Ebrard, and many, take it here as 
meaning the hour of Christ’s death. Hilgen- 
feld understands it of the hour of the 
glorification of Jesus, the culminating point 


of which was certainly the crucifixion ; and 
that Jesus, according to John, gives ex- 
pression to the full consciousness of the 
Logos, and its superhuman independence 
of all human counsel. 

2 Often in the LXX. ; Dem. 1155. 6; Arist. 
Vesp. 926; Lysistr. 827, 358; Lucian, Dem. 
enc. 29. 

3 Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. i. 8. 12. Comp. 
Winer, p. 376 [E. T. p. 398]. 


CHAP. I1., 7, 8. 105 
(Josephus, Antt. viii. 2. 9). The Attic metretes contained 12 γόες or 144 
κοτύλαι, 14 Roman amphorae, i.e. about 21 Wiirtemburg measures (seeWurm, 
de ponderum ete. rationib. 126), and about 33 Berlin quarts, in weight eighty 
pounds of water [about 8 gallons] (Bertheau, Gesch. d. Israel, p. 77).} 
Lach pitcher contained two or three metretae (which are not, with Ammon, 
after Syr. to be referred to a smaller measure, nor with Ebrard, to that of 
an amphora) ; for as a row of sia pitchers is named, ἀνά can, consistently with 
the context, only be taken in a distributive sense, not in the signification— 
which is, besides, linguistically untenable (see Winer, p. 372 [E. T. p. 
398])—of circiter, according to which all six must have held only about 
two or three metretae (Paulus, Hug). The great quantity of water thus 
turned into wine (252-378 Wiirtemburg measures, 106-160 gallons) seems 
out of proportion, and is used by Strauss and Schweizer to impugn the his- 
toric character of the narrative ; but the beneficent purpose of the miracle 
makes it conceivable (compare the miraculous Feedings), and we are to sup- 
pose that what was left over may have been intended by Jesus as a present 
for the married pair, while the possible abuse of it during the feast itself 
was prevented by the presence of the Giver. We must also bear in mind 
that the quantity was suggested to Him by the six pitchers standing there ; 
and therefore, if the beneficent Wonder-worker has not in general to measure 
the exact need, He had occasion all the more not to fall below this quantity 
suggested by the circumstances, by transforming the contents of but one or 
two pitchers, and omitting the rest. The blessing conferred by the Won- 
der-worker has also, considering the circumstances, its appropriateness and 
decorum, in keeping with which He was not to act in a spirit of calculation, 
but rather to give plentifully, if the abundance was suggested by the number 
of the vessels. 

Vv. 7, 8. The transformation is accomplished in the time between ver. 7 
and ver. 8." ---ΟῆΟύὐτοῖς] the servants, who obeyed Him according to the di- 
rection of Mary, ver. 5; not, as Lange’s imagination suggests, ‘‘ under the 
influence of a miraculously excited feeling pervading the household.” — ye i /- 
σατε] The most natural supposition from this and ver. 6 is that the pitchers 
were empty, the water in them having been used up before the feast began, 
and were to be filled afresh for use after meat. Observe, moreover, that 
Christ does not proceed creatively in-His miracles, either here or in the feed- 
ings. —fo¢ ἄνω] This is stated for-no other purpose than to give promi- 
nence to the quantity of the wine which Jesus miraculously produced. — 
ἀντλήσατε) Altogether general, without specifying any particular pitcher, 
—showing that as a// were filled, the water in a// was turned into wine (in 
answer to Selmer and Olshausen). From the nature of the case, no object is 
appended, and we therefore can only understand the general word it. The 


1 Comp. Bockh, Staatshaush. I.127; Her- 
mann, Privatalierth. § 46. 10. 

2The commencement of the transfor- 
mation might indeed be placed after the 
drawing out, and consequently after ver. 8, 
so that only that portion of water which 
was drawn was converted into wine. But 


the minute statement of the number and 
large size of the vessels in ver. 6, by which 
itis manifestly intended to draw attention 
to the greatness in a quantitative point of 
view of the miracle of transformation, 
presupposes rather that αὐ the water in the 
pitchers was converted into wine. 


106 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


drawing out was done by means of a vessel, a tankard,’ out of which the 
master of the feast would fill the cups upon the table.” — The ap yur pi- 
kAvvoc, table-master,* is the chief of the waiters at table; upon whom devolved 
the charge of the meats and drinks, and the entire arrangement of the repast. 
See Walch, De architriclino, Jena 1753. Comp. Fritzsche on Ecclus. xxxv. 
1, where he is designated as ἡγούμενος. He was at the same time the taster 
of the meats and drinks, and is not to be confounded with the συμποσίαρχος, 
modimperator, arbiter bibendi, who was chosen by the guests themselves from 
among their own number.* 

Vv. 9, 10. The parenthesis, usually made to begin with x. οὐκ yder, must 
be limited to οἱ δὲ δεάκονοι--ὕ δωρ, because the καὶ οὐκ ydec not only con- 
tinues the construction, but assigns a reason for the φωνεῖ τὸν νυμφίον, K.T.A., 
which follows ; for had the man known whence the new wine had come, 
he would not in surprise have called the bridegroom, etc. —r6 ὕδωρ οἷν. 
yeyev.] not the wine which had been water (Luther), but the water after having 
become wine (and now being wine : observe the force of the perfect). Had 
the τό been repeated, this water, as that which had been made wine, would 
have been distinguished from other water (aquam, eam dico quae, etc.).° The 
τό not being repeated, the ὕδωρ οἷν. yeyev. is united into one conception, — 
πόϑεν ἐστίν] whence it came, i.e. that it had been drawn out of the water- 
pitchers. This is evident from the following of ἠντληκότες τὸ ὕδωρ. The 
table-master, therefore, cannot have been present at the drawing out of the 
water, ver. 8. Concerning the present ἐστίν, see 1. 40. — The insertion of 
the words οἱ δὲ διάκονοι, k.7.2., serves to give prominence to the reality of the 
miracle. —7y deccar] i.e. πόϑεν ἐστίν, but they did not know that it was wine 
which they brought. — ¢wvei] He called him to him (comp. i. 49), and said 
to him. Whether the bridegroom was just outside at the time (as Nonnus 
represents), or was reclining at the table, or is to be supposed as employed 
in thechamber, does not appear. —6 ἀρχιτρίκλ.} an unneeded repetition, 
but occasioned by the parenthesis, as often in Greek. —ra¢g ἄνϑρωπος, 
«.t.A.] spoken under the impression that the bridegroom had kept the good 
wine in reserve, and had not allowed it to be put forth (τίϑησι), but now 
was regaling them with it. We may suppose the words to have been spoken ° 
jocularly, in joyous surprise after tasting the wine. The general custom, 
however, to which the table-master refers, is not elsewhere with any cer- 
tainty confirmed (the proof in Wetstein is doubtful) ; nor, indeed, consid- 
ering the playful way in which it was spoken, does it need any voucher, — 
ὅταν μεϑυσϑῶσι] when they have become intoxicated, so that they can no 
longer appreciate the goodness of the wine. The word does not mean any- 
thing else ; not when they have well drunk,® because intoxication is the essen- 
tial though relative conception (see also Gen. xliii. 34; Hag. 1. ὁ ; Rev. 
xvii. 2). The man says only in joke, as if it were a general experience, what 


1 πρόχοος, Hom. Od. xviii. 397. 4 Xen. Anad. vi. 1.30; Herm. Privatalterth. 
2 Comp. Nitzsch on Hom. Qd. ἡ. 183. § 28, 29; Mitscherlich, ad Hor. Od. i. 4. 18. 
5 Heliod. vii. 27, in Petron. 27 triclinar- 5 See Kiihner, ad Xen. Anad. iv. 6. 1. 

ches, elsewhere also called τραπεζοποιός 6 Tholuck, de Wette, and several, 6.0. 


(Athen. iv. p. 170 DE- Beck. Char. II. 252). Beza, Cornelius ἃ Lapide, and others. 


CORP) TEs Tt 107 


he certainly may often have observed, and no inference can be drawn from 
his words that the guests at Cana were already intoxicated ; especially as 
ἕως ἄρτι simply means till now, after they have been drinking so long at 
the table, in antithesis with the πρῶτον. 

Ver. 11. The τήν before ἀρχήν being spurious (see critical notes), we 
must translate : This, as a beginning of His miracles, did Jesus at Cana. See 
on iv. δ4.} From this it is clear that it is the first miracle in general, and 
not merely the first of those that were wrought in Cana (iv. 46 sqq.), that 
is meant (so already τινές in Chrysostom and Paulus). This concluding re- 
mark of John’s simply serves to express, with the very first of them, the 
teleological nature of the miracles of Jesus generally. —r7v δόξαν αὐτοῦ] 
not ‘‘ His excellent humanity” (Paulus), but His divine Messianic majesty, as _ 
ini. 14. The miracles of Jesus, as He Himself testified, had for their ob- 
ject not only the δόξα of the Father, but also His own, xi. 4 (in opposition 
to Weizsiicker, Jahrb. 7. Deutsche Theol. 1857, p. 165). The former is in 
fact the latter, and the latter the former. Observe how in John (as well as 
in the Synoptics) Jesus begins His Messianic ministry in Galilee, even in 
this His first miracle. —xai ἐπίστευσαν, x.t.4.] and His disciples became 
believers in Him. The faith which they already had (i. 85-52) was only in- 
troductory, belonging to the commencement of their connection with Jesus; 
now, upon the basis of this manifestation of His glory (i. 14), came the more 
advanced and fuller decision, a new epoch in their faith, which, moreover, 
still continued susceptible of and requiring fresh additions even to the end 
(xi. 15, xiv. 11). There is no hint here of any contrast with the unbelief 
afterwards manifested by the people (Briickner), nor can this be inferred 
from ver. 12 ff. Comp. Weiss, Lehrbegriff, p. 102. 


Note.—This turning of the water into wine must be regarded as an actual 
miracle: for John as an eye-witness (see on i. 41, 42), in the most simple and 
definite manner (comp. iv. 46), represents it as such, and as the first manifes- 
tation of the divine glory dwelling in Christ in the direction of miraculous 
working (not as portraying beforehand the heavenly marriage supper, Rev. 
xix. 8, Matt. xxvi. 29, as Hofmann, Schriftbeweis, II. 2, p. 407, and Baumgar- 
ten, p. 99, take it), Every exposition which explains away the miraculous 
element contradicts the words and the purpose of St. John, infringes on his 
credibility and capacity for simple observation, and places even the character 
of Jesus in an ambiguous light. The physical inconceivability, which neverthe- 
less is not identical with absolute impossibility (against Scholten, p. 215), per- 
tains to this work in common only with every miracle ;? and hence the appeal 
made to a supposed accelerated process of nature (Olshausen, comp. already 
Augustine and Chrysostom), which must have been at the same time an arti- 
ficial process, is only a superfluous crutch on which the representation is made 
to lean, inapplicable to the other miracles, and as arbitrary as it is (in the ab- 


1 Bernhardy, Ὁ. 319; Stallbaum, ad Plat. feeling, as the disciples were at a later 
Gorg. p. 510 D. time upon the mount of transfiguration, 

2Tt does not become more conceivable and that Christ, from the full spring of 
by Lange’s fiction (Z. J. IL. p. 479), which is His highest life-power, made them drink 
quite unsupported by the text, viz. that the creatively “in the element of this higher 
company were elevated toahighertone of feeling.” ‘ 


108 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


sence of a vine) inadequate. Its inconceivableness in a telic point of view John 
himself removes in ver. 11 ; and remembering its design as there stated, the 
miracle was not an act of luxury (de Wette), but of abounding human kindness in 
blessing (see on ver. 6). To suppose another design, viz. that Jesus wished to 
show how opposed He was to the strict asceticism of the Baptist (Flatt, Ols- 
hausen), is pure and arbitrary invention, in opposition to ver. 11. The fact 
that the Synoplics have not the narrative amounts to nothing, because John 
selected and wrote independently of the synoptical series of narrations ; and 
as they have not the first, so neither have they the last and greatest miracle. 
We must, after all, abide by the simple statement that there was a change of 
substance (ver. 9), effected by the power of Jesus over the sphere of nature, in 
conformity with a higher law of causation. Granting this power, which the 
whole range of the Gospel miracles demands, there is no ground whatever for 
resting (against ver. 9) in the assumption of a mere change of attributes in the 
water, whereby (after the analogy of mineral waters) it may have received the 
colour and taste of wine (Neander). It is levity equally objectionable, and a 
wronging of a writer so serious as John, to explain what occurred as a wedding 
joke, as Paulus (Jesus had a quantity of wine brought into the house, and had 
it mixed with water out of the pitchers and put upon the tables, ver. 4 having 
been spoken jestingly) and Gfrérer (Mary brought the wine with her as a wed- 
ding present, and during the feast, at the right moment, she gave her son a 
sign to bring out and distribute the gift) unite in doing. Thus, instead of the 
transmutation of the water, we have a frivolous transmutation of the history.! 
Lastly, the mythical explanation contradicts the trustworthiness and genuine- 
ness of the Gospel. According to it, fact is resolved into legend—a Jegend de- 
rived from the analogies of the histories of Moses (Ex. xv. 23 sqq.) and Elisha 
(2 Kings ii. 19), as Strauss will have it, or from a misunderstood parable, as 
Weisse thinks ; while de Wette—without, however, adopting the mythical 
view, but not fully recognizing the historic character of the narrative—regards 
the dispensing of the wine as a counterpart to the dispensing of the bread, 
and both as answering to the bread and wine in the Lord’s Supper ; an ex- 
planation all the more inept, as there is not the least hint of it in the narra- 
tive, and as the Lord’s Supper is not even mentioned in John. Schweizer 
and Weisse reckon the paragraph among the interpolations which have been 
added to the genuine Johannean nucleus,—an arbitrary assertion ; while Baur, 
whose criticism rejects the whole Gospel, transforms the narrative into an alle- 
gory, wherein water is the symbol of the Baptist, wine of the Messiah’s dig- 
nity (i.e. the bridegroom's), and the transformation typifies the transition 
from the preparatory stage of the Baptist to the epoch of Messianic activity 
and glory (comp. Baumgarten Crusius, p. 82); and Hilgenfeld (Evang. p. 
248) looks upon the turning of the water into wine as a counterpart to the 
synoptical narrative of the temptation, and illustrating the elevation of Jesus 
above all narrow asceticism. Thus, too, some of the Fathers (Cyril, Augus- 
tine, and many others) allegorize the miracle, without, however, surrendering 
its objective and historical character as a fact; whereas Ewald, while re- 


1 Ammon also, Z. J. 1., falls back upon 
an erroneous idea and representation on 
the part of John: “ What took place in the 
intervening time, when the water pitchers 
were empty, and soon after were filled to 


the brim, is unknown to us.’? The miracle 
is thus reduced into a natural event behind 
the scenes. Schenkel simply enough re- 
moves every miraculous element from the 
history, as being legendary adornments. 


CHAP) ἘΠῚ 12: 109 
nouncing any investigation into the historic probability of the narrative, re- 
gards it as the gilding of the idea of the beneficent power of the Messianic 
spirit, whereby even now water should everywhere become wine. Luthardt 
holds, indeed, the objective historical reality, but regards the manifestation of 
the δόξα to have been in contrast with that given in the O. T.,—the gift of God 
occupying the place of the command, and the higher life, which Jesus the 
bridegroom makes known in this miracle, the place of outward purification. 
Similarly Scholten, p. 164. But while the representation of Christ as bride- 
groom is quite remote from the narrative, John gives no support or sanction to 
the idea that the miracle was symbolical, either in the remark of ver. 6 (κατὰ τ. 
καθαρ. τ. "Iovd.) or in that of ver. 11 (ἐφανέρ. τ. δόξ, αὐτοῦ). ---- The miracle at Cana 
is, finally, the only one to which the Synoptics have no one that corresponds. 
But all the less are the miracles in John to be used in support of the assertion 
that, in John, Christ, after the manner of the Gnostics, announces another 
and higher God than the God of the O. 1.1 According to Keim, the marriage 
in Cana, the first great beaming forth of the divine glory, stands in John as 
‘©a loving portrait” of Christ, and designedly in place of the painful tempta- 
tion in the wilderness. But this glory beamed forth stillmore grandly, and 
more significantly in its bearing upon the Saviour’s whole ministry, in his 
threefold triumph over Satan. 


Ver. 12. Mera τοῦτο, κατέβη; x.t.A.] Direct from Cana? or from 
Nazareth (i. 46), whither Mary, Jesus, and the disciples had returned ? The 
latter must be assumed as the correct view, because the brothers of Jesus 
(His brothers literally, not His cousins, as Hengstenberg again maintains ; 
see vil. 8, 5, and on Matt. i. 25, xii. 46, 1 Cor. ix. 5) had not been with 
Him at the wedding. It is quite arbitrary to suggest that they were acci- 
dentally omitted to be mentioned in ver. 2 (Baumgarten Crusius, following 
earlier commentators). —karé 87] down, for Kagapvaotu (to be written 
thus, with Lachmann and Tischendorf, in John likewise) lay on the shore 
of the lake of Tiberias.—aizic xk. ἡ μήτηρ, κ.τ.}.1 A common ἐπανόρθω- 
σις (correction).? John does not tell us why they went down to Capernaum ὃ 
(Matt. iv. 13 is in a totally different connection). The settlement of the 
family at Capernaum is left uncertain by John ; the fact had but little inter- 
est for the Judaistic standing-point of his history, and is neither recorded here, 
as Ewald maintains (the x. ἐκεῖ ἔμειναν οὐ πολλ. ju. Which follows is against 
this), nor even presupposed (Wieseler, de Wette, Tholuck), for the mention of 
the brothers who were not with Him at the marriage forbids this. Nor is 
the settlement attested either by iv. 3, 48, or by vi. 17, 59.— oi πολλὰς 
ἡ μέρα ς] because the Passover was at hand, ver. 18, which Jesus (and the 
disciples, iii. 22) attended ; not, therefore, on account of misconstruction 
and hostility (Ewald). 


1 Hilgenfeld, Lehrbeqr. 281. 

2See Fritzsche, Conject. p. 25; ad Matt. 
p. 420; ad Mare. p. 70; Stallbaum, ad Plat. 
Crit. p. 50 E. 

38 Hengstenberg supposes that John men- 
tions this only from a feeling of personal 
interest ; that he himself had belonged to 


Capernaum, and Jesus had stayed at his 
father’s house. An utterly groundless 
conjecture, made forthe sake of harmo- 
nizing (i. 45; comp. Lukeiv. 38, Marki. 29), 
which would require us to regard Bethsaida 
as a suburb of Capernaum; see, on the 
contrary, Matt. xi. 21, 28. 


ἃ 


110 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Vv. 13-16. Ka/] Simply the continuative and, 1.6." during this short stay 
at Capernaum. — For vv. 14-16, see on Matt. xxi. 12, 198. -- - πάντα ς] refer 
not to the persons, but to the animals named immediately afterwards with 
the ré—x«ai, ὁ.6. not only, but also... Thus the unseemliness which some have 
found in the use of the scourge,—certainly intimated by the connection of 
ποιήσας and é&éBarev,—and along with it every typical explanation of the 
scourge (Grotius, Godet, and others regard it as the symbol of God’s wrath), 
disappear. [See Note XVI. p. 118.]—’ E¢é yee] uncontracted form, to be 
taken as aor.?—70 κέρμα] coin, especially small coin. Mostly in the 
plural in Greek. The singular here is collective. —xai τοῖς τὰς περισε- 
pac, k.t.A.] He could not of course drive out the doves like the other ani- 
mals, and He therefore says to those who sold them, ἤρατε ταῦτα ἐντεῦϑεν. John 
is here more minute than the Synoptics ; but we must not regard the words 
as indicating greater mildness towards the sellers of the doves, because these 
were used by the poor (Rupertius, de Wette). The command μὴ ποιεῖτε, 


k.T.A., addressed to them applied to all.—roi πατρός μου] Admiranda 
auctoritas, Bengel ; the full consciousness of the Son manifested itself already 
(as in Luke ii. 49) in the temple. — οἷκ. ἐμπορίου] a house of, a place of, 


merchandise. The holy temple house had, in the Lord’s view, become this, 
while the temple court had been made a place of buying and marketing.* 
Possibly Zech. xiv. 21 was in His thoughts. 

Ver. 17. ᾽᾿Βμνήσϑησαν)] At the very time of the occurrence, and not 
(as Olshausen) after the resurrection, which, as in ver. 22 (comp. xii. 
16), would have had to be stated. —The text quoted is Ps. lxix. 10 ; the 
theocratic sufferer in this psalm, a psalm written during the exile, isa type of 
the Messiah ; see xv. 25, xix. 28 ff. Comp. Rom. xv. 3, xi. 9; Actsi. 20. 
π-καταφάγεταί με] will devour or consume me, is to be understood of a 
power which wears one out internally, Ps. exix. 189, not to be referred to 
the death of Jesus,‘ for the disciples could at that time have thought of any- 
thing but His death ; comp. ver. 22. In this wrathful zeal, which they 
saw had taken hold of Jesus, they thought they saw the Messianic fulfilment 
of that word in the psalm, wherein the speaker declares his great zeal for 
God’s house, which was yet to wear him out. The fulfilment relates to the 
ὁ ζῆλος Tov οἴκου cov, of which the καταφάγεται indicates only the violence and 
permanence ; and there is therefore no ground for imagining already any 
gloomy forebodings on the part of the disciples (Lange).° As to the future 
φάγομαι, Which belongs to the LXX. and Apocrypha, see Lobeck, ad Phryn. 
Ῥ.- 827 ; like the classical ἔδομαι, it never stands as present (against Tholuck, 
Hengstenberg, Godct, and others). 


Note.—[See Note XV. p. 117.] If there was but one cleansing of the temple, then 
either John or the Synoptics have given an erroneous narrative. But if it hap- 


1 See Baeuml. in loc., and Partik. 225. 4 Bengel, Olshausen, Hofmann, Weissaq. 
2 Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 222. u. Erf. Ὁ. 111; Luthardt, comp. Briickner. 
3"Eundptov, Thuc. i. 13.3; Dem. 95%, 27; 5 For ἐσθίειν and ἔδειν, used of consuming 


Xen. de red. iii. 3; Herodian. viii. 2. 6; emotions (as in Aristophanes, Vesp. 287), see 
Ezek. xxvii. 3; Isa. xxiii. 17, not the same Jacobs, ad Anthol. VI. 280; Del. epigr. p. 
AS ἐμπορία. 207. 


CHAP, πατεῖς .:1'7, ΠΠῚ 


pened twice,' first at the beginning, and then at the end of the Messianic ministry 
of Jesus,—a supposition which in itself corresponds too well to the significance 
of the act (in so far as its repetition was occasioned by the state of disorder 
remaining unchanged after so long an interval had elapsed) to be inconceiv- 
able (as has been asserted by some), or even merely to pass the limits of prob- 
ability, —it is then, on the one hand, conceivable that the Synoptics do not 
contain the first cleansing, because Christ’s early labours in Jerusalem do not 
belong to the range of events which they generally narrate ; and, on the other 
hand, that John passes over the second cleansing, because he had already re- 
corded the Messianic σημεῖον of the same kind. We are not therefore to sup- 
pose that the one account is true, and the other false, but to assume that the 
act was repeated. Seeon Matt. xxi. 12,13. So the Fathers and most subsequent 
writers ; also Schleiermacher, Tholuck, Olshausen, B. Crusius, Maier, Ebrard, 
Luthardt, Riggenbach, Lange, Baumgarten, Hengstenberg, Godet, etc. Others, 
on the contrary, admitting only one temple-cleansing, decide in favour, some 
of the synoptical account,? and some of John’s. The latter would be the correct 
view, because John was an eye-witness ; although we are not to suppose, as 
Baur, in accordance with his view of the fourth Gospel, thinks that John derived 
the facts from the Synoptics, but fixed the time of the transaction independently, 
in consistency with his idea of the reformatory procedure. See also Hilgenfeld, 
who traces here the ‘‘peculiarity of John,’’ who, with reference at least to 
the knowledge of the disciples and the relations of Jesus to the Jews, begins 
where the Synoptics leave off ; and thus his narrative is merely a peculiar de- 
velopment of synoptical materials. Finally, upon the supposition of two dis- 
tinct cleansings of the temple, any essential difference between the two acts 
themselves is not to be discovered. Luthardt, indeed, following Hofmann 
(comp. Lichtenstein, p. 156), thinks that, in the synoptical account, Jesus as 
prophet protects the place of divine worship, but that in John’s He as Son ex- 
ercises His authority over the house; but the ὁ οἶκός μου of the Synoptics, as the 
declaration of God, exactly corresponds with τὸν οἶκον τοῦ πατρός μου In John as 
the word of Christ. The distinction, moreover, that the first cleansing was the 
announcement of reformation, and the second of judgment (Hengst.), cannot be 
made good, separates what is clearly connected, and attaches too much impor- 
tance to collateral minutiae. This remark in answer to Godet, who regards the 
first cleansing as ‘‘un appel,” the second as ‘‘une protestation.’’ The essential 
element of difference in John’s account lies in the very striking declaration of 
Jesus about the temple of His body, ver. 19, of which the Synoptics have not 
a word, and which possesses great prophetic significance as uttered at the 
outset of His Messianic ministry, but has no special fitness at the end of it. 
Jesus accordingly did not utter it again at the second cleansing, but only at the 
first, though upon that second cleansing also, occasion was given for so doing 
(Matt. xxi. 23). It is this very declaration, however, which marks unmistak- 
ably from the beginning the Messianic character of the appearance of Jesus in 
Jerusalem (against Weizsiicker, Huang. Gesch. p. 260). Chap. vii. ὃ is not the 
first place which has to do with the Messianic appearance. 


1 ‘* Whether it took place before or after, 
once or twice, it takes nothing from our 
faith.”—LuTHER. 

2 Strauss, Weisse, Baur, Hilgenfeld, Schol- 
ten, Schenkel. Comp. also Luther: ‘‘It 


seems to me that John here skips over the 
three first years.” 

3 Liicke, de Wette, Ammon, Krabbe, 
Briickner, Ewald, Weizsicker, and many 
others ; Baeumlein hesitatingly. 


112 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Vv. 18, 19. The same question as in Matt. xxi. 23, but how totally dif- 
ferent an answer! It cannot therefore be used to confirm the supposed 
identity of the two events.—damaexpié.] Asin Matt. xi. 25 (which see), 
and often, denoting what is said upon occasion of Christ’s act, and with ref- 
erence thereto. —rti σημεῖον] If what He had done was to be recognized as 
appropriate to Him, it must be based upon a really prophetic ἐξουσία, and 
consequently upon divine authorization ; in proof of this, they desired a 
special miraculous sign or act, accrediting Him as a divine messenger, and 
which was to be wrought by Him before their eyes, M8, σημεῖον τῆς αὐθεντίας, 
Euthymius Zigabenus ; comp. vi. 30. —devkvtece] dost thou bring before 
us, lettest us see.’ — ὅτε] εἰς ἐκεῖνο, ὅτι, ix. 17, xi. 51, xvi. 9 ; Mark xvi. 14 ; 
2 Cor. i. 18, xi. 10.2. Consequently in the sense of quatenus.* — ποιεῖς] The 
present denotes the act just performed, but which is still regarded as present. 
—Ver. 19. λύσατε τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον, κ.τ.λ.] refers, according to the 
apostle’s explanation in ver. 21, to the death and resurrection of Jesus, so 
that he consequently means His body as the dwelling-place of God, who 
was in Christ (x. 38, xiv. 10, 11, 20, xvii. 21, i. 14), 2:6. as the antitype of 
the temple,* and, in conformity with this, His violent death as the pulling 
down, and His resurrection as the rebuilding of it. We must therefore, ac- 
cording to John, suppose that Jesus, with the temple structure before Him, to 
which He points (this temple here), sees in it the sacred type of His body, 
and withthe directness of ancient prophecy (as often, e.g., in Isaiah), substi- 
tutes the image for the object represented, so that these sharp, vivid strokes, 
dashed down without explanation, contain, as in a pictorial riddle, a 
symbolico-prophetic announcement of His resurrection,°® as in Matt. xii. 39, 
xvi. 4, and in harmony with what we are to assume throughout, that He 
never in express terms foretold His resurrection, but only obscurely and by 
figure. The thought accordingly, divested of this figurative envelope, is, 
according to John, no other than this : kill me, and within three days ® I will 
rise again. The imperative in the protasis is not permissive merely, which 
weakens the emotion, but contains a challenge ; it springs from painfully ex- 


1Comp. Hom. Jl. v. 244: Κρονίων---δεικνὺς 
σῆμα Bpototow. Od. y. 174. 

2 See Fritzsche ad Matt. p. 248. 

3 See Ast, Lex. Plat. 11. 485. 

4 Considering the oft-recurring represen- 
tation of the indwelling of God in Christ, 
it is very far-fetched to derive the temple 
comparison here from the Valentinian 
Christology concerning a higher body of 
the Messiah appropriate for union with the 
Logos (in answer to Hilgenfeld, Lehrbegr. 
247). Seeing, further, that Christ (ver. 16) 
calls the literal temple ‘‘ Wis Father’s house,” 
how can the Demiurge be conceived of as 
the God of the Jews ? How can we reconcile 
with that expression even “a milder 
Gnosticism” (Hilgenfeld, in the Theol. 
Jahrb. 1857, p. 516)? Simply to admit that 
“‘a weak reference to the supreme God was 


not wanting even in Judaism,”’ is both in- 
correct in itself, and altogether unsuited 
to solve the palpable contradiction. 

5 It is assumed (with Bengel) still in my 
4th edition, that Jesus indicated the ref- 
erence to his body ‘‘nutu gesture,’ but 
that the Jews did not notice it. This is 
inadmissible, because thus the τοῦτον would 
have no reference whatever to the temple 
of stone, whereas the entire scene in the 
temple court shows that this reference is 
contained in it. Besides, such a gesture 
would be inappropriate to the use of an 
enigmatical word, for it would at once give 
the key to its solution. The intellectual 
point would be quite lost. 

6 Ἔν, see Bernhardy, p. 209; Winer, Ὁ. 361 
[E. T. p. 385]. 


CHAP, IT. 18, 19. 113 


cited feeling, as He looks with heart-searching gaze upon that implacable 
opposition which already shows itself, and will be satisfied only with His 
death. Comp. πληρώατσε, Matt. xxiii. 32. John’s explanation is adopted by 
the ancients, and among modern expositors by Kuinoel, Tholuck, Hilde- 
brand,* Kling,* Krabbe, Klee, Olshausen (at least as to their inner meaning, 
while the words, he thinks, were apparently simply a repelling paradox), 
Maier, Hasert,® Hauff,* Briickner (against de Wette), Laurillard,® Baum- 
garten, Maier, Baeumlein, Godet, also Luthardt (though introducing a 
double meaning ; by putting Jesus to death, Israel destroyed itself as the 
house of God, while the resurrection was the setting up of God’s spiritual 
house ;° similarly Baur, Ὁ. 137 ff., who, however (and with him Hilgenfeld), 
traces the expression to synoptic elements much later in point of time. 
But John’s explanation is abandoned, since the time of Herder (vom Sohne 
Gottes) and Henke,’ by Eckermann, Paulus, Liicke, Schweizer, Bleek, B. 
Crusius, Ammon, Strauss, Gfrérer, de Wette, Ewald, Weizsiicker, Schenkel, 
Scholten, and many others, who, with various modifications, explain the 
pulling down of the temple of the decay of the old temple religion, and 
the setting up in three days of the new spiritual theocracy so soon to be 
established ; thus the imperative is taken by some as a challenge (as 
above) (Herder, Henke, Ewald), by some again as a concession (Schen- 
kel), and by some as an hypothesis (Liicke, B. Crusius, de Wette : 
‘‘ Granted that ye destroy’””)—according to de Wette, with allusion perhaps 
to the late partial demolition of the temple by Herod. But (1) before 
we can assume that John of all men, who elsewhere was so deeply im- 
bued with the mind of Jesus, wholly misunderstood Him, and that too at 
the time when he wrote his Gospel, when the old degenerate religion had 
been long since overthrown, and the new spiritual sanctuary long since set 
up,—we must have the most decisive evidence of such a misunderstanding. 
Otherwise, we are to seek the truve interpretation of any saying of Jesus from 
him, and especially in this case, where he distinctly opposes his own explanation 
to the misconception of the Jews, and gives it not only as his own, but also 
as that of the rest of the disciples. (2) The accusation in Matt. xxvi. 61, 
Mark xiv. 58 (comp. Acts vi. 13) is no argument in favour of the modern in- 
terpretation, for it is based only upon the Jewish misunderstanding of the 
saying. (3) The place and occasion alike suggested the temple as an ¢lus- 
tration, but they determined nothing as to the subject-matter of the compari- 
son ; a signin general was asked for, not one bearing specially upon the temple. 
(4) The setting up of the spiritual temple was an event not at all dependent 
upon a previous destroying of the old economy ; on the contrary, a be- 
ginning had already been made, the further development of which was not 
the effect but the cause (the fermenting element) of the dissolution of the 


1 Τῇ Hiiffell’s Zettschr. ΤΙ. 1. verba J. interpretat. est, Lugd. B. 1853, 

2In α΄. Stud. u. Krit. 1836, p. 127. poe 1 : 

3 Ueb. d. Vorhersagungen Jesu von seinem ®Comp. Ebrard, Lange, Riggenbach, 
Tode, Berlin 1839, p. 81. Hengstenberg. 

4 Stud. τι. Krit. 1849, p. 106 ff. 7 Programm 1798, in Pott, Sylloge, I. 


5 De locis ev. Joh. in quibus ipse auctor p. 8 ff. 


114 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

old theocracy : hence the relation of the protasis to the apodosis of the 
sentence would be neither logically nor historically correct. (5) This spirit- 
ual building up was so far from being a momentary act, and was to so 
great a degree a gradual development, that neither the conception of a 
sign in general, nor the words in three days, which belong essentially 
to this conception, have any corresponding relation thereto ; the latter 
expression, even if taken in a proverbial sense, * could only mean ‘‘in ὦ 
Jew days,” and therefore would be quite unsuited to the comparison, and 
would even have the appearance of grandiloquence. Moreover, as the 
three days joined to the éyepa (raising up) were the fixed correlative of Christ's 
resurrection, this should itself exclude the modern explanation. (6) A 
new temple would of necessity have been spoken of as another (comp. 
Mark xiv. 58), but ἐγερῶ αὐτόν can only mean the same; and thus the Jews 
as well as John rightly understood it, for Jesus did not say ἐγερῶ ἄλλον or 
ἕτερον, or the like.? (7) It is only a seeming objection to John’s explana- 
tion, that according to N. T. theology Christ did not raise Himself from the 
dead, but was raised by the Father. Any such contradiction to the Chris- 
tian mode of view, if real, must have prevented John himself above every 
one from referring the words to the resurrection. But the objection dis- 
appears if we simply give due weight to the figurative nature of the ex- 
pression, which rests upon that visible contemplation of the resurrection, 
according to which the Subject that arises, whose resurrection is described as 
the re-erecting of the destroyed temple, must also be the Subject that erects 
the temple,—without affecting the further doctrine, which, moreover, does 
not come under consideration, that the cwwsa efficiens, i.e. the actual revivify- 
ing power, is the Father. Christ receiving His life again from the Father 
(x. 17) and rising again, Himself raises up by His very resurrection the 
destroyed temple.t—For ἐγείρειν of erecting buildings, see Ecclus, 
xlix. 11; 8 Esdras v. 44, viii. 81; Ael. V. H. 12, 23; Herodianus, 3, 15, 
6 ; Jacobs, ad Anthol. XII. p. 75. 





Jote.—It cannot perplex us in John’s explanation, that the answer which 
Jesus gave was rightly understood at the time neither by the Jews nor by the 
disciples. It was the manner of Jesus, as especially appears in John, to throw 
out seeds of thought for the future which could not take root al the time. Comp. 
Chrysostom : πολλὰ τοιαῦτα φθέγγεται τοῖς μὲν τότε ἀκούουσιν οὐκ ὄντα δῆλα, τοῖς 
δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐσόμενα. "τίνος δὲ ἕνεκεν τοῦτο ποιεῖ ; ἵνα δειχθῇ προειδὼς ἄνωθεν τὰ 
μετὰ ταῦτα, ὅταν ἐξέλθῃ καὶ τῆς προῤῥήσεως τὸ τέλος ὃ δὴ καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς προφητείας ταύτης 
γέγονεν. And that in its very first appearance He foresaw the development of 
the opposition of this seemingly guileless party, onward to its goal in the de- 


1 Hos. vi. 2, not Luke xiii. 32; but see tion of εὑρών and ἀπολέσει. 


Dissen ad Dem. de cor. p. 362. 

2 Appeal is wrongly made to Matt. x. 39, 
where ψυχήν denotes earthly life merely, 
and then αὐτή ν life eternal. ψυχήν as well 
as αὐτήν there means nothing but the sow ; 
and the enigma of the expression lies not 
in a different scnse being applied to these 
two words, but in a different temporal rela- 


3 Comp. ver. 22; Acts ii. 24, 31 ff., ili. 15, 
iv. 10, v. 30, al. ; Rom. iv. 24, vili. 11; 1 Cor. 
Vie 14/9) °2/Oors ave 14 (Gale 101. ela ΤΣ 
Col. ii. 12; 1 Thess. 1. 10; 1 Pet. 1.21. 

4 See, moreover, Briickner, p. 57, and 
Godet. Comp. Ignat. Smyrn. 2: ἀληθῶς 
ἀνέστησεν ἑαντόν. 


CHAP. II., 20-22. 115 
struction of the temple of His body, can be regarded as an unhistorical presup- 
position of the Logos doctrine only by one who, on the one hand, can by eriti- 
cal doubts! get rid of the early references of Jesus to His death which are con- 
tained in the Synoptics (e.g. Matt. x. 38, xii. 39, x, 23), and, on the other hand, 
does not sufficiently estimate Christ’s higher knowledge, as shown in John, 
and especially that acquaintance with the heart by virtue of which He uppre- 
hends the full intent (vi. 64) of this in itself justifiable requirement of a sign. 


Ver. 20. An intended deductio ad absurdum. Τεσσαράκ. x. ἕξ ἔτεσιν) 
length of time named without év.? The great nwmber of years stands em- 
phatically first. — ζκοδομή θη] 1.6. so far as it was already complete. The 
proposed enlargement and renewal of the temple of Zerubbabel was begun 
in the 18th year of Herod the Great’s reign,* and was first completed, ac- 
cording to Josephus,* under Herod Agrippa II., a.p. 64. How the 46 years 
named here prove that the passover then being held was that of the year 
782 (A.D. 29), corresponding with the year of the Baptist’s appearance ac- 
cording to Luke iii. 1 (August 781-2), see on Acts, Introd. ὃ 4. Wieseler, 
p. 166, reckoning onwards from Nisan 735, places the end of the 46th year 
exactly in Nisan 781.° 

Vv. 21, 22. Tov σώματος] " Genitive of apposition ; see Winer, p. 494 
[E. T. p. 531]. — Ver. 22. οὖ ν] represents the recollection as answering to 
the true meaning of that declaration. —épnv7coOnoav] they became mindful 
of, ver. 17, xii. 16. The saying came afresh to their remembrance when it 
was explained as a fact by the resurrection ; previously, because not under- 
stood, it had been forgotten. With ἠγέρθη comp. éyepa, ver. 19. — καὶ 
ἐπίστευσαν, κ.τ.λ.} As the result of this recollection, they believed the Script- 
ure (felt convinced of the truth of its statements),—observing the harmony 
of its prophecies concerning the resurrection of Jesus’ with that saying 
of Christ’s,—and the word which Jesus had (then, ver. 19) spoken, which now, 
as fulfilled in the resurrection, presented itself to them in its full prophetic 
truth. Upon πεστεύειν τινί in St. John, comp. Weiss, Lehrbegr. p. 20. 
— Schweizer (whom Scholten follows) regards vy. 21, 22 as spurious, quite 
groundlessly. The statement is the exact outcome of St. John’s inmost 
personal experience. 


1 Comp. Keim, Geschichtl. Christus, pp. 35, 
36, ed. 3. 

2 Bernhardy, p. 81; Winer, p. 205 [E. T. p. 
218]. 

3 Autumn of 734-5; see Joseph. Antt. xy. 
11.1. 

4 Antt. xx. 9. 7. 

5 Ewald reckons from B.c. 20 to a.p. 28, 
and, counting only the /fud/ intervening 
years, he gets the 46, thus omitting z.c. 20, 
the year in which the rebuilding began, 
and a.p. 28, the year of the passover named 
in our text.—For the rest, it must be re- 
membered (in opposition to Keim’s doubts 
in his Gesch. J. I. p. 615) that the statement 
in the text does not necessarily oblige us 
to suppose an οἰκοδομεῖσθαι without any 


interruptions. The building had been going 
on now for 46 years. Comp. also Wieseler 
in Herzog’s Encykl. ΧΙ. 546. 

6 John explains the saying so simply and 
definitely, that there is no room for the 
double meaning which Luthardt, Hengsten- 
berg, and others import into it. With 
equal simplicity and definiteness does he 
represent the meaning given as that of 
Jesus flimself (against Weizsicker, p. 266). 
In like manner Vii. 38, xii. 32, xxi.19. In 
none of these passages is any distinction 
drawn between the explanation and the 
meaning intended by Jesus Himself. 

7 Ps. xvi. 10; Isa. liii.; cf. Luke xxiv. 26; 
Acts xiii. 33 ff. ; 1 Cor. xv.4; Matt. xii. 40, 


116 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Ver. 23. Aé] introducing a characteristic summary statement (to ver. 25) 
regarding this stay of Jesus at the feast, in order next to give prominence 
to a special scene, the story of Nicodemus in iii. 1 ff.— év. τ. ‘lepoo. ἐν 
τ. πάσχα ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ] The latter clause is not added as an explanation 
for Greek readers (that should have been done at ver. 18), but ‘‘ He was at 
Jerusalem during the passover in the feast (engaged in celebrating the feast) ;” 
thus the first ἐν is local, the second temporal, and the third joins on with 
ἦν, and expresses the surroundings, that in which a person is engaged 
(versari in aliqua re)..—Aeapovvrec, x.t.A.] while they beheld His miracles, 
εἴς." Euthymius Zigabenus rightly says: ἐκεῖνοι yap ἀκριβέστερον ἐπίστευον, 
ὅσοι μὴ διὰ τὰ σημεῖα μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ τὴν διδασκαλίαν αὐτοῦ ἐπίστευον. Their 
faith in His name (as that of the Messiah) did not yet amount to any deci- 
sion of their inner life for Jesus, but was only an opinion, produced by the 
sight of His miracles, that He was the Messiah ; comp. vili. 30, vi. 26. 
Luther calls it ‘‘ milk faith.” Comp. Matt. xiii. 20. Onrd σημεῖα, comp. 
iii. 2. None of the miracles of this period has been recorded ; xx. 30, comp, 
iv. 45. Consequently, not only the Synoptics, but John also speaks sum- 
marily of multitudes of miracles, without relating any of them individually 
(against Schleiermacher, L. J. p. 201). . 

Vy. 24, 25. Αὐτὸς δὲ, «.7.4.] But He on His part, though they on their 
part, on account of His miracles, believed on Him.—oix ἐπίστ. ἑαυτόν] 
an intentional antithesis to the preceding ἐπίστ. εἰς τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ. Observe 
the emphatic ἑαυτόν : it must not be taken as meaning ‘‘ He kept back His 
doctrine from them” (Chrysostom, Kuinoel, and many), or ‘‘ His work” 
(Ebrard) ; but He did not trust Himself, i.e. His own person, tothem; He 
refrained from any closer personal intercourse with them, Without any 
such reserve, rather with confident self-surrender, had He given Himself to 
His intimate Galilean friends. Towards the Jews in Jerusalem, on whom, 
from His knowledge of the human heart, He could not bestow this self-de- 
votion, because they lacked the inward moral conditions necessary thereto, 
His bearing was more strange and distant. Observe the imperfects ἐπίστευεν 
and ἐγίνωσκε. ---διὰ τὸ αὐτὸν γινώσκ. πάντ΄.] because He Himself (as in 
the following αὐτός) knew all men, universal. Respecting none did His per- 
sonal knowledge fail Him with regard to the state of his moral feeling. — 
καὶ ὅτι, «K.7.A.] negative expression of the same thought in the popular 
form of a still further reason. —iva] not instead of the infinitive construc- 
tion (Matt. iii. 14 al.), but the object of the need is conceived of in the 
form of a purpose which the person needing guidance entertains. Comp. 
xvi. 80; 1 John ii. 97. ---περὶ τοῦ ἀνθρ.] does not apply to Jesus Him- 
self (‘‘concerning Him as man,” Ewald), but concerning any man with 
whom He had at any time to do.*—airéc] of Himself, i.e. αὐτοδίδακτος, Non- 


nus.t—ri ἦν ἐν τῷ avOp.] the inward, though not outwardly indicated 
1 See, concerning εἶναι ἐν here, Bernhardy, 3 See Bernhardy, p. 315; Winer, p. 109 
p. 210; Ast, Lex. Plat. I. 623. [E. T. p. 115]. 
2 On αὐτοῦ, comp. Lycurg. 28: ταῦτα ἐμοῦ 4See Herm. ad Viger. p. 783; Kruger, 


ἐθεωρήσατε, and Kiihner, ὃ 528, ad Xen. Mem. Απαῦ. ii. 3.7%; comp. Clementine Homit. iii. 
1 1 ΥΠς 13: ἀπείρῳ ψυχῆς ὀφθαλμῷ, 


NOTES. 117 


capacity, character, disposition, and so on; τὸ κρυπτὸν τοῦ νοῦς, Origen. 
Comp. Nonnus : ὅσα ὠρενὸς ἔνδοθεν ἀνὴρ εἶγεν ἀκηρύκτῳ κεκαλυμμένα φάρεϊ σιγῆς. 
To this supernatural and immediate discernment, as possessed by Jesus, 
special prominence is often given by John.' Like His working of miracles, 
it is the life expression of His divine essence.? 


Notts py AMERICAN Eprror. 


XIV. ‘ They have no wine.” Ver. 3. 


Weiss follows Meyer in the opinion that the mother’s declaration to her Son, 
**they have no wine” did not contemplate a miracle, but only some general, 
indefinite mode of meeting the want, such as possibly His varied resources 
might devise. But the more generally received explanation of the words seems 
far more probable, which finds in them an intimation to her Son that He should 
take the present occasion for at once supplying a want and exhibiting His 
miraculous powers. The long residence of Jesus in the bosom of His family 
had indeed produced no such miraculous displays as she had once perhaps 
eagerly anticipated. But the circumstances have now materially changed. He 
has left his home for that wonderful baptism, with its divine attestations, of 
which Mary cannot have been ignorant, and she cannot fail to have followed 
fis course up to the present festival, in which He appears surrounded by a 
train of disciples all glowing with the ardor of the discovery of the long-looked- 
for Messiah, and with the enthusiastic recognition of the «Son of God and the 
King of Israel.” All this cannot fail to have been poured by these glad disciples 
into the ears of the eager mother. Familiar now as was early Jewish history 
with miracles, and numerous and striking as were those that had clustered around 
the infancy of Jesus, it would seem that Mary could scarcely avoid looking for 
some corresponding miracles to signalize His entrance on that public career 
which was apparently opening.—And that her language to her Son now indi- 
cates her desire for the performance of a miracle would seem almost certain 
from His reply. Meyer and Weiss hold that His reply repels the idea of 
maternal interference with His non-Messianic functions ; but it is precisely 
such interference that His reply does not indicate. It could scarcely be an 
infringement of their relations that she should appeal to Him for some 
natural and merely human aid in the emergency, and it is far more con- 
ceivable that she should make an unwarranted appeal to His miraculous pow- 
ers than that He should rebuke, ever so gently, an interposition which she had 
not attempted. That a half-unconscious maternal pride in her Son, and a de- 
sire before these many guests to have a display of His extraordinary powers, is 
not indeed intimated, but may be deemed probable. 


XV. The cleansing of the Temple. Vv. 13-22. 


Weiss in his edition of Meyer takes ground against Meyer (as well as against 
a large portion of the Fathers and later commentators), denying the repetition 
(as recorded Mark xi. 15-18) of the miraculous cleansing of the 'lemple. Re- 


1 Comp. i. 49, 50, iv. 19, 29, vi. 61, 64, xi. 4, 2 Ps. vii. 10, cxxxix. 2; Acts xv. 8. 
15, xili. 11, xvi. 19, xxi. 17. 


118 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


jecting one of the accounts, and assuming that that of Mark sprung from the 
Synoptic Gospels’ knowing but one visit of Jesus to the Passover, he gives the 
preference to the record of John, and regards it as far more probable that 
Jesus signalized His opening ministry by this symbolic act of purification. 
Jt was thus and then, he holds, altogether appropriate; while, on the contrary, at 
His last visit, when His contest with the Jewish hierarchy was reaching its climax, 
and He had already abandoned the nation, and foretold the destruction both of 
the city and the Temple, it seems but an objectless and almost wanton act of 
provocation to His enemies. To many, however, the matter would appear 
quite otherwise. While they recognize the fittingness of the cleansing to the 
opening of Christ’s ministry, it would seem to them equally appropriate to His 
final, but first strictly Messianic and kingly entrance into Jerusalem, that He 
should unite with His first formal appearanceas Messianic King another sym- 
bolical assertion of the purity of His kingdom. The miracle seems equally 
fitting to the opening and the close of His career. 


XVI. ‘‘ Making a scourge.” Ver. 15. 


The scourge, I cannot but think, was made by Jesus, and held in His hands, 
simply as a symbol of force. That He actually used it, either on the men or the 
animals, we may not indeed positively deny, but can just as little positively 
affirm. With neither could the use of it be necessary, and there is in it a certain 
unseemliness, something which detracts from the dignity of the Lord, and 
that equally in the case of the irrational and of the rational offender. Alike 
in the case of the men and the brutes, the Lord’s volition must have sufficed. 


CHAP: Tne sil, Ὡς 119 


CEA PEER: LEE 


Ver, 2. Instead of αὐτόν, the Elzevir has τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν, in the face of decisive 
testimonies. The beginning of a new section and of a church lesson, — Ver. 2. 
The position of δύναται immediately after γάρ (Lachm. Tisch.) is supported by 
preponderating testimony. — Ver. 5. For τ. 6 e0% Tisch. reads τῶν οὐρανῶν, upon 
ancient but yet inadequate testimony (δὲ ἢ Inst. Hippol. etc.),. — Ver. 13, ὁ ὧν 
ἐν τ. odp.] wanting in B. L. ΤΡ, &. 33. Eus. Naz. Origen ; deleted by Tisch. 
But these mysterious words may easily have been regarded as objectionable or 
superfluous, because not understood or misunderstood ; and there was nothing 
to suggest the addition of them. — Ver. 15. μὴ ἀπόληται, ἀλλ᾽) is deleted 
by Tisch. after B. L. Το, 8. Min. Verss. Fathers. Rightly so ; itis an addition 
borrowed from ver. 16. — The readings ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν (Lachm.), ἐπ’ αὐτῷ and ἐν αὐτῷ 
(Tisch.), have indeed less support than the received εἰς αὐτόν, but this lat- 
ter forced itself in as the most current form of expression, and ἐν αὐτῷ is, 
following B. ΤΡ, Codd., It., to be preferred. — Ver. 19. The order αὐτῶν 
πονηρά has preponderating evidence in its favour. — Ver. 25, The Elzevir has 
᾿Ιουδαίων, instead of Ἰουδαίου, in the face of decisive testimony. The 
plural evidently was inserted mechanically. — Ver. 31 f. The second ἐπάνω 
πάντων ἐστί has against it very weak testimony, viz. 1). δὲ, Min. and some 
Verss. and Fathers. But the following «ai (bracketed by Lachm., deleted by 
Tisch.) is omitted not only by the same testimonies, but also by B. L. Min. 
Copt. Pers., and must be regarded as an interpolation, the absence of which 
originally led more easily to the omission of ἐπάνω 7. é. — Ver, 34. ὁ θεός 
after δίδωσιν. 15. wanting in Β. C.* L. Το δὲ, Min. Ver. Brix. Cyr.; bracketed by 
Lachm., deleted by Tisch. A supplying of the subject, which seemed uncertain. 


Vv. 1, 2. Prominence is now given to a specially important narrative, con- 
nected by the continuative dé and belonging to that first sojourn in Jerusa- 
lem,—viz. the conversation with Nicodemus, wherein Jesus more fully explains 
His person and work. No intimation is given of any inner connection with 
what precedes (Liicke : ‘‘now comes an instance of that higher knowledge 
possessed by Jesus ;” de Wette, Lange, Hengstenberg : ‘‘an illustration of 
the entire statement in ii. 23-25 ;” Tholuck : ‘‘an instance of the begin- 
nings of faith just named ;” Luthardt : ‘from the people collectively, to 
whom Jesus had addressed Himself, a transition is now made to His dealing 
with an individual , Ewald : ‘‘Nicodemus appears desirous to make an 
exception to the general standing aloof of men of weight in Jerusalem’), — 
ἄνθρωπος) nits most ordinary use, simply equivalent to τὶς ; not ‘‘un 
exemplaire de ce type humain que Jésus connaissait si bien” (Godet). It is 
quite independent of ii. 25, introducing a new narrative. —Nixéddynpmoc, a 
frequent name as well among the Greeks' as among the Jews. We know 


1 Demosth. 549. 23, and later writers. 
2 ὉΠ or 19 2, see Lightfoot and Wetstein. 


120 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

nothing certain of this man beyond the statements concerning him in St. 

John (comp. vii. 50, xix. 99). The Nicodemus of the Talmud was also 

called Bunai, must have survived the destruction of Jerusalem, and was 

known under this latter name as a disciple of Jesus.* The identity of the 

two is possible, but uncertain. The so-called Hoangeliwm Nicodemi embraces, 

though in a doubtful form, two different treatises, viz. the Acta Pilati and 

the Descensus Christi ad inferos.* — ap x wv] He was a member of the Sanhe- 
drim, vii. 50 ; Luke xxiii. 13, xxiv. 20. — He came to Jesus by night,* being 
still undecided, in order to avoid the suspicion and hostility of his colleagues. 

He was not a hypocrite (as Koppe in Pott® holds), who pretended to be simple in 
order to elicit from Jesus some ground of accusation ; a circumstance which, 

if true, John would not have failed to state, especially considering what he 
says of him in vii. 50 and xix. 39; he was, on the contrary, though of a 
somewhat slow temperament, a man of honourable character, who, together 
with others (οἴδαμεν, comp. ὑμᾶς, ver. 7), was in a general way convinced by 
the miracles of Jesus that He must be a divinely commissioned and divinely 
supported Teacher, and he therefore sought, by a confidential interview, to 
determine more exactly his to that extent half-believing judgment, and es- 
pecially to find out whether Jesus perhaps was the very Messiah. His 
position as a Pharisee and a member of the Sanhedrim shows how strongly 
and honestly he must have felt this need. Comp. xii. 43. --- That the disci- 
ples, and John in particular, were with Jesus during the interview, has 
nothing against it (as de Wette and most others think), for Nicodemus came 
to Jesus by night only through fear of the Jews ; and the vivid and peculiar 
features, with the harmonious characteristics of the narrative, even if 
touched up by the pen of John, confirm the supposition that he was a wit- 
ness. If not, he must have received what he relates from the Lord Himself, 

as it impressed itself deeply and indelibly upon his recollection, As to the 
vesult of the interview, nothing historically to be relied upon has come down 
to us, simply because there was no immediate effect apparent in Nicodemus. . 
But see vil. 50, xix. 89. —ére ἀπὸ θεοῦ ἐλήλ. διδάσκαλος] that thou 


1 According to Baur, p. 178, he isa ¢ypical 
person, representing the believing and yet 
really unbelieving Judaism, just as the Sa- 
maritan woman (chap.iv.) represents believ- 
ing heathendom; thus leaving it uncertain 
how far the narrative is to be taken as fact. 
Aceording to Strauss, the whole owes its 
origin to the reproach that Christianity 
made way only among the common people 
(notwithstanding 1 Cor. i. 26, 27). Weisse 
rejects at least the truth of the account, 
which de Wette designates ‘ta poetical, 
free, and highly spiritualized reproduc- 
tion.”? See on the other hand Briickner. 
According to Hilgenfeld, the whole conver- 
sation cannot be understood ‘‘ unless we 
view it from the evangelist’s standing- 
point ;? in which the design is simply and 
solely to explain how Christianity essen- 
tially distinguished itself from Judaism. 


According to Scholten, we have here set 
forth the power of Christianity triumph- 
ing over the slowness of heart and preju- 
dices of the learned,—this merely, without 
any historical basis of fact in the story. 

2 See Delitzsch inthe Zeitschr. 7. Luther. 
Theol. 1854, p. 643. 

3 See Tischendorf, Hvang. Apocr. Ὁ. 203 ff. 

4 A symbolical reference to ‘ tie still be- 
nighted mind” must not be attributed to 
this simple historical statement (against 
Hengstenberg). 

5 Sylloge, IV. p. 31 ff. 

86 For the entire section see Knapp, 
Scripta var. arg. I. 183; Fabricius, Commei- . 
tat. Golt. 1825; Schollin Klaiber’s Studien, 
V.1, p. 713 Jacobi in the Stud. ει. Arit. 1835, 
1: Hengstenberg in the Huang. K Ζ. 1860, 
49: Steinfuss in the Meklenb. Zeitschr. 1864, 
p. 913. 


CHAP, III.,, 3. 121 


art come from God as teacher. The expression implies the thought of one 
divinely sent, but not the idea of the Logos (as Bretschneider holds), — 
ταῦτα τὰ σημεῖα] emphatic, haecce tanta signa. —éiadv μὴ ἢ ὁ θεὸς μετ’ 
αὐτοῦ] ὅτι οὐκ ἐξ οἰκείας δυνάμεως ταῦτα ποιεῖ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῆς τοῦ ϑεοῦ, Euthymius 
Zigabenus. From the miracles (il. 28) Nicodemus thus infers the assistance 
of God, and from this again that the worker of them is one sent from God. 
Ver. 3. In ver. 2 Nicodemus had only uttered the preface to what he had 
it in his mind to ask ; the question itself was to have followed. But Jesus 
interrupts him, and gives him the answer by anticipation. This question, 
which was not (as Lange thinks, in contradiction of the procedure of Nico- 
demus on other occasions) kept back with remarkable prudence and caution, 
is to be inferred solely from the answer of Jesus ; and it was accordingly no 
other than the general inquiry, ‘‘ What must a man do in order to enter the 
Messial’s kingdom?” not the special one, ‘‘Is the baptism of John sufficient 
for this Ὁ) (Baeumlein), for-there is no mention of John the Baptist in what 
follows ; comp. rather Matt. xix. 16. |The first is the question which the 
Lord reads in the heart of Nicodemus, and to which He gives an answer,-— 
an answer in which He at once lays hold of the anxiety of the questioner in 
its deepest foundation, and overturns all Pharisaic, Judaistic, and merely 
human patchwork and pretence. To suppose that part of the conversation is 
here omitted (Maldonatus, Kuinoel, and others), is as arbitrary as to re- 
fer the answer of Jesus to the words of Nicodemus. Such a reference must 
be rejected, because Jesus had not given him time to tell the purpose of his 
coming. We must not therefore assume, cither that Jesus wished to lead 
him on from faith in His miracles to that faith which effects a moral trans- 
formation ;* or that ‘‘ He wished to convince Nicodemus, who imagined he 
had made a great confession in his first words, that he had not yet so much 
as made his way into the porticoes of true knowledge” (Chrysostom); or 
that ‘‘ He wished to intimate that He had not come merely as a Teacher, but 
in order to the moral renewal of the world,” ? or, ‘‘ Videris tibi, O Nicodeme, 
videre aliquod signum apparentis jam regni coelorum in hisce miraculis, quae 
ego edo ; amen dico tibi : nemo potest videre regnum Dei, sicut oportet, si 
non, etc.” (Lightfoot, approved by Liicke, and substantially by Godet also). 
—iadv μή τις γενν. ἄνωϑε ν] except a man be born from above, i.e. except 
aman be transformed by God into a new moral life. See on i. 13. What 
is here required answers to the μετανοεῖτε, etc., with which Jesus usually be- 
gan His preaching, Mark i. 15. ἄνωϑεν, the opposite of κάτωθεν, may be 
taken with reference to place (here equivalent to ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ;* or with ref- 
crence to time (equivalent to ἐξ ἀρχῆς) ; Chrysostom gives both renderings. 
The latter is the ordinary interpretation'—because Nicodemus himself (ver. 
4) thus understood it. Accordingly, ἄνωϑεν would be equivalent to iterum, 


1 Augustine, de Wette, comp. also Lu- 322; Baruch vi. 63; Jamesi. 17, iii. 15. 


thardt and Ebrard. 4Syriac, Augustine, Vulgate, Nonnus, 
3 Baumgarten Crusius, comp. already Luther, Castalio, Calvin, Beza, Maldonatus, 
Cyril, and Theophylact. ete. (so likewise Tholuck, Olshausen, 


3 Comp. Xen. Mem. iv. 8. 14; Symp. vi. 7; Neander, and _ substantially Luthardt, 
Thue. iv. 75. 3; Soph. #7. 1047; Eur. Cycl. Hengstenberg, Godet. 


THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


again, anew, as Grimm (on Wisd, xix. 6) also thinks. But this is unjusti- 
tiable even on linguistic grounds, because ἄνωϑεν whgn used of time signifies 
not iterwm or denuo, but throughout, from the beginning onwards! (and so 
Ewald and Weiss interpret it),* and the local rendering is required alike by 
the meaning of the word (ver. 31, xix. 11, 39), and the usage of the Evangelist, 
who uniformly conceives regeneration not as a new or second, but as a heav- 
enly or divine, birth ; see i. 13 ; 1 John ii. 29, iii. 9, iv. 7, v. 1. The rep- 
resentation of it as a repeated, a renewed birth is Pauline (Tit. iii. 5, comp. 
Rom. xii. 2; Gal. vi. 15 ; Eph. iv. 23, 24; Col. iii. 9) and Petrine (1 Pet. 
iii. 23). [Ανωϑεν, therefore, is rightly taken as equivalent to ἐκ ϑεοῦ by Ori- 
gen, Gothic Vers. (tupathré), Cyril, Theophylact, Aretas, Bengel, ete. ; 
also Liicke, B. Crusius, Maier, de Wette, Baur, Lange, Hilgenfeld, Baeum- 
lein, Weizsiicker (who, however, adopts a double sense), Steinfass. —ideir] 
z.e. as a partaker thereof. Comp. εἰσελϑεῖν, ver. 5, and see ver. 36, also ἰδεῖν 
ϑάνατον (Luke ii. 26; Heb. xi. δ), διαφϑοράν (Acts ii. 27), ἡμέρας ἀγαϑάς (hee 
Pet. 11. 10), πένϑος (Rev. xviii. 7).* Not therefore : ‘‘simply to see, to say 
nothing of entering,” Lange ; comp. Ewald on ver. 5. It is to be observed 
that the expression fac. τοῦ ϑεοῦ does not occur in John, save here and in 
ver. 5 ;* and this is a proof of the accuracy with which he had recorded this 
weighty utterance of the Lord in its original shape. In xviii. 36 Christ, on 
an extraordinary occasion, speaks of His kingdom.” The conception of 
‘‘the kingdom” in John does not differ from its meaning elsewhere in the 
N. T. (see on Matt. iii. 2). Moreover, its necessary correlative, the Parousia, 
is not wanting in John (see on xiv. 3). 

Ver. 4. The question does not mean : ‘‘If the repetition of a corporeal 
birth is so utterly impossible, how amI to understand this ἄνωϑεν γεννηθῆναι 
(Liicke); nor : ‘‘ How can this ἄνωϑεν yevy. take place, save by a second cor- 
poreal birth ?” as if Nicodemus could not conceive of the beginning of a 
new personal life without a recommencement of natural life (Luthardt, 
comp. Hofmann); nor: ‘‘ How comes it that a Jew must be born anew like 
a proselyte ?” (Knapp, Neander, comp. Wetstein ; for the Rabbins liken 
proselytes to new-born babes, Jevamoth, f. 62.1; 92. 1); nor again : ‘‘ This 
requirement is as impossible in the case of a man already old as for one to 


1 This, and not “again from the begin- 
ning,’ as Hofmann (Schriftbeweis, II. 11) 
arbitrarily renders it, is the meaning of 
ἄνωθεν. It is self-evident that the concep- 
tion from the beginning does not harmonize 
with that of being born. Nor, indeed, 
would ‘‘again from the beginning,” but 
simply “again,” be appropriate. Again 
Srom the beginning would be πάλιν ἄνωθεν, as 
in Wisd. xix. 6; Gal. iv.9. The passage, 
moreover, from Josephus, Anftt. i. 18. 3, 
which Hofmann and Godet (following Krebs 
and others) quote as sanctioning their ren- 
dering, is inconclusive. For there we read 
φιλίαν ἄνωθεν ποιεῖται : “‘ he makes friendship 
Jrom the beginning onwards,” not implying 
the continuance of a friendship before un- 


used, nor an entering again uponit. Arte- 
midorus also, Oneirocr. i. 14, Ὁ. 18 (cited by 
Tholuck after Wetstein), where mention is 
made of a dream of a corporeal birth, uses 
ἄνωθεν in the sense not of again, but as 
equivalent to coelitus with the idea of a 
divine agency in the dream (Herm. Gottesd. 
Alterth. § 37. 7.19). 

2 Lukei. 3; Acts xxvi. 5; Gal.iv. 9; Wisd. 
xix. 6; Dem. 589, 22. 1082, 7. 18 ; Plat. Phil. 
44D. 

3Trom the classics, see Jacobs ad Del. 
epigr. Ὁ. 887 ff. ; Ellendt, Lew. Soph. 11. 343. 

4 The expression, moreover, Bac. τῶν 
οὐρανῶν (comp. the Critical Notes) is not 
found in John, 


CHAP. ΤΕ» ὃς 125 


enter again, οἰ.) } These meanings are not in the words, they are simply 
imported into them. But,the opinion that Nicodemus wished to ‘‘ entangle 
Jesus in His words” (Luther), or, under excited feelings, intentionally took the 
requirement literally in order to reduce it ad absurdum (Riggenbach), or ‘‘bya 
stroke of Rabbinical cleverness in argumentation” to declare it to be too 
strongly put (Lange, Life of Jesus, p. 495), is opposed to the honourable 
bearing of this straightforward man. According to the text, what Nicode- 
mus really asks is something preposterous. And this is of such a nature, that 
it is only reconcilable with even the scanty culture of a Jewish theologian 
(ver. 10), who could not, however, be ignorant of the O. T. ideas of circum- 
cision of heart (Deut. xxx. 6 ; Jer. iv. 4), of a new heart and a new spirit 
(Ex. xi. 19, 20, xxxvi. 26, 27; Ps. li. 12, Ixxxvi. 4 ff.), as well as of the 
outpouring of the Spirit in the time of the Messiah (Joel 11. ; Jer. xxxi.), 
upon the assumption that, being a somewhat narrow-minded man, and 
somewhat entangled by his faith in the miracles, he was taken aback, con- 
fused and really perplexed, partly by the powerful impression which Jesus 
produced upon him generally, partly by the feeling of surprise at seeing his 
thoughts known to Him, partly by the unexpected and incomprehensible 
ἄνωϑεν yevyydqvat, in which, however, he has an anticipation that something 
miraculous is contained. In this his perplexity, and not ‘‘in an ironical 
humour” (as Godet thinks, although out of keeping with the entire phe- 
nomenon), he asks this foolish question, as if Jesus had spoken of a corporeal 
birth, and not of a birth of one’s moral personality. Still less can there be 
a suspicion of this question being an invention, as if John merely wished 
to represent Nicodemus asa very foolish man (Strauss ; comp. de Wette 
and Reuss),—a notion which, even on the supposition of a desire to spin out 
the conversation by misapprehensions on the part of the hearers, would be 
too clumsy to be entertained. —yépwv ὧν] when he is an old man ; Nicode- 
mus added this to represent the impossibility with reference to himself in a 
stronger light. —dei7epov] with reference to being for a time in the mother’s 
womb before birth. He did not take the ἄνωϑεν to mean δεύτερον, he simply 
did not understand it at all. 

Ver. 5. Jesus now explains more fully the ἄνωϑεν γεννηθῆναι onwards to 
ver. 8. - ἐξ ὕδατος κ. πνεύματος] water, inasmuch as the man is 
baptized therewith (1 John v. 7, 8; Eph. v. 26) for the forgiveness of sins 
(Acts ii. 33, xxii. 16 ; 2 Cor. vi. 11), and spirit, inasmuch as the Holy Ghost 
is given to the person baptized in order to his spiritual renewal and sancti- 
fication ; both together *—the former as causa medians, the latter as causa 
efficiens—constitute the objective and causative element, out of which (comp. 1. 
13) the birth from above is produced (ἐκ), and therefore baptism is the λουτρὸν 
παλιγγενεσίας (Tit. 111. 5 ; comp. Tertullian c, Mare. i. 28). But that Christian 


1 Schweizer, B. Crusius, Tholuck, comp. concerning the baptism of the Spirit, greatly 
Baumgarten and Hengstenberg. errs when he declares that to make regen- 
2 Weisse, who does not regard the rite of ation depend upon baptism by water ‘‘is 
baptism by water as having originated in little better than blasphemy” (Hvangelienfrage, 
the institution of Christ, but considers that p. 194). 
it arose from a misapplication of His words 


124 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


baptism (ver. 22, iv. 2), and not that of John,’ is to be thought of in ὕδατος, 
is clear from the x. πνεύματος joined with it, and from the fact that He who 
had already appeared as Messiah could no longer make the baptism of His 
forerunner the condition, not even the preparatory condition, of His Messi- 
anic grace ; for in that case He must have said οὐκ, ἐξ ὕδατος μόνον, ἀλλὰ καί. 
If Nicodemus was not yet able to understand ὕδατος as having this definite 
reference, but simply took the word in general as a symbolical designation 
of Messianic expiation of sin and of purification, according to O. T. allusions,? 
and to what he knew of John’s baptism, still it remained for him to look for 
more definite knowledge, to the immediate future, when the true explanation 
could not escape him (iv. 2, ili. 22). We are not therefore to conclude from 
this reference to baptism, that the narrative is ‘‘ a proleptic jiction” (Strauss, 
Bruno Bauer), and, besides Matt. xviii. 8, to suppose in Justin and the 
Clementines uncanonical developments (Hilgenfeld and others ; see Intro- 
duction, ὃ 2). Neither must we explain it as if Jesus were referring Nicode- 
mus not to baptism as such, but only by way of allusion to the symbolic 
import of the water in baptism (Liicke ; Neander, p. 910). [See Note XVII. 
Ρ. 144.] This latter view does not satisfy the definite γεννηθῇ ἐξ, wpon 
which, on the other side, Theodore of Mopsuestia and others, in modern 
times Olshausen in particular, lay undue stress, taking the water to be the 
Jemale principle in regeneration (the Spirit as the male)—water being, 
according to Olshausen, ‘‘the element of the soul purified by true repent- 
ance.” All explanations, moreover, must be rejected which, in order to do 
away with the reference to baptism,® adopt the principle of an ἕν διὰ δυοῖν, 
for water and Spirit are two quite separate conceptions. This is especially 
in answer to Calvin, who says : ‘‘ of water, which is the Spirit,” and Grotius : 
“ spiritus aqueus, i.e. aquae instar emundans.” It is further to be observed, 
(1) that both the words being without the article, they must be taken ge- 
nerically, so far as the water of baptism and the Holy Spirit are included in 
the general categories of water and Spirit ; not till we reach ver. 6 is the 
concrete term used ;—(2) that “ὕδατος is put first, because the. gift of the 
Spirit as a rule (Acts ii. 38) followed upon baptism (Acts x. 47 is an excep- 
tional case) ;—(8) that believing in Jesus as the Messiah is presupposed as 
the condition of baptism (Mark xvi. 16) ;—(4) that the necessity of baptism 
in order to participation in the Messianic kingdom (a doctrine against which 
Calvin in particular, and other expositors of the Reformed Church, contend) 
has certainly its basis in this passage, but with reference to the convert to 
Christianity, and not extending in the same way to the children of Christians, 
for these by virtue of their Christian parentage are already ἅγιοι (see on 1 
Cor. vii. 14). Attempts to explain away this necessity—e.g. by the compar- 
ative rendering: ‘‘not only by water, but also by the Spirit” (B. Crusius ; 
comp. Schweizer, who refers to the baptism of proselytes, and Ewald)—are 
meanings imported into the wordst 


1B. Crusius ; Hofmann, Schriftbeweis, 11. 3 Krummacher, recently, inthe Stud. wu. 
2. 12; Lange, who, however, generalizes Krit. 1859, p. 509, understands by the water 
ideally ; and earlier comm. the working of the Holy Spirit. How unten, 


2? Hzek. xxxvi. 25; Isa. i. 16; Mal. iii..3; able! for the Spirit is named as a distinct 
Zech, xiii. 1; Jer. xxxiii. 8. factor side by side with water. 


125 


΄ 


CHAP. 111., 6-8. 


Ver. 6. A more minute antithetic defining of this birth, in order further 
to elucidate it.— We have not in what follows two originally different 
classes of persons designated (Hilgenfeld), for the new birth is needed by ail," 
but two different and successive epochs of life. —rd γεγεννημ.} neuter, 
though designating persons, to give prominence to the statement as general 
and categorical, See Winer, p. 167 [E. T. p. 178]. —éx« τῆς σαρκός] The 
σάρξ is that human nature, consisting of body and soul, which is alien and 
hostile to the divine, influenced morally by impulses springing from the 
power of sin, whose seat itis, living and operating with the principle of sen- 
sible life, the ψυχή. See on Rom. iv. 1. ‘ What is born of human nature 
thus sinfully constituted (and, therefore, not in the way of spiritual birth from 
God), is a being of the same sinfully conditioned nature,* without the higher 
spiritual moral life which springs only from the working of the divine Spirit. 
Comp. i. 12, 18. Destitute of this divine working, man is merely jleshly, 
animal (1 Cor. 11. 14), πεπραμένος ὑπὸ τὴν ἁμαρτίαν (Rom. vii. 14), and, despite 
his natural moral consciousness and will in the νοῦς, is wholly under the sway 
of the sinful power that is in the σάρξ (Rom. vii. 14-25). The flesh, as the 
moral antithesis of the spirit, stands in the same relation to the human 
spirit with the mind, as the prevailingly sinful and morally powerless life of 
our lower nature does to the higher moral principle of life (Matt. xxvi. 41) 
with the will converted to God ; while it stands in the same relation to the 
divine spirit, as that which is determinately opposed to God stands to that 
which determines the new life in obedience to God (Rom. viii. 1-3). In 
both relations, jlesh and spirit are antitheses to each other, Matt. xxvi. 41 ; 
Gal. v. 17 ff. ; accordingly in the unregenerate we have the lucta carnis ct 
MENTIS (Rom. vii. 14 ff.), in the regenerate we have the lucta carnis ct 
Sprritus (Gal. v. 17). ---ἰικ τοῦ πνεύματος] that which is born of the 
Spirit, i.e. that whose moral nature and life have proceeded from the opera- 
tion of the Holy Spirit,® 7s a being of a spiritual nature, free from the domin- 
ion of the σάρξ, and entirely filled and governed by aspiritual principle, 
namely by the Holy Spirit (Rom. viii. 2 ff.), walking ἐν καινότητι πνεύματος 
(Rom. vii. 6). —The universality of the statement forbids its limitation to 
the Jews as natural descendants of Abraham (Kuinoel and others), but they 
are of course included in the general declaration ; comp. ver. 7, ὑμᾶς. ---- Τῇ 
the apodoses the substantives σάρξ and πνεῦμα represent, with stronger em- 
phasis (comp. vi. 63, xi. 25, xii. 50; 1 John iv. 8; Rom. viii. 10), the 
adjectives σαρκικός and πνευματικός, and are to be taken qualitatively. 

Vv. 7, 8. To allay still more the astonishment of Nicodemus (ver. 4) at 


1See ver. 7; comp. also Weiss, Lehrbe- 
griff, p. 128. 

2The sinful constitution of the σάρξ in 
itself implies the necessity of a being born of 
the Spirit (vv. 3,7); comp.1 John ii. 16. 
The above exposition cannot therefore be 
considered as attributing to John a Pau- 
line view which is strange to him. This is 
in answer to Weiss, according to whom 
Jesus here merely says, “85 the corporeal 


birth only produces, the corporeal sensual 
part.”? Similarly J. Miiller on Sin, vol. I. p. 
449, II. 382. See on the other hand, Lu- 
thardt, v. freien Willen, p. 893. 

3 The ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος, implying the ἐκ τοῦ 
πνεύματος (after ver. 5), and the meaning of 
which is clear in itself, is not repeated by 
Jesus, because His aim now is simply to let 
the contrast between the σάρξ and the 
πνεῦμα stand out clearly. 


126 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


the requirement of ver. 8, Jesus subjoins an analogy drawn from nature, 
illustrating the operation of the Holy Spirit of which He is speaking. The 
man is seized by the humanly indefinable Spirit, but knows not whence He 
cometh to him, and whither He leadeth him. —i@c] individualizing the 
general statement : ‘‘te et eos, quorum nomine locutus es,” Bengel. Jesus 
could not have expressed Himself in the jirst person.—76 πνεῦμα] This, 
as is evident from πνεῖ, means the wind,’ not the Spirit (Steinfass). It is the 
double sense of the word (comp. 137) which gave rise to this very analogy 
from nature. A similar comparison has been made between the human soul, 
so far as it participates in the divine nature, and the well-known but inexplic- 
able agency of wind.? On the expression τὸ πνεῦμα πνεῖ, see Lobeck, Paral. 
508. ---ὅπου ὃέλει) The wind blowing now here, now there, is personified 
as a free agent, in keeping with the comparison of the personal Holy Spirit 
(1 Cor. xii. 2).*— ποῦ] with a verb of motion.* Expressing by anticipation 
the state of rest following upon the movement. Often in the N. T. as in 
John (vii. 35, viii. 14, xii. 835) and Heb. xi. 8. --- οὕτως ἐστὶ πᾶς, κ.τ..}1 A 
popular and concrete mode of expression (Matt. xiii. 19, etc.); so ds dt, i.e. 
with reference experimentally to the course of his higher birth, with every 
one who has been born (perfect) of the Spirit. The points of resemblance 
summed up in the οὕτως are : (1) the free self-determining action of the Holy 
Spirit,° not merely the greatness of this power, Tholuck ; (2) the felt ex- 
perience of His operations by the subject of them (τὴν φωνὴν αὐτοῦ ax.) ; and 
(3) yet their incomprehensibleness as to their origin and their end (ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ 
οἶδας, x.t.A.), the latter pertaining to the moral sphere and reaching unto 
eternal life, the former proceeding from God, and requiring, in order to 
understand it, the previously experienced workings of divine grace, and 
faith ensuing thereupon. The man feels the working of grace within, 
coming to him as a birth from above, but he knows not whence it comes ; 
he feels its attraction, but he knows not whither it leads. These several ele- 
ments in the delineation are so distinctly indicated by Jesus, that we cannot 
be satisfied with the mere general point of incomprehensibleness in the 
comparison (Hengstenberg), upon the basis of Eccles. xi. 5. 

- Vv. 9, 10. The entire nature of this birth from above (ταῦτα) is still a 
puzzle to Nicodemus as regards its possibility (the emphasis being on δύνα - 
tat) 3; Which we can easily understand in a learned Pharisee bound to the 
mere form and letter. He asks the question in this state of ignorance (haes- 
itantis est, Grotius), not in pride (Olshausen). Still, as one acquainted 
with the Scriptures, he might and ought to have recognized the possibility ; 
for the power of the divine Spirit, the need of renewal in heart and mind, 
and the fact that this renewal is a divine work, are often mentioned in the 
O. T. Jesus therefore might well ask in wonder: Art thou the teacher, 


1 Gen. viii. 1; Job xxx. 15; Wisd. xiii. 2; 4 Comp. Hom. Z/. 13. 219; Soph. Trach. 40: 


Heb. i. 7; cften in the classics. κεῖνος δ᾽ ὅπου βέβηκεν, οὐδεὶς οἷδε ; and see 
3. Χρῃ, Mem. 4. 3.14. Comp. also Eccles. Lobeck ad Phryn. 45; Matzn. ad Antiph. 
πὶ Doe ῬΕΧΟΧ ΧΟ ἢ: 169, ὃ 8. 
3 Concerning the personality of the Holy 5 ὅπου θέλει, comp. 1 Cor. xii. 11; John v. 


Spirit as taught in John, see especially 21. 
Xiv.-xvi. 


CHAP. MITE ED Tet το, 127 


ete. ὃ The article ὁ διδάσκ. and the τοῦ Ἴσρ. following designate the man 
not merely in an official capacity (Ewald), which would not distinguish the 
individual, but as the well-known and acknowledged teacher of the people.* 
Hengstenberg puts it too strongly : ‘‘ the concrete embodiment of the ideal 
teacher of Israel ;’ comp. Godet. But Nicodemus must have held a po- 
sition of influence as a teacher quite inconsistent with this proved igno- 
rance ; there isin the article a touch of crony, as in the question a certain 
degree of indignation.’ 

Ver. 11. Jesus now discloses to the henceforth silent Nicodemus, in 
growing excitement of feeling, the sowrce of his ignorance, namely, his wn- 
belief in what He testifies, and which yet is derived from His own knowledge 
and intuition. — The plurals we know, etc., are, as is clear from the sin- 
gulars immediately following in ver. 12, simply rhetorical (plurals of category,* 
and refer only to Jesus Himself. [See Note XVHI. p. 144.] Comp. iv. 38, 
and its frequent use by St. Paul when he speaks of himself in the plural. 
To include the disciples (Hengst. Godet), or to explain them as referring to 
general Christian consciousness as contrasted with the Jewish (Hilgenfeld), 
would be quite inappropriate to the language (see especially ὃ ἑωράκ. wapr.). 
To understand them as including John the Baptist,* or him along with the 
prophets,° or even God,® or the Holy Ghost (Bengel), is arbitrary, and without 
a trace of support in the text, nay, onaccount of the have seen, opposed to it, 
for the Baptist especially did not by i. 34 occupy the same stage of ἑωρακέναι 
with Christ. It is, moreover, quite against the context when B. Crusius 
says : ‘‘men generally are the subjects of the verbs οἴδαμεν and éwpdx.,” 50 
that human things—what one sees and knows (τὰ ἐπίγεια, ver. 12)—are 
meant.—Observe the gradual ascent in the parallelism, in which ἑωράκαμεν, 
refers not to the knowledge attained in this earthly life (Weizsiicker), but to 
Christ’s vision of God in His pre-existent state. Comp. ver. 32, i. 18, vi. 
46, villi. 38, xvil. 5. —otd λαμβά vere] ye Jews: comp. τοῦ Ἰσραήλ, ver. 
10 ; and for the fact itself, i. 11, 12. The reproach, like the οὐ πιστεύετε of 
ver. 12, refers to the nation as a whole, with a reference also to Nicodemus 
himself. To render this as a gwestion (Ewald) only weakens the tragic rela- 
tion of the second half of the verse to the first. 

Ver. 12. How grievous the prospect which your unbelief regarding 
the instructions I have already given opens up as to the future !—ra 
ἐπίγεια) what is on earth, things which take place on earth (not in 
heaven). We must strictly adhere to this meaning of the word in this as in 
all other passages.” To the category of these earthly things belonged also 
the birth from above (against Baeumlein), because, though wrought by a 
power from heaven, tis accomplished on earth ; and because, proceeding in 
repentance and faith, it is a change taking place on earth within the earthly 





1See Bernhardy, p. 315; Winer, p. 110 5 Luther, Beza, Calvin, Tholuck. 


πὲ 115]- 6 Chrysostom, Euthymius Zigabenus, 
2 Nagelsbach on the Iliad, ed. 3, p. 424. Rupertus, Calovius, ete. 
3 Sauppe and Kiihner ad. Xen. Mem. 1. 2. 71 Cor. xv. 40; 2. Cor. v. 1; Phil. ii. 10; iii. 
46. 19; Jas. iii. 15. Comp. Wisd. ix. 16, and 


4kKnapp, Hofmann, Luthardt, Weizsiick- ‘ Grimm, Handbuch, p. 189. 
er, Weiss, Steinfass. 


128 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

realm of our moral life ; and because it is historically certain that Christ 
everywhere began His work with this very preaching of repentance. But the 
Lord has in His mind not only the doctrine of regeneration just declared to 
Nicodemus, but, as the plural shows, a// which thus far He had taught the 
Jews (εἶπον ὑμῖν) ; and this had been hitherto only ἐπίγεια, and not ἐπουράνια, 
of which He still designs to speak.’ It is therefore wrong to refer the ex- 
pression to the comparison of the wind (Beza) or of corporeal birth (Grotius), 
as prefiguring higher doctrine ; for the relation to the faith spoken of did 
not lie in these symbols, but in the truths they symbolized. The meaning 
of the words is quite altered, moreover, if we change the word ἐπίγεια into 
“human and moral” (Β. Crusius), or confine its meaning to what is stated in 
the immediate context (Liicke), or, with de Wette, make the point of differ- 
ence to be nothing more than the antithesis between man’s susceptibility of 
regeneration as a work within him and his susceptibility of merely believing. 
—The counterpart of the ériyera are the ἐπουράνεα, of which Jesus intends 
to speak to them in future, 1.6. things which are in heaven (so in all places, 
Matt. xvili. 35 ; 1 Cor. xv. 40, 48, 49 ; Eph. i. 3; Phil. ii. 10, etc.). To 
this category belong especially the Messianic mysteries, 1.6. the divine decrees 
Jor man’s redemption and final blessedness. These are heavenly things, because 
they have their foundation (Wisd. ix. 16, 17) in the divine will, though their 
realization commences in the present zorld, through the entire work, and 
in particular through the death of Jesus and the faith of mankind ; but while 
still unaccomplished, belongs to the divine counsel, and shall be consum- 
mated and fully revealed by the exalted Christ in the kingdom of the 
Messiah, when the ζωῇ αἰώνιος will reveal itself as the goal of perfection (Col. 
iii. 4), and ‘‘it will appear what we shall be.” To the ἐπουρανίοις, therefore, 
does not first belong what is to be said of His exaltation, Matt. xxvi. 64 
(Steinfass) ; but as the first and main thing, that which Jesus immediately 
utters in ver. 14 ff., wherein the heavenly element, i.e. what is in the counsels 
of God (vv. 15, 16), is clearly contained. In the connection, that which is 
heavenly és difficult to be understood ; but this difficulty has nothing to do 
with the word itself, as Liicke holds. 

Ver. 13. ‘‘ And no other than I can reveal to you heavenly things.” This 
is what Jesus means, if we rightly take His words, not an assertion of His 
divinity as the first of the heavenly things (Hengstenberg), which would 
make the negative form of expression quite inexplicable. Comp. i. 18, vi. 
46. — The καί is simply continuative, not antithetic,’ nor furnishing a basis, or 
assigning the motive.*—ovdeic ἀναβέβηκεν, κιτ..} which, on account of 
the perfect tense, obviously cannot refer‘ to the actual ascension of Christ * 


letwovis dixi, not dixerunt.as Ewald 
thinks, who regards the ancients in the O. T. 
as the subject, and upon too feeble evidence 
reads ἐπιςτεύσατε instead of πιστεύετε. This 
new subject must have been expressed, and 
an ἐγώ should have stood over against it in 
the apodosis. Comp. Matt. v. 21,22. The 
earthly might be appropriate to the law 
(following Col. ii. 17; Heb. ix. 5, x. 1), but 
not to the prophets. 


2 Knapp, Olshausen. 

3 Beza. Tholuck ; Luke, Lange. 

4 Against Augustine, Beza, Theophylact, 
Rupertus, Calovius, Bengel, etc. 

5 So also Weizsiicker, who assumes that 
we have here an experience belonging to 
the apostolic age, carried back and placed 
in the mouth of Christ. An anachronism 
which would amount to literary careless- 
ness. 


CHAP. ΠΗ’ 13. 129 


nor gives support to the unscriptural raptus in coelum of the Socinians ;? 
nor is to be explained by the unio hypostatica of Christ’s human nature 
with the divine, by virtue of which the former may be said to have entered. 
into heaven (Calovius, Maldonatus, Steinfass, and others). It is usually 
taken jiguratively of a spiritual elevation to God in order to a knowledge of 
divine things, and a coming to the perception of divine mysteries, which 
thus were brought down, as it were, by Christ from heaven (see of late 
especially Beyschlag) ; to support which, reference is made to Deut. xxx. 
12, Prov. xxx. 4, Baruch iii. 29, Rom. x. 6, 7. But Christ brought with 
Him out of His pre-evistent state His immediate knowledge of divine things 
(ver. 11, i. 18, viii. 26, a/.), and possesses it in uninterrupted fellowship 
with the Father. To represent Him, therefore, as, during His earthly 
life, bringing it down by a figurative and spiritual exaltation to heaven, is 
wholly inappropriate. Ὁ ἐκ τοῦ obp. καταβ. also must be taken literally, of 
an actual descent ; and there is therefore nothing in the context to warrant 
our taking ἀναβ. εἰς τ. obp. symbolically. Hengstenberg rightly renders the 
words literally, but at the end of the verse would complete the sense by add- 
ing, ‘‘who will ascend up into heaven.” An addition arbitrary in itself and 
by no means to be looked for in John : out of harmony with the connec- 
tion, and certainly not readily intelligible to one like Nicodemus, though it 
were the point of the declaration : hence not properly suppressed, and least 
of all as a saying concerning the future. Godet does not get beyond the 
explanation of essential communion with God on the part of Jesus from the 
time of His birth. The only rendering true to the words is simply this : 
Instead of saying, ‘‘ No one has been in heaven except,” etc., Jesus says, as 
this could only have happened to any other by his ascending thither, ‘‘ No 
one has ascended into heaven except,” etc.; and thus the εἰ μή refers to an 
actual existence in heaven, which is implied in the avaBéByxev. And thus 
Jansenius rightly renders : Nullus hominum in coelo fuit, quod ascendendo 
fieri solet, ut ibi coelestia contemplaretur, nisi, etc.; and of late Fritzsche 
the elder in his Novis opusc. p. 230 ; and now also Tholuck, and likewise 
Holtzmann in Hilgenfeld’s Zeitschr. 1865, p. 222. —6 ἐκ τοῦ op. κατα- 
βάς] which took place through the incarnation. These words, like ὁ ὧν 
ἐν τ. ovp., are argumentative, for they necessarily imply existence in heaven ; 
but ὁ ὦν, which must be taken as an attributive of ὁ υἱὸς τ. avfp., and not as 
belonging to καταβάς, and therefore has the article, cannot be equivalent to 
ὃς ἦν (Luthardt ; Hofmann, I. 134 ; Weiss, etc.), as if ποτέ, τὸ πρότερον or 
the like were there, but is equivalent to ὅς ἐστι, whose existence is in heaven, 
who has there His proper abode, His home.?—6 υἱὸς τοῦ avép.] a 
Messianic designation which Christ applies to Himself, in harmony with the 
fulfilment of the prophetic representation in Dan. vii. 13, which began with 
the καταβάς (comp. oni. 52). MWicodemus could understand this only through 
a fuller development of faith and knowledge. 


1 See Oeder ad Catech. Racov. Ὁ. 348 ff. the coming down from heaven to the con- 

2 Nonnus : ἀστερόεντι μελάθρῳ πάτριον οὖδας ception of His mission, and the being in 
éxwv.—IX. 25 is similar: τυφλὸς ὧν : blind heaven tothe continuity of His God-conscious- 
from one’s birth. Schleiermacher refers ness. See eg. his Leben Jesu, p. 287 ff, 


130 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Note.—According to Beyschlag, p. 99 ff., this verse is utterly opposed to the 
derivation of Christ’s higher knowledge from the recollection of a pre-existent 
life in heaven. But we must bear in mind, (1) that the idea of an ascent to 
God to attain a knowledge of His mysteries (which Beyschlag considers the 
only right explanation) never occurs in the N. T. with reference to Jesus—a 
circumstance which would surprise us, especially in John, if it had been 
uttered by Jesus Himself. But it was not uttered by Him, because He has it 
not, but knows His knowledge to be the gift of His Father which accompanied 
Him in His mission (x. 36). (2) He could not have claimed such an ascent to 
heaven for Himself alone, for a like ascent, though not in equal degree, must 
belong to other men of God. He must, therefore, at least have expressed Him- 
self comparatively: οὐδεὶς οὕτως ἀναβέβηκεν & τ. OVP. ὡς ὁ, K.T.A, Even the 
church now sings : 

“Rise, rise, my soul, and stretch Thy wings 
Towards heaven, Thy native place.” 
But something distinct and more than this was the case with Christ, viz. as to . 
the past, that He had His existence in heaven, and had come down therefrom ; 
and as to His earthly present, that He is in heaven. 


Vv. 14, 15. Jesus, having in ver. 13 stated the grownd of faith in Him, 
now proceeds to show the bdlessedness of the believer—which is the design of 
His redemptive work—in order the more to incite those whom He is ad- 
dressing to fulfil the fundamental condition, contained in faith, of partici- 
pating in His kingdom. That this is the logical advance in the discourse, 
is clear from the fact that in what follows it is the dlessedness of faith which 
is dwelt upon ; see vv. 15, 16, 18. We have not here a transition from the 
possibility to the necessity of communicating heavenly things, ver. 13 (Liicke) ; 
nor from the ideal unveilings of divine things to the chief mystery of the 
doctrine of salvation which was manifested in historical reality (de Wette, 
comp. Tholuck and Briickner); nor from the first of divine things, Christ’s 
divinity, to the second, the atonement which He was to establish (Hengsten- 
berg, comp. Godet) ; nor from the Word to His manifestation (Olshausen) ; 
nor from the work of enlightenment to that of blessing (Scholl) ; nor from 
the present want of faith to its future rise (Jacobi : ‘‘ faith will first begin 
to spring up when my ὕψωσις is begun”) ; nor from Christ’s work to His per- 
son (B. Crusius) ; nor from His person to His work (Lange). The event re- 
corded in Num. xxi. 8 is made use of by Jesus as a type of the divinely 
appointed manner and efficacy of His coming death,’ to confirm a prophecy 
still enigmatical to Nicodemus, by attaching it to a well-known historical 
illustration. The points of comparison are : (1) the being lifted up (the well- 
known brazen serpent on the pole, and Jesus on the cross) ; (2) the being saved 
(restored to health by looking at the serpent, to eternal ζωή by believing on 
the crucified One).?. Any further drawing out of the illustration is arbitra- 
ry, as, for instance, that of Bengel: ‘‘ut serpens 1116 fuit serpens sine veneno 


1 Which, consequently, He had clearly Christian literature, Hpist. of Barnabas, c. 
foreseen not for the first time in vi. 51 12; Ignatius ad Smyrn. 2, interpol.; Justin, 
(Weizsicker) ; comp. on ii. 19. Apol. 1. 60, Dial. c. Tr. 94. 

2 Comp. Wisd. xvi. 6, and, in the earliest 


CHAP. I1I., 14, 15. 131 
contra serpentes venenatos, sic Christus homo sine peccato contra serpentem 
antiquum,” comp. Luther and others, approved by Lechler.’ Lange goes 
furthest in this direction ; comp. Ebrard on Olshausen, p. 104. There is, 
further, no typical element in the fact that the brazen serpent of Moses was 
a dead representative (‘‘as the sign of its conquering through the healing 
power of the Lord,” Hengstenberg). For, apart from the fact that Christ 
was lifted up alive upon the cross, the circumstance of the brazen serpent 
being a lifeless thing is not made prominent either in Num. xxi. or here, — 
ὑψωθῆναι] not glorified, acknowledged in His exaltation (Paulus), which, 
following ὕψωσε, would be opposed to the context, but (comp. viii. 28, xii. 
32, 33) shall be lifted up, that is, on the cross,’-—answering to the Aramaean 
ἩΡῚ," a word used of the hanging up of the malefactor upon the beam.‘ 
The express comparison with the raising up of the brazen serpent, a story 
which must have been well known to Nicodemus, does not allow of our ex- 
plaining ὑψωθήσ. as = 01, of the exaltation of Jesus to glory,® or as includ- 
ing this, so that the cross is the stepping-stone to glory (Lechler, Godet) ; 
or of referring it to the near coming of the kingdom, by which God will show 
Him in His greatness (Weizsiicker) ; or of our abiding simply by the idea 
of an exhibition,® which Christ underwent in His public sufferings and death; 
or of leaving wholly out of account the form of the exaltation (which was 
certainly accomplished on the cross and then in heaven), (Luthardt), and 
conceiving of an exaltation for the purpose of being visible to all men (Holtz- 
mann), as Schleiermacher also held ;7 or of assuming, as the meaning 
intelligible for Nicodemus, only that of removing, while Jesus still had 
in mind His being lifted up on the cross and up to God.*—déei] accord- 
ing to the divine decree, Matt. xvi. 21, Luke xxiv. 26, does not refer 
to the type, but only to the antitype (against Olshausen), especially as 
between the person of Christ and the brazen serpent as such no typical rela- 
tion could exist. — Lastly, that Jesus should make a thus early, though at the 
time enigmatic, allusion to His death by crucifixion, is conceivable both 
on the ground of the doctrinal peculiarity of the event, and of the extraor- 
dinary importance of His death as the fact of redemption. See on ii. 19. 
And in the case of Nicodemus, the enigmatic germ then sown bore fruit, 
xix. 39. — Adopting the reading ἐν αὐτῷ (see Critical Notes), we cannot 
refer it to πιστεύων, but, as μὴ ἀπόληται, ἀλλ᾽ is spurious (see Critical Notes), 
to ἔχῃ : ‘‘ every believer shall in Him (i.e. resting upon Him as the cause) 
have eterna life.” Comp. xx. 31, v. 39, xvi. 33, xiii. 31.— ζωὴν aid- 


1 Stud. κι. Krit. 1854, p. 826. 51, 53, 54. 


2The higher significance imparted to 
Christ’s person and work by His death 
(Baur, Neutest. Theol. 379) isnotimplied in the 
word ὑψωθῆναι, but in the comparison with 
the serpent, and in the sentence following, 
which expresses the object of the lifting up. 
This passage (comp. i. 29) should have pre- 
vented Baur from asserting (p. 400) that the 
Pauline doctrine concerning such a signifi- 
cance in Christ’s death is wholly wanting 
in St. John’s doctrinal view. See also yi. 


3 Comp. the Heb. apa Ps. exly. 14, exlvi. 
8. 

4 See Ezra vi. 11; Gesenius, Zhes. I. 428 ; 
Heydenreich in Hiiffell’s Zeztschr. II. 1, Ὁ. 72 
ff.; Briickner, 68,69. Comp. Zest. Χ 1]. patr. 
Ῥ. 739 : κύριος ὑβρισθήσεται καὶ ἐπὶ ξύλου ὑψω- 
θήσεται. 

5 Bleek, Beitr. 231. 

6 Hofmann, Weissag. u. Erf. I. 143. 

7 Leben Jesu, 345. \ 

8 Hofmann, Schriftbew. 11. 1, 301. 


132 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
νιον] eternal Messianic life, which, however, the believer already has (ἔχῃ) 
as an eternal possession in αἰὼν οὗτος, viz. the present self-conscious develop- 
ment of the only true moral and blissful ζωή, which is independent of death, 
and whose consummation and full glory begin with the second advent.’ 
Ver. 16. Continuation of the address of Jesus to Nicodemus, onwards to ver. 
21,2 not, with Erasmus, Rosenmiiller, Kuinoel, Paulus, Neander, Tholuck, 
Olshausen, Maier (see also Baeumlein), an explanatory meditation of 
the evangelist’s own ; an assumption justified neither by anything in the 
text nor by the word μονογενής, a word which must have been transferred 
from the language of John to the mouth of Jesus (not vice versa, as Heng- 
stenberg thinks), for it is never elsewhere used by Christ, often as He speaks 
of His divine sonship. Seeoni.14. The reflective character of the follow- 
ing discourse harmonizes with the didactic purpose of Christ, and the pre- 
terites ἠγάπησαν and ἦν need not be explained from the standing-point of a 
Jater time : there seems, therefore, no sufficient basis for the intermediate view 
(of Liicke, de Wette, Briickner), that in this continued account of the dis- 
course .of Jesus, vv. 16 ff., John inserts more explanations and reflections of 
his own than in the preceding part, though such a supposition would scarcely 
(as Kling and Hengstenberg think) militate against the trustworthiness of 
John, who, in recording the longer discourses, has precisely in his own liv- 
ing recollection the abundant guarantee of substantial certainty. — οὔ τ] 80 
much ; see on Gal. iii. 8. —ydp] reason of the purpose stated in ver. 15. — 
ἠγάπησεν] loved, with reference to the time of the ἔδωκεν. ---τὸν κόσμον] 
i.e. mankind at large,? comp. πᾶς, ver. 15, xvii. 2; 1 John ii. 2.—rov 
wovoy.]tomake the proof of His love the stronger, 1 John iv. 9 ; Heb. xi. 17 ; 
Rom. viii. 89.-- δωκεν] He did not reserve Him for Himself, but gave Him, 1.6. 
tothe world. The word means more than ἀπέστειλεν (ver. 17), which expresses * 
the manner of the ἔδωκεν, though it does not specially denote the giving up 
to death, but the state of humiliation as a whole, upon which God caused 
His Son to enter when He left His pre-existent glory (xvii. 5), and the final 
act of which was to be His death (1 John iv. 10). The indicative following, 
ὥστε, describes the act objectively as something actually done. See on Gal. 
ii. 13 ; and Klotzad Devar. 172. ---μὴ ἀπόληται, κ.τ.}.} On the subjunc- 
tive, as marking present time, see Winer, 271 [E. T. p. 287]. Note the 
change from the Aorist to the Present, making destruction (by banishment 


1 Comp. vi. 40, 44, 45, 54, 58, xiv. 3, xvii. 
24; 1 Johniii. 14, iv. 9. 

2 Luther rightly praised “‘the majesty, 
simplicity, clearness, expressiveness, truth, 
charm” of this discourse. He ‘‘ exceedingly 
and beyond measure loved ” this text. 

3 This declaration is the rock upon which 
the absolute predestination doctrine goes 
to pieces, and the supposed (by Baur and 
Hilgenfeld) metaphysical dualism of the 
anthropology of St. John. Calovius well 
unfolds our text thus: (1) salutis principium 
(nyar.) ; (2) dilectionis objectum (the κόσμος, 
not the cecti) ; (3) donum amplissimum (His 


only-begotten Son); (4) pactum gratiosissi- 
mum (faith, not works) ; (5) fimem missionis 
Christi saluberrimum. Ἶ 

4 Weizsiicker in the Zeitschr. 7. Deutsche 
Theol. 1857, p. 176, erroneously finds wanting 
in John an intimation on the part of Christ 
that He is the Logos who came voluntarily 
to the world. He is, however, the Logos 
sent of God, who undertook this mission in 
the feeling of obedience. Thus the matter 
is presented throughout the N. T., and the 
thought that Christ came αὐτοθελής is quite 
foreign thereto. 


CHAP ΤΙ. 17%, 18. 198 
to hell in the Messianic judgment) appear as an act accomplished ; while 
the possession of the Messianic life is described as now already existing 
(commencing with regeneration), and as abiding forever. Comp. on ver. 15. 

Ver. 17. Confirmation of ver. 16, in which aréorecAev answers to the ἔδωκεν, 
κρίνῃ to the ἀπόληται, and σωθῇ to the ἔχῃ ζωὴν αἰώνιον of ver. 16. Consider- 
ing this exact correspondence, it is arbitrary with modern critics (also 
Liicke, B. Crusius) to understand the second τὸν κόσμον differently from the 
first, and from the τ. κόσμον of ver. 16, as denoting in the narrow Jewish 
sense the Gentile world, for whose judgment, 7.e. condemnation, the Messiah, 
according to the Jewish doctrine, was to come.’ Throughout the whole 
context it is to be uniformly understood of the world of mankind as a whole. 
Of it Jesus says, that He was not sent to judge it,—a judgment which, 
as all have sinned, must have been a judgment of condemnation,—but to pro- 
cure for it by His work of redemption the Messianic salvation. ‘‘ Deus saepe 
ultor describitur in veteri pagina ; itaque conscii peccatorum merito expec- 
tare poterant, fillum venire ad poenas patris nomine exigendas,” Grotius. 
It is to be remembered that He speaks of His coming in the state of humili- 
ation, in which He was not to accomplish judgment, but was to be the 
medium of obtaining the σώζεσθαι through His work and His death. Judg- 
ment upon the finally unbelieving was reserved to Him upon His Second 
Advent (comp. v. 22, 27), but the κρῖμα which was to accompany His works 
upon earth is different from this (see on ix. 39). — The thrice-repeated κόσμος 
has init a tone of solemnity. Comp. i. 10, xv. 19. 

Ver. 18. More exact explanation of the negative part of ver. 17. Mankind 
are either believing, and are thus delivered from condemnation (comp. v. 
24), because if the Messiah had come to judge the world, He would only 
have had to condemn sin ; but sin is forgiven to the believer, and he already 
has everlasting ζωῇ ;—or they are unbelieving, so that condemnation has 
already been passed upon them in idea (as an internal fact),? because they 
reject the Only-begotten of God, and there is no need of a special act of 
judgment to be passed on them on the part of the Messiah ; their own un- 
belief has already passed upon them the sentence of condemnation. ‘‘ He 
who does not believe, already has hell on his neck,” Luther ; he is airoxa- 
τάκριτος, Tit. 11. 11. Ver. 18 does not speak of the last judgment which 
shall be the solemn and ultimate completion of this temporal judgment,* but 


1 See Bertholdt, Christol. pp. 203, 228. 

2 Hence it is clear that the signification of 
κρίνειν aS Meaning condemnatory judgment 
is correct, and not the explanation of 
Weiss, Lehrdegriff, p. 184, according to 
whom the “ judgment’ here means in gen- 
eral only a decision either for life or death. 
In that case, not οὐ κρίνεται, but ἤδη κέκριται, 
must apply also to the believer. But this 
very distinction, the οὐ κρίνεται used of the 
believer and the ἤδη κέκριται of the unbe- 
liever, places the explanation of a condemna- 
tory κρίνειν beyond doubt. This is also 
against Godet, who with reference to the 


believer hits upon the expedient of suppos- 
ing that the Lord here anticipates the judg- 
ment (viz. the ‘‘constater l’état moral’). 
But according to the words of Jesus, this 
suggestion would apply rather to the case 
of the unbeliever. 

3 This temporal judgment of the world is 
the word’s history, the conclusion of which 
is the last judgment (v. 27), which, however, 
must not (as Schleiermacher, Z. .7. 355) be 
dissipated by means of this text into a 
merely natural issue of the mission of Jesus. 
See on vy. 28. See also Groos in the Stud, 
u. EKrit. 1868, p. 251. 


134 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


it does not call it in question, in opposition to the Jewish Messianic belief 
(Hilgenfeld). See on v. 28-30, xii. 31. Well says Euthymius Zigabenus : 
ἡ ἀπιστία κατέκρινε πρὸ τῆς κατακρίσεως. Comp. ver. 86. --- πεπίστευκεν) has 
become a believer (and remains so) ; the subjective negation in the causal clause 
(contrary to the older classical usage), as often in Lucian, etc., denoting the 
relation as one presupposed in the view of the speaker.’ Otherwise in 1 John 
v. 10. --τοῦ povoy. υἱοῦ τ. θεοῦ] very impressively throwing light 
upon the ἤδη κέκριται, because bringing clearly into view the greatness of the 
guilt. 

Ver. 19. The ἤδη κέκριται is ΠΟῪ More minutely set forth, and this in 
its moral character, as rejection of the light, 1.6. of God’s saving truth,— 
the possessor and bringer in of which was Christ, who had come into the 
world,—and as love of darkness. ‘‘ But herein consists the condemnation (as 
an inner moral fact which, according to ver. 18, had already occurred), 
that,” etc. ἡ κρίσις is the judgment in question, to be understood here also, 
agreeably tothe whole connection, of condemnatory judgment. But in αὕτη 

. ὅτι (comp. 1 John v. 11) we have not the reason (Chrysostom and his 
followers), but the characteristic nature of the judgment stated. —ére τὸ 
φῶς, etc., καὶ ἠγάπησαν] The first clause is not expressed in the depend- 
ent form (ὅτε ὅτε τὸ φῶς, etc., or with Gen. abs.), but as an independent 
statement, in order to give emphatic prominence to the contrast setting forth 
the guilt.*— ἠγάπησαν] after it had come. Jesus could now thus speak 
already from experience regarding His relations to mankind as a whole ; the 
Aor. does not presuppose the consciousness of a later time. See il. 23, 24. 
Ἡγάπ. is put first with tragic emphasis, which object is also served by the 
simple xai (not and yet). The expression itself : they loved the darkness rather 
(potius, not magis, comp. xii. 48 ; 2 Tim. iii. 4) than the light,—padarov be- 
longing not to the verb, but to the noun, and 7 comparing the two concep- 
tions,*—is a mournful meiosis ; for they did not love the light at all, but 
hated it, ver. 20. The ground of this hatred, however, does not lie (comp. 
ver. 6, i. 12) in a metaphysical opposition of principles,* but in the light- 
shunning demoralization into which men had sunk through their own free 
act (for they might also have done the ἀλήθεια, ver. 21). The source of unbe- 
lief is immorality. —7v γὰρ αὐτῶν, «.t.A.] The reason why “ they loved 
the darkness rather,” etc. (see on i. 5), was their immoral manner of life, in 
consequence of which they must shun the light, nay, even hate it (ver. 20). 
Observe the growing emphasis from αὐτῶν onwards to πονηρά, for the works 
which they (in opposition to the individual lovers of the light) did were evil ; 
which πονηρά does not in popular usage denote a higher degree of evil than 
φαῦλα, ver. 20 (Bengel), but answers to this as evil does to bad (worthless).° 

Ver. 20. Tép] The previous yap laid the historical basis for the state- 
ment ἠγάπησαν οἱ ἄνθρωποι, x.t.4. : this second γάρ is related to the same state- 


1See Herm. ad Viger. Ὁ. 806; Winer, p. Partik. p. 136. 


442 [K. T. p. 474]. 4 Baur, Hilgenfeld, Colani. 
2See Kihner, II. 416; Winer, p. 585 [E. T. 5 Fritzsche ad Jom. p. 297. Comp. v. 29; 
p. 630]. ᾿ Rom. ix. 11; 9 Cor. v. 10; Jas. iii. 16; φαῦλα 


8 Ellendt, Lex. Soph. Il. p. 51; Biuml. épyain Plat. Crat. p. 429 A; 3 Macc. iii. 22. 


CHAP. III., 21. 135 
ment as explanatory (see on Matt. vi. 32, xviii. 11 ; Rom. viii. 6), introduc- 
ing a general elucidation, and this from the psychological and perfectly 
natural relation of evil-doers to the light which was manifested (in Christ) 
(τὸ φῶς not different from ver. 19), which they hated as the principle op- 
posed to them, and to which they would not come, because they wished to 
avoid the ἔλεγχος which they must experience from it. This ‘‘coming to 
the light” is the believing adherence to Jesus, which, however, would have 
to be brought about through the perdvoia.*—iva μὴ ἐλεγχθῇ] Inten- 
tion. This ἔλεγχος is the chastening censure, which they shunned both on 
account of their being put to shame before the world, and the threatening 
feeling of repentance and sorrow in their self-consciousness.” This dread 
is both moral pride and moral effeminacy. Luthardt * refers the chastening 
only to the psychological fact of an énner condemnation. But against this 
is the parallel φανερωθῇ, ver. 21.— Observe, on the one hand, the parti- 
ciple present (for the πράξας might turn to the light), and, on the other, the 
distinction between πράσσων (he who strives after, agit, pursues as the goal 
of his activity) and ποιῶν, ver. 21 (he who does, facit, realizes as a fact).* 
Ver. 21. 'O δὲ ποιῶν τὴν ἀλήθ.}] The opposite of ὁ φαῦλα πράσσων, 
ver. 20, and therefore ἀλήθεια is to be taken in the ethical sense : he who 
does what is morally true, so that his conduct is in harmony with the divine 
moral standard.’ Moral truth was revealed before Christ, not only in the 
law (Weiss), but also (see Matt. v. 17) in the prophets, and, outside Script- 
ure, in creation and in conscience (Rom. i. 19 ff., ii. 14 f£.).°—iva gavep. 
αὐτοῦ τὰ épyal] gavep. is the opposite of the μὴ ἐλεγχθῇ Of ver. 20. While 
the wicked wishes his actions not to be reproved, but to remain in dark- 
ness, the good man wishes /is actions to come to the light and to be made man- 
fest, and he therefore comes πρὸς τὸ φῶς ; for Christ, as the personally man- 
ifested Light, the bearer of divine truth, cannot fail through His working 
to make these good deeds be recognized in their true nature. The mani- 
festation of true morality through Christ must necessarily throw the true 
light on the moral conduct of those who come to Him, and make it manifest 
and show it forth in its true nature and form. The purpose iva ¢avep., 
«.7.4., does not spring from self-seeking, but arises from the need, originat- 
ing in a moral necessity, of moral satisfaction in itself, and of the triumph 
of good over the world.—awvrowt] thus put before, for emphasis, in 
opposition to the evil-doer, who has altogether a different purpose in his 
acts. —ére ἐν θεῷ, x.t.A,] the reason of the before-named purpose. ‘ How 
should he not cherish this purpose, and desire the φανέρωσις, seeing that his 
works are wrought in God! Thus, so far from shunning, he has really to 
strive after the manifestation of them, as the revelation of all that is divine. 


1 Τῇ opposition to Colani, who finds a 
circle in the reasoning of vv. 19, 20. See 
Godet. 

2Comp. Luke iii. 19; John viii. 8; Eph. 
vy. 11,13. ‘Gravis malae conscientiae lux 
est,”’ Senec. ep. 122. 14. 

3 Comp. B. Crusius. 

4 Comp. Xen. Mem. iii. 9. 4: ἐπισταμένους 


μὲν ἃ Set πράττειν, ποιοῦντας δὲ τἀναντία, also 
iv. 5. 4, al. ; Rom. i. 31, if 3, vii. 15, xiii. 4. 
See generally, Franke, ad Dem. Ol. iii. 15. 

5 Comp. Isa. xxvi. 10; Ps. cxix. 30; Neh. 
ix. 33; Job iv. 6, xiii. 6; 1 Johni. 6; 1 Cor. 
vy. 83; Eph. v. 9; Phil. iv. 8. 

® Comp. Groos, p. 255. 


136 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


We must take this ἐν θεῷ, like the frequent ἐν Χριστῷ, as denoting the 
element in which the ἐργάζεσθαι moves ; not without and apart from God, 
but living and moving in Him, has the good man acted. Thus the κατὰ τὸ 
θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ, 1 John v. 14, and the κατὰ θεόν, Rom. viii. 27, 2 Cor. vii. 10, 
also the εἰς θεόν, Luke xii. 21, constitute the necessary character of the ἐν 
θεῷ, but are not the ἐν θεῷ itself. —éEpya eipyaopéva] as in vi. 28, ix. 4, 
Matt. xxvi. 10, ef. a/., and often in the classics.—Observe from ver. 21, 
that Christ, who here expresses Himself generally, yet conformably to ex- 
perience, encountered, at the time of His entering upon His ministry of en- 
lightenment, not only the φαῦλα πράσσοντες, but also those who practised what 
is right, and who were living in God. To this class belonged a Nathanael, 
and the disciples generally, certainly also many who repented at the preach- 
ing of the Baptist, together with other O. T. saints, and perhaps Nicode- 
mus himself. They were drawn. by the Father to come to Christ, and were 
given to Him (vi. 87) ; they were of God, and had ears to hear His word 
(viii. 47, comp. xviii. 37) ; they were desirous to do the Father’s will (vii. 
17) ; they were His (xvii. 6). But according to ver. 19, these were excep- 
tions amid the multitude of the opposite kind, and even their piety needed 
purifying and transfiguring into true righteousness, which could be attained 
only by fellowship with Christ ; and hence even in their case the way of 
Christian penitence, by the manifestation of their works wrought in God, 
brought about by the light of Christ, was not excluded, but was exhibited, 
and its commencement brought about, because, in view of this complete 
and highest light, the sincere Old Testament saint must first rightly feel 
the need of that repentance, and of the lack of moral satisfaction. Conse- 
quently the statement of vv. 3, 5 still holds true. 

Vv. 22, 23. After this interview with Nicodemus? (μετὰ ταῦτα) Jesus be- 
took Himself with His disciples from the capital into the country of Judea, 
in a north-easterly direction towards Jordan. ’Iovdaiav 155 an adjective. 
- ἐβάπτιζεν] during His stay there (Jmperf.), not Himself, however, 
but through His disciples, iv. 2. Baur, indeed, thinks that the writer had 
a definite purpose in view in this mode of expression ; that he wished to 
bring Jesus and the Baptist as closely as possible together in the same 
work. But if so, the remark of iv. 2 would be strangely illogical ; see also 
Schweizer, p. 194. The baptism of Jesus was certainly indeed a continu- 
ation of that of John, and did not yet possess the new characteristic of 
Matt. xxviii. 19 (for see vii. 39); but that it already included that higher 
element, which John’s baptism did not possess (comp. Acts xix. 2, 3),— 
namely, the operation of the Spirit, of which Christ was the bearer (ver. 
34), for the accomplishment of the birth from above,—is manifest from 
ver. 5, a statement which cannot be a prolepsis or a prophecy merely. — 7 v 
δὲ καὶ ’Lodvv., κιτ.}.} and John was also employed in baptizing, namely in 
Aenon, etc. This name, usually taken as the intensive or adjectival form 


1 ΤῸ interpose a longer interval, 6.0. a 2 As in Mark i. 5, Acts xvi. 1, 1 Mace. ii 
return to and sojourn in Galilee, is quite 23, xiv. 33, 37, 2 Macc. v. 23, 8 Esr. v. 47, An- 
gratuitous. Not before iy. 3 does Jesus re- thol. vii. 645, AS 


turn to Galilee. 


CHAP. III., 24-26. 137 
of 1}, is rather = {” |), dove spring ; the place itself is otherwise unknown, 
as is also the situation of Salim, though placed by Eusebius and Jerome 
eight Roman miles south of Scythopolis. This is all the more uncertain, 
because Aenon, according to the mention of it here (comp. iv. 3), must 
have been in Judaea, and not in Samaria, and could not therefore have been 
the Ainun discovered by Robinson.’ Ewald thinks of the two places 
ty Ὁ in Josh. xv. 82. So also Wieseler, p. 247. In no case could 
the towns have been situated on the Jordan, which would have been incon- 
sistent with the ὅτε ὕδατα πολλά. Comp. Hengstenberg, who likewise refers 
to Josh. xv. 82, while Pressel * prefers the statement of Eusebius and Jerome. 
For the rest, the narrative of the temptation, which Hengstenberg places in 
the period after ver. 22, has nothing to do with the locality of our passage : 
it is wholly foreign to it.—The question why John, after the public ap- 
pearance of Jesus, still continued to baptize, without baptizing in His name, is 
answered simply by the fact,* that Jesus had not yet come forth as John ex- 
pected that the Messiah would, and that consequently the Baptist could not 
suppose that his work in preparing the way for the Messiah’s king- 
dom by his baptism of repentance was already accomplished, but had to 
await for this the divine decision. This perseverance of John, therefore, 
in his baptismal vocation, was by no means in conflict with his divinely re- 
ceived certainty of the Messiahship of Jesus,* and the parallel ministry of 
the two must not be looked upon as improbable, as ‘‘in itself a splitting in 
sunder of the Messianic movement” (Keim). 

Ver. 24 corrects, in passing, the synoptic tradition " [See Note XIX. 
p. 145], which John knew as being widely spread, and the discrepancy in 
which is not to be explained either by placing the imprisonment between 
John iv. 2 and 3, and taking the journey of Jesus to Galilee there reiated as 
the same with that mentioned in Matt. iv. 12,° or by making the journey 
of Matt. iv. 12 to coincide with that named in John vi. 1 (Wieseler). See 
on Matt. iv. 12. Apart from that purpose of correction, which (in spite of 
the subtleties of Ebrard) is specially apparent if we compare Matt. iv. 17, 
the remark, which was quite intelligible of itself, would be, to say the least, 
superfluous,—unnecessary even to gain space for bringing Jesus and the 
Baptist again alongside each other (Keim), even if we were to venture the 
suggestion, of which the text says nothing, that Jesus felt Himself obliged, 
as the time of the Baptist was not yet expired, to bring the kingdom of 
God near, in keeping with the form which the Baptist had adopted (Lu- 
thardt, p. 79). 

Vv. 25, 26. Οὖν] in consequence of the narration of ver. 23 (ver. 24 
being a parenthetical remark). Nothing is known more particularly as to 
this question (ζήτησις) which arose among John’s disciples." Its theme was 


1 Later Explorations. Ὁ. 400. (Hengstenberg). But in the connection of 


2 In Herzog’s Hncykl. XIII. 326. 

3 Against Bretschneider, Weisse, Baur. 

4 As Weizsicker, p. 320, thinks. 

5 It is supposed, indeed, that John simply 
wishes to intimate that what he records, 
VY. 22-86, must be placed before Matt. iv. 12 


Matthew, there is no place for it before iy. 
12. 

6 Liicke, Tholuck, Olshausen, B. Crusius, 
Ebrard, Hengstenberg, and many others. 

7 ἐγένετο ἐκ τῶν μαθ. "Iwavy., comp. Lu- 
cian, Alex. 40; Herod. yv. 21. 


138 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


““nurification” (περὶ καθαρισμοῦ), and, according to the context, did not refer 
in general to the usual prescriptions and customs (Weizsiicker), but more 
immediately to the baptism of John and Jesus, and was discussed with ὦ 
Jew, who probably regarded the baptism of Jesus as higher and more effica- 
cious in its power of purifying (from the guilt of sin) than that of John. 
Comp. ver. 26. Possibly the prophetic idea of a purifying consecration 
preceding the Messiah’s kingdom?’ was spoken of. Who the ᾿Τουδαῖος was 
(Hofmann, Tholuck, a Pharisee) cannot be determined.’ A Jewish Christian? 
would have been more exactly designated. According to Luthardt, it 
was an unfriendly Jew who declared that the baptism of John might now 
be dispensed with, and wished thus to beguile the Baptist to become un- 
faithful to his calling, that he might the better work against Jesus. An 
artificial combination unsupported by the text, as also by ᾧ σὺ μεμαρτύ - 
pykac, ver. 26. For that this indicated a perplexity on the part of the disci- 
ples as to the calling of their master finds no support in the words of the Baptist 
which follow. There is rather expressed in that ᾧ σὺ μεμαρτ., and in all 
that John’s disciples advance,—who therefore do not name Jesus, but only 
indicate Him,—a jealous irritation on the point, that a man, who himself 
had just gone forth from the fellowship of the Baptist, and who owed his 
standing to the Baptist’s testimony in his favour (9), should have opened 
such a competition with him as to throw him into the shade. Through the 
statements of the Jew, with whom they had been discussing the question of 
purification, there was awakened in them a certain feeling of envy that 
Jesus, the former pupil (as they thought), the receiver of a testimony at the 
hand of their master, should now presume to put himself forward as his 
superior rival. They saw in this a usurpation, which they could not recon- 
cile with the previous relation of Jesus to the Baptist. But he, on the con- 
trary, vindicates Jesus, ver. 27, and in ver. 28 brings into view His far 
higher position, which excluded all jealousy. —d¢ ἦν μετὰ σοῦ, κ-.τ.λ.] 
i. 28, 29. —ide and οὗτος have the emphasis of something unexpected ; 
namely, that this very person should (according to their view) interfere 
with their master in his vocation, and with such results !—xai πάντες, 
an exaggeration of excited feeling. Comp. xii. 19. Not: ‘‘all who submit 
to be baptized by Him” (Hengstenberg). 

Vv. 27, 28. The Baptist at first answers them, putting his reply in the 
form of a general truth, that the greater activity and success of Jesus was given 
Him of God, and next reminds them of the subordinate position which he 
held in relation to Jesus. The reference of the general affirmation to the 
Baptist himself [See Note XX. p. 145], who would mean by it: ‘‘non 
possum mihi arrogare et rapere, quae Deus non dedit,” Wetstein,*® is not in 
keeping with the context ; for the petty, jealous complaint of the disciples, 
ver. 26, has merely prepared the way for a vindication of Jesus on the part 
of the Baptist ; and as in what follows with this intent, the comparison 


1 Bzek. xxxvi. 25; Zech. xiii. 1; Hofm. 3 So Cyril, Rupertus, Beza, Clarius, Jan- 
Weissag. u. Erf. ΤΙ. 87. sen, Bengel, Liicke, Maier, Hengstenberg, 
2 Chrysostom, Euthymius Zigabenus, Godet, and others. 
Ewald. 5 


CHAP. III., 29, 30. 139 
between the two, as they, in vv. 27, 28, according to our interpretation, 
stand face to face with each other, is thoroughly carried out ; see vv. 29, 
_ 80, 315; so that Jesus is always jirst characterized, and then John. We 
must not therefore take ver. 27 as referring to both.1—ovt δύναται) rela- 
tively, ὁ.6. according to divine ordination. —av6pw7 oc] quite general, aman, 
any one ; not as Hengstenberg, referring it to John, renders it: ‘‘ because 
Tam merely a man.” —iapBavercv] not arrogate to himself (ἑαυτᾷ λαμβ., 
Heb. v. 4), but simply to receive, answering to be given. —aitot ὑμεῖς] 
though you are so irritated about him. —yaprtvp.] Indic : ye are yourselves 
my witnesses, see 1. 19-28, the substance of which John sums up in the 
words οὐκ εἰμί, etc. They had themselves, appealed (ver. 26) to his 
μαρτυρία concerning Jesus, but he περιτρέπει ταύτην καθ᾽ αὐτῶν, Euthymius 
Zigabenus. —a2’’ ὅτι] Transition to dependent speech.? —éxeivov| re- 
ferring not to the appellative ὁ Χριστός, but to Jesus as the Χριστός. 

Vv. 29, 30. Symbolical setting forth of his subordinate relation to Jesus. 
The bridegroom is Jesus, John is the friend who waits upon Him ; the bride 
is the community of the Messianic kingdom ; the wedding is the setting up 
of that kingdom, now nigh at hand, as represented in the picture which the 
Baptist draws (comp. Matt. ix. 15, xxv. 1ff.). The O. T. figure of God’s 
union with His people as a marriage*® forms the basis of this comparison. 
It may reasonably be doubted whether Solomon’s Song (especially v. 1, 6) 
was in the Baptist’s thoughts when employing this illustration ;* for no 
quotation is made from that book in the N. T., and therefore any allegori- 
cal interpretation of this Song with Messianic references cannot with cer- 
tainty be presupposed inthe N. T. Comp. Luke xiii. 31, note.—He to whom 
the bride (the bride-elect of the marriage feast) belongs is the bridegroom,— 
therefore it is not l.— The friend of the bridegroom (κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν : the appoint- 
ed friend, who serves at the wedding) is the παρανύμφιος, Who is also, Sanhedr. 
f. 27, 2, called IWS, but usually [AWW.°—6 ἑστηκὼς kK. ἀκούων αὐτοῦ] 
who standeth (tanquam apparitor, Bengel) and attentively heareth him, 1.6. 
in order to do his bidding.® Contrary to the construction («ai), and far-fetch- 
ed, is the rendering of B. Crusius : who is waiting for him (ἑστηκ.), and when 
he hears him, viz. the voice of the approaching bridegroom. (?)” Tholuck 
also, following Chrysostom, adds to the text in rendering : ‘‘ who standeth, 


1 Kuinoel, Tholuck, Lange, Briickner, fest, and now so near to the Baptist, that 


Ewald, Luthardt, who, in keeping with his 
view of ver. 26, takes ver. 27 to mean: 
“The work of both of us is divinely 
ordained, and therefore I, for my own part, 
am justified in continuing my work after 
the appearance of Jesus, so long at least as 
the self-witness of Jesus is not believed.” 

2 Winer, p. 539 [E. T. p. 577 f.]. 

3Isa. liv. 5; Hos. ii. 18,19; Eph. v. 32; 
Rev. xix. 7, xxi. 2, 9. 

4 Bengel, Luthardt, Hengstenberg. 

5 Lightfoot, p. 980; Buxtorf, Lex. Talm. s. 
».; Schoettgen, p. 335 ff.; and see on 2 Cor. 
Pd 

®6The working of Jesus was so mani- 


this feature of the comparison is fully ex- 
plained by it. Neither in this place nor 
elsewhere is there any answer to the ques- 
tion, whether and what personal inter- 
course the Baptist had already had with 
Him (Hengstenberg thinks ‘‘ through inter- 
mediate persons, especially through the 
Apostle John’’). In particular, the assump- 
tion that the interview with Nicodemus be- 
came known to the Baptist (through the 
disciples of Jesus who had previously been 
the Baptist’s disciples) is quite unnecessary 
for the understanding of the words which 
here follow (against Godet). 


140 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
having finished his work as forerunner.” The Baptist had still to continue, 
and still continued working. The éoryx. must be regarded as taking place 
at the marriage feast, not previously during the bridal procession (Ewald; 
who refers to the frequent stoppages which took place in it); but it does 
not mean standing at the door of the wedding chamber, nor ax. αὐτοῦ the audi- 
ble pleasure of the newly married pair. An indelicate sensualizing (still 
found in Kuinoel) unwarranted by the text.—yapa@ χαίρει] he rejoiceth 
greatly.’ Comp. 1 Thess. iii. 9, where, in like manner, διά stands instead 
of the classical ἐπί, ἐν, or the dative. —did τὴν φωνὴν τοῦ νυμφ.] Not 
to be understood of his loud caresses and protestations of love,? nor of 
the command of the bridegroom to take away the cloth with the signum 
virginitatis (thus debasing the beautiful figure),* nor of the conversing 
of the bridegroom with the bride*—all unwarranted by the general 
φωνῆν, Which refers merely to the conversation and joy of the bridegroom amid 
the marriage mirth.® The explanation, also, which makes it the voice of 
the approaching bridegroom who calls the bride to fetch her home, would 
need to be more precisely indicated,* and is not in keeping with ὁ ἑστηκώς; ἢ 
the ministry of Jesus, moreover, was already more than a call to that bring- 
ing home, which might have symbolized His jist appearing. Comp. Matt. 
ix. 15. — Note, finally, how the ardent expression of joy stands contrasted 
with the envious feelings of John’s disciples. —aity οὖν ἡ χαρὰ, x.7.A.] 
οὖν infers the αὐτὴ from the application of the figure : this joy, therefore, 
which is mine, viz. at the bridegroom’s νοΐοθ. --- πεπλήρωται] has been 
JSulfilled completely, so that nothing more is wanting to it. The Baptist, 
with prophetic anticipation, sees, in the successful activity of Jesus, and in 
the flocking of the people to Him, the already rising dawn of the Messiah’s 
kingdom (the beginning of the marriage). On πεπλήρ. comp. xv. 11, xvi. 
24, xvii. 13 ; 1 John i. 4. — δεῖ] as in ver. 14. This noble self-renunciation 
was based upon his clear assurance of the divine purpose. —avEdvecrv] in 
influence and efficiency. —éiatrotc@ac| the counterpart of increase : to 
become less.® 

Vv. 31, 32, down to ver. 35, is not the comment of the evangelist.° Ver. 
32, comp. with vv. 29, 30, seems to sanction the notion that it is ; but as no 
intimation to this effect is given in the text, and as the thread of discourse 
proceeds uninterruptedly, and nothing in the subject-matter is opposed to 
it, we may regard it as the continued discourse of the Baptist, though elabo- 
rated in its whole style and colouring by John,—not, however, to such an 





1 See Lobeck, Paralip. Ὁ. 524; Winer, p. 
424 [B. T. p. 466]. 

2 Grotius, Olshausen, Lange. 

3 Michaelis, Paulus. 

4 Tholuck and older expositors. 

5 Comp. Jer. Vii. 84, xvi. 9, xxv. 10. 

6 Against B. Crusius and Luthardt. 

7 For the παρανύμφιος does not stand there 
waiting for the bridegroom, but accom- 
panies him on his way to the bride’s house. 
The standing and waiting pertain to the 


female attendants on the bride, Matt. xxv. 
1 ff. 

8 Jer. xxx. 16; Symm.; 2 Sam. iii. 1; 
Ecclus. xxxv. 23, al. ; Thue. ii. 62.4; Theo- 
phr. H. pl. vi. 8.5; Josephus, Anté. vii. 1. 5. 
Comp. Plat. Zeg. iii. p. 681 A: αὐξανομένων 
ἐκ TOV ἐλαττόνων. Ξ 

9.50. Wetstein, Bengel, Kuinoel, Paulus, 
Olshausen, Tholuck, Klee, Maier, Baum- 
lein. 


GHAR TLE. τ ΟΝ ΘΝ 141 


extent that the evangelist’s record passes almost entirely into a comment of 
his own.’ We perceive how the Baptist, as with the mind of Jesus Himself, 
unveils before his disciples, in whose narrower circle he speaks, with the 
growing inspiration of the last prophet, the full majesty of Jesus ; and with 
this, as his swanlike song, completes his testimony before he vanishes from the 
history.” Even the subsequent momentary perplexity (Matt. xi.) is psycho- 
logically not irreconcilable with this (see on i. 29), simply because John was 
ἐκ τῆς γῆς. But the Baptist, notwithstanding his witness concerning Jesus, 
has not gone over to Him, because the calling of forerunner had been once 
divinely committed to him, and he felt that he must continue to fulfil it so 
long as the Messianic kingdom was not yet established. These remarks tell, 
at the same time, against the proof drawn from this passage that the entire 
scene is unhistorical (Strauss, Weisse, Reuss, Scholten, following Bretschnei- 
der).— 6 ἄνωθεν ἐρχόμ.) He who cometh from above, i.e. Christ (comp. 
ver. 13, vili. 23), whose coming, 7.e. whose coming forth from the divine 
glory in human form as Messiah, is here regarded as still in the process of 
manifestation (cf. viii. 14), and hence as a present phenomenon, and not 
ended until it has been consummated in the establishment of the kingdom. 
--κάντων] Mase. John means the category as a whole to which Jesus be- 
longed—all interpreters of God, as is clear from what follows, vv. 31, 32. — 
ὁ ὧν ἐκ τῆς γῆ] 1.6. the Baptist, who, as an ordinary man, springs from 
earth, not heaven.—é« τῆς γῆς ἐστι] as predicate denotes the nature 
conditioned by such an origin. He is of no other kind or nature than that 
of one who springs from earth ; though withal his divine mission (i. 6), in 
common with all prophets, and specially his divinely conferred baptismal 
vocation (Matt. xxi. 25, 26), remain intact.—kal.éx τ. γῆς λαλεῖ and 
he speaketh from the earth. His speech has not heaven as its point of departure, 
like that of the Messiah, who declares what He has seen in heaven (see ver. 
32); butit proceeds from the earth, so that he utters what has come to his 
knowledge upon earth, and therefore under the limitation of earthly con- 
ditions,—a limitation, however, which as little excluded the reception of a 
revelation (i. 88 ; Luke iii. 2), as it did in the case of the saints of the O.T., 
who likewise were of earthly origin, nature, and speech, and afterwards e.g. 
in that of the Apostle Paul.* The contents of the discourse need not there- 
fore relate merely to τὰ ἐπίγεια (iil. 12), as Weisse thinks, but may also have 
reference to ἐπουράνια, the knowledge and promulgation of which, however, 
do not get beyond the ἐκ μέρους (1 Cor. xiii. 9 ff.). The expression ἐκ τῆς γῆς 
λαλ. must not be confounded with ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου λαλεῖν, 1 John iv. 5. —6 ἐκ 
τοῦ ovp. éEpy., κιτ.}.} A solemn repetition of the first clause, linking on 
what follows, viz. the antithesis still to be brought out, of the ἐκ τῆς γῆς 
λαλεῖ. ---ὃ ἑώρακε, καὶ ἤκουσε) te. during His pre-existence with God, 


1 Liicke, de Wette, Comp. also Ewald. tive character of this self-assertion. Euthy- 
2 It is self-evident, that all that is said in mius Zigabenus : πρὸς σύγκρισιν τῶν ὑπερφνῶν 
ver. 31f. was intended to incite the dis- λόγων τοῦ Χριστοῦ. Hofmann, Schriftbew. I. 
ciples of John to believe in Jesus, and to 1, p. 14, misapprehends this, supposing that 
frighten them from unbelief. this ver. 31 has no reference to the Baptist, 
3 The Fathers rightly perceived the rela- 


142 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

i. 15, 18, 111. 11. From it He possesses immediate knowledge of divine truth,! 
whose witness (μαρτυρεῖ) He accordingly is. Note the interchange of tenses.” 
- τοῦτο] this and nothing else. — x. +. μαρτ. αὐτοῦ οὐδεὶς Aap P.] 
tragically related to what precedes, and introduced all the more strikingly 
by the bare καί. Comp. i. 10, iii. 11. The expression οὐδεὶς Aap. is 
the hyperbole of deep sorrow on account of the small number of those—small 
in comparison of the vast multitude of unbelievers—who receive His witness, 
and whose fellowship thus constitutes the bride of the marriage. John 
himself limits the οὐδείς by the following ὁ λαβὼν, κιτ.Δ. Comp. 1. 10, 11, 
12. The concourse of hearers who came to Jesus (ver. 26), and the Baptist’s 
joy on account of his progress (vv. 29, 30), could not dim his deep insight 
into the world’s unbelief. Hence his joy (ver. 29) and grief (ver. 32), both 
forming a noble contrast to the jealousy of his disciples (ver. 26). 

Ver. 33. Αὐτοῦ] placed before for emphasis : His witness, correlative 
with the following ὁ θεός. ---ἐσφράγισεν]) has, by this receiving, sealed, 1.6. 
confirmed, ratified as an act. For this figurative usage, see vi. 27 ; Rom. 
iv. 11, xv. 28 ; 1 Cor. ix. 2; 2Cor.i. 22; Eph. 1. 18." ---ὄὃτι ὁ θεὸς ἀληθ. 
ἐστιν] In the reception of the witness of Jesus there is manifested on man’s 
part the practical ratification of the truthfulness of God, the human “yea 
eerily” in answer to the proposition ‘‘ God is true,” because Jesus (sce ver. 
34) is the ambassador and interpreter of God. The non- -reception of that 
witness, whereby it is declared untrue, would be a rejection of the divine 
truthfulness, the ‘‘nay’” to that proposition. Comp. 1 John v. 10. Refer- 
ence to O. T. promises (Luthardt) is remote from the context. 

Ver. 34. The first yap serves to state the reason for the ἐσφράγισεν, ὅτι, etc. ; 
the second, for the τὰ ῥήματα τ. θεοῦ λαλεῖ, so far, that is, as it would be 
doubtful, if God gave the Spirit ἐκ μέτρου, whether what God’s ambassador 
spoke was a divine revelation or not ; it might in this case be wholly or in 
part the word of man.—év yap ἀπέστ. ὁ θεός] not a general statement 
merely, appropriate to every prophet, but, following ver. 31, to be taken as 
more precisely defining a heavenly (ἄνωθεν, ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ) mission, and referring 
strictly to Jesus. This the context demands. But the following ov yap 
ἐκ μέτρου, «.t.2., must be taken as a general statement, because there is no 
Commentators would quite arbitrarily supply αὐτῷ," so as to render it, 
not by measure or limitation, but without measwre and in complete fulness, 
God gives the Holy Spirit to Christ. This supplement, unsuitable in itself, 
should have been excluded by the present δίδωσιν, because we must regard 
Christ as possessing the Spirit long before. The meaning of this general state- 
ment is rather : ‘‘ He does not give the Spirit according to measure” (as if it 
consequently were out of His power, or He were unwilling to give the Spirit 
beyond a certain quantitative degree, determined by a definite measure) ; 


ne 
αὐτῷ. 


1 Decisive against Beyschlag, p. 96, who Comp. also Heb. xii. 25, 


understands the words only of a prophetic 
sight and hearing through the Spirit, is the 
antithesis with the Baptist (who was yet 
himself a prophet), running through the 
whole context, as also the ἐπάνω πάντων 
ἐστίν, which ranks Jesus above the prophets. 


2 Kihner, II. p. 75. 

3 Jacobs, ad Anthol. ix. pp. 22, 144, 172. 

4The subterfuge of Hengstenberg is no 
better: ‘we must supply, in the case before 
us.’ See also Lange. 


CHAP, III., 35, 36; 143 
He proceeds herein independently of any μέ τ pov, confined and limited by no 
restricting standard. The way in which this is to be applied to Jesus thus 
becomes plain, viz. that God must have endowed Him’ when He sent Him 
from heaven (ver. 81), in keeping with His nature and destination, with the 
richest spiritual gifts, namely, with the entire fulness of the Spirit (πᾶν τὸ 
πλήρωμα, Col. i. 19), more richly, therefore, than prophets or any others ;— 
which He could not have done had He been fettered by a measure in the 
giving of the Spirit. °— ἐκ μέτροῦ] ἐκ used of the rule.* Finally, the οὐ 
yap ἐκ μέτρου must not be regarded as presenting a different view from ver. 
32 (comp. Weiss, p. 269) ; for the Spirit was in Christ the principle where- 
by He communicated (the λαλεῖν) to men that which He had beheld with 
God. See on vi. 63, 64; Actsi. 2. 

Ver. 35. A further description of the dignity of Christ. The Father hath 
given wnlimited power to His beloved Son. —aya7 .] the ground of the dédox. 
-- πάντα] neut. and without limitation. Falsely Kuinoel : omnes doctrinae 
suae partes (comp. Grotius: ‘‘omnia mysteria regni”)! Nothing is ex- 
empted from the Messianic ἐξουσία by virtue of which Christ is κεφαλὴ ὑπὲρ 
πάντα, Eph. i. 22, and πάντων κύριος, Acts x. 36; comp. xiii. 3, xvii. 2; 
Matt. xi. 27; 1 Cor. xv. 27; Heb. 11. 8. —év τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ] Result of 
the direction of the gift, a well-known constructio praegnans.* 

Ver. 36. All the more weighty in their results are faith in the Son and un- 
belief !_ Genuine prophetic conclusion to life or death. —é yer ζ. ai.] “he 
has eternal life,” i.e. the Messianic ζωή, which, in its temporal development, 
is already a present possession of the believer ; see on vv. 15, 16. At the 
Second Advent it will be completed and glorified ; and therefore the anti- 
thesis οὐκ ὄψεται ζωῇῆν, referring to the future αἰών, is justified, because 
it presupposes the οὐκ ἔχει ζ. --- ἀπειθῶν] not: ‘he who does not believe on 
the Son” (Luther and the Fathers), but : ‘‘he who is disobedient to the 
Son ;” yet, according to the context, so far as the Son requires faith.® Con- 
trasted with this is the ὑπακοὴ πίστεως, Rom. i. 5. — ἡ opy 7] not punishment, 
but wrath, as the necessary emotion of holiness ; see on Rom. i. 18 ; Eph. 
ii. 8; Matt. iii. 7.—évec] because unreconciled inasmuch as the faith 
which appropriates reconciliation (iii. 16), is rejected, comp. ix. 41. This 
μένει (the term is not ἔρχεται) implies that the person who rejects faith is still 


lov yap μέτρα λόγοιο [or rather πνεύματος] 
φέρει Aoyos.—Nonnus, 

2 Hitzig, in Hilgenfeld’s Zettschr. 1859, Ὁ. 
152 Τῆς. taking the first half of the verse asa 
general statement, applicable to every 
prophet, would read the relative οὗ instead 
of ov, ‘‘ according to the measure, that is, in 
which He gives the Spirit.” Considering the 
γάρ, this rendering is impossible.-—Ewald 
and Briickner come nearest to our inter- 
pretation. B. Crusius and Ebrard (on Ols- 
hausen) erroneously make ὃν ἀπέστ. «.T.A, 
the subject of δίδωσιν (ὃ θεός is spurious, 
see the critical notes; but this yields a 
thought neither true in itself, nor in keep- 


ing with the context. Godet puts an anti- 
thetical but purely imported emphasis upon 
δίδωσιν : to other messengers of God the 
Spirit is not given, but only lent by a “‘ visite 
momentanée ;” but when God gives the 
Spirit, He does so without measure, and 
this took place on the first occasion at the 
baptism of Jesus. This is exegetical poet- 
izing. 

3 See Bernhardy, p. 230; comp. ΟΠ 1 Cor. 
xii. 27. 

4 Winer, p. 385 [E. T. p. 414.] 

5 Comp. Acts xiy. 2, xix. 9; Rom. xi. 30; 
Fritzsche, ad Rom. I. p. 17. 


144 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


in a moral condition which is subject to the divine wrath,—a state of sub- 
jection to wrath, which, instead of being removed by faith, abides upon him 
through his unbelief. The wrath, therefore, is not originated by the refusal 
to believe (Ritschl, de ira Dei, pp. 18, 19 ; Godet), but already exists, and 
through that refusal remains.t | Whether or not this wrath rests upon the 
man from his birth,? this text gives no information. See on Eph. 11. 3. — 
That the Baptist could already speak after this manner, is evident from chap, 
i, 29, --- ἐπ’ αὐτόν] as ini, 32, 89. 


ΝΟΤΕΒΞ py AMERICAN EpITor. 


XVII. ‘* From water and spirit.’’ Ver. 5. 


Weiss says, ‘‘ Meyer says justly that the absence of the article from ὕδατος 
and πνεύματος indicates that they are taken generically, but overlooks the fact 
that with this every direct reference to John’s baptism, or even to Christian 
baptism, is excluded . . . The two factors are simply co-ordinated, the water 
conceived in its essence as a purifying factor (but not from the guilt of sin, as 
Meyer and others, but from sin itself), the spirit as the efficient creative prin- 
ciple of the new life (comp, the union of the two in Ezek. xxxvi. 25-27) ; and 
the thought is that without the doing away of the old sinful nature, and the 
creation of an entirely new nature from an efficient principle, the new birth 
does not exist... . It is historically inconceivable that Jesus should have 
spoken to Nicodemus of Christian baptism.” 

And yet in the widespread excitement which John’s baptism had recently 
produced and was now producing, and in the near prospect of His own about 
to be instituted baptism, it seems scarcely possible that Jesus should not 
have had them both, and Nicodemus one of them, in mind. 


XVIII. Οἴδαμεν, ““ We know.” Ver. 11. 


«To take this and the following plurals purely rhetorically as plurals of 
category, and refer them barely to Jesus Himself, is against all analogy in the 
discourses of Jesus, against the immediately following sing. (ver. 12), and finds 
support neither in the totally diverse plur. iv. 38, nor in the plur. of the Pau- 
line Epp. Of course it cannot include God or the Holy Spirit. To make it in- 
clude the disciples, or explain it from the general Christian consciousness, as 
against the Jewish consciousness, is forbidden by the language itself (espec. 6 
ἑωράκ, papt.). Jesus rather unites himself with the messengers of God, whose 
word, if it come to that test, must be accepted as credible, while in the actual 
historical situation the one properly referred to is John the Baptist, who by his 
proclamation of water baptism, and of spiritual baptism through the Messiah, 
had already, like Christ Himself (ver. 5), pointed to the necessity of a new 
birth from water and spirit’’ (Weiss). 


1 Augustine; Thomasius, Chr. Pers. u. certainly the μένει must, according to the 
Werk, I. p. 289. context, be an eternal abiding, if the ὑπακοὴ 
2 This is also against Hengstenberg. But πίστεως never occurs. 


NOTES. 145 


XIX. The Synoptic tradition. Ver. 24. 


It is by no means certain that the Synoptic tradition needs any such correc- 
tion. The conversations and events here recorded (ch. ii. 1-iii. 36) are not 
contained at all in the Synoptists, and their natural place—the only place 
allowed by Matt. and Mark—is before Matt. iv. 12, and thus is in no contradic- 
tion with the Synoptical account, It is clear, however, that the Baptist’s im- 
prisonment must have followed closely upon the events of ch. iii., in all proba- 
bility before those of iv. 1, and that hence a tradition might have arisen some- 
what antedating the imprisonment ; or that John, aware how close was the im- 
pending imprisonment upon the conversation and events here recorded, might 
deem it proper to inform his readers that that event, so close at hand, had not 
as yet taken place. That it did occur very soon after may be inferred from 
this very intimation of the Evangelist, and becomes nearly certain from John iv. 
1, 2, which records the return of Jesus to Galilee, and must be identical, it 
would seem, with that recorded, Matt. iv. 12, which follows upon Jesus’ hear- 
ing of the imprisonment of the Baptist. If the two journeys do not coincide, 
then that recorded in John must have preceded the one related by Matt., and 
the Lord must have gone into Galilee and returned before the imprisonment, 
which seems greatly to crowd events and is altogether unlikely. Every diffi- 
culty is obviated by placing the imprisonment between chs. 111. and iv. of 
our Gospel, where from the very remark of the Evangelist (ver. 24) it very prob- 
ably belongs. It is true that the Evangelist does not expressly mention it here, 
but neither does he again mention it anywhere ; and it is as easy to assume its 
occurring here as at any later period. The interval between the close of ch. 
iii. and the opening of ch. iv. is undoubtedly not long, but it is indefinite, and 
the οὖν which opens ch. iv. is too familiar and vague a connective with John to 
forbid a sufficient interval for the Baptist’s imprisonment to have occurred. 
If, then) Meyer alleges that the returns of Jesus to Galilee in John and Matthew 
are identified for harmonistic reasons, we may reply that it is as reasonable, in 
dealing with credible historians, to assume their agreement when nothing 
forbids it, as to assume their disagreement when nothing requires it. It is not 
necessary to suppose, in John iv. 1, that John was still baptizing. The ellip- 
sis may be as easily supplied by had baptized as by was baptizing. 


XX. ‘* A man can receive nothing,’ etc. Ver. 27. 


I think Meyer (followed by Weiss) is certainly wrong in referring the ‘‘man’’ 
here to Jesus. Nothing in the connection requires, or more than superficially 
suggests it. The disciples were complaining, in jealous irritation probably, of 
the altered relations between their Master and his late protégé. John does not 
need to defend, and does not defend Jesus. He only needs to defend himself, 
or rather explain his position, and show that the present state of things lay 
precisely in the line of the divine purposes, and that he had never anticipated or 
claimed a different result. ‘A man can receive nothing except it be given him 
from above’’; he cannot transcend the sphere and destiny assigned him; and you 
yourselves bear me witness that I never professed to be the Messiah, but only 
His servant and harbinger; never the Bridegroom, but only His friend and attend- 
ant. The thought is thus most natural, and the language introducing the reply 
more appropriate to what John would use of himself than of Jesus. He would 


146 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


scarcely, with this exalted personage directly in mind, have naturally designated 
Him as an ἄνθρωπος, and referred to Him in His character of limitation and 
dependence. Of himself he would be likely to say, ‘‘ A man can receive nothing 
except it have been given him from above ; he cannot transcend the divine 
limitations. Of Jesus he would have been likely to speak in a different language, 
implying that a being such as He must necessarily arise to the position required 
by His origin and nature. He who had been originally ‘‘ before him’’ must 
take His place in advance of him (must ‘‘ become before him’’). The Baptist’s 
statement therefore may, indeed (with Thol., Lange, Ewald, Luthardt, etc.) be 
a general statement, but having an indirect reference to-himself—a view not 
essentially differing from that which applies it to himself primarily and specifi- 
cally (as Liicke, Hengst., Godet, ete.); but it cannot be spoken with Jesus 
directly in mind, as the Baptist would not thus have included Him with com-’ 
monmen. He would scarcely within a few sentences have spokenof the same 
person as a ‘‘man” (ἄνθρωπος) who “ could receive nothing that was not given 
him from above,” and as ‘‘He that cometh from above” and ‘‘is above all.” 
Though the sentiment was strictly as true of Jesus as of John, yet it seems 
eminently unnatural that regarding Jesus John should precisely here and in this 
manner have uttered it. 


CHAP. Ty. 147 


CHAPTER IV. 


Ver. 3. πάλιν] wanting in A. and many other Uncials and Cursives, Syr. p. 
Pers. p. Or. Chrys. Itis found, indeed, in B. (in the margin) C. D. L. M.T™.%., 
but was probably added to denote the return. — Ver. 5. οὐ] Elz. Tisch. 6, against 
C.* D. L. M.S. Curss. Chrys., an inelegant correction. — Ver. 6. dcei] Lach. 
Tisch. read dc, for which the testimonies are decisive. — Vv. 7-10. For πιεῖν, 
Tisch. foll. B.* C.* Ὁ. δὲ, reads πεῖν, for which also ziv occurs. πεῖν is to be 
adopted on account of the preponderating testimony. — Ver, 14. The words οὐ 
᾿μὴ---δώσω αὐτῷ are wanting in C.* Curss. and some Verss. and Fathers, even 
Or. ; bracketed by Lach. The testimonies are too weak to warrant our striking 
them out, and how easily might their omission have occurred through ὁμοιοτε- 
Zetr. !—For διψήσῃ Lach. and Tisch. read διψήσει, following preponderating 
evidence. But the Future seems to be connected with an early omission of u7 
(which we still find in D.). — Ver. 15. ép yaar] the Indicative ἔρχομαι or διέρχο- 
pat (so Tisch.) is bad Gk., and has witnesses enough against it (A. C.D. U. V. A. ; 
even &.*, which has διέρχωμαι) to be regarded as a transcriber’s error; comp. 
xvii. 3. — Ver. 16. ὁ Ἰησοῦς is wanting in B. C.* Heracl. Or. ; an addition. The 
position cov τὸν ἄνδρα (Tisch.) is too weakly attested by B. Curss. Or. (three 
times) Chrys. — Ver. 21. γύναι, πίστευσόν μοι] Lach.: γ. πίστευέ μ. ; Tisch. : 
πίστευέ μ. y. Amid manifold diversities of testimony the last must be adopted 
as the best authenticated, by B. C.* L. 8. Ver. Sahid. Heracl. Or. Ath. Cyr. 
Chrys. Hilar. — Ver. 27. For ἐθαύμαζον Elz. has ἐθαύμασαν, against decisive tes- 
timony. — Ver. 30. After ἐξῆλθον Elz. has οὖν, against decisive testimony. 
Added for the purpose of connection, instead of which dé also occurs, and C. 
D. Verss. havé καί before ἐξζλθον, and accordingly Lachm. puts this καὶ in 
brackets. — Ver. 34. ποιῶ] B. C..D. K. L. Τὸ, II. Cursives. Clem. Heracl. Or. 
Cyr. Chrys. : xo:jow ; recommended by Griesb., adopted by Lachm. ; a co-ordi- 
nation with what follows.— Ver. 35. For τετράμηνος Elz. has τετράμηνον, 
against almost all the Uncials. A clumsy emendation. Comp. Heb. xi. 23. — 
Ver. 36. Before ὁ Gepit. Elz. has καί (bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch.), 
condemned by B. C.* Ὁ. L. T®. 8. Cursives. Verss. and Fathers. Through the 
very ancient variation, which joins ἤδη either with what follows (A. C. D. Cyr.) 
or with what precedes (Or.), the insertion of καί is the result of the latter mode 
of connection. Τῇ καί were genuine, neither of the two constructions would 
have prompted its omission. — Ver. 42. After κόσμου Elz. has ὁ Χριστός, which 
Lachm. Tisch., following important witnesses, have deleted as an exegetical 
addition. — Ver. 43. καί ἀπῆλθεν] wanting in B. C. Ὁ. ΤΡ, 8. Cursives, Codd. It. 
Copt. Or. Cyr. Bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. ; supplementing addi- 
tion after ver. 3, not in keeping with John’s mode of expression. — Ver. 45. 
Instead of ἅ we must adopt ὅσα, with Lachm. Tisch., following A. B. C. L. 
Cursives, Or. Cyr. Chrys. As the conception expressed by ὅσα is already in 
πάντα, ἅ would seem more appropriate, which therefore we find in vv. 29, 39, 
in Codd. — Ver. 46. After οὖν Elz. has ὁ ᾿Ιησοῦς, which is altogether wanting in 


148 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

important witnesses, and in others stands after πάλιν (so Scholz). A common 
addition. — Ver. 47. αὐτόν after 7p. is wanting in B. C. D. L. T°. 8. Cursives, 
Verss. Or. Aug. Bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. Supplementary, — 
Ver. 50. 6] Lachm. Tisch., following A. Β. C. L. &**, read ὃν. An unskilful 
emendation. — Ver. 51. ἀπήντησαν] B. C. D. K. L. δὰ. Cursives: ὑπήντησαν. 
So Lachm. and Tisch. ; rightly, for John elsewhere always has ὑπαντ. (xi. 20, 
30, xil. 18). — ὁ παῖς σου] Lachm. Tisch.: ὁ 7. αὐτοῦ, upon such weighty evi- 
dence that the received reading must be regarded as a mechanical alteration in 
imitation of ver. 50.— Ver. 52. Instead of χθές, we must, with Lachm, and 
Tisch., following the majority of Codd., adopt ἐχθές. 


Vv. 1-8. Ὡς οὖν ἔγνω, k.7.2.] οὖν, igitur, namely, in consequence of the 
concourse of people who flocked to Him, and which had been previously 
mentioned. Considering this concourse, He could not failto come to know 
(ἔγνω, not supernatural knowledge, but comp. ver. 53, v. 6, xi. 57, xii. 9) 
that it had reached the ears of the Pharisees, how He, etc. This prompted 
Him, however, to withdraw to Galilee, where their hostility would not be so 
directly aroused and cherished as in Judea, the headquarters of the hierarchy. 
To surrender Himself to them before the time, before His hour arrived, and 
the vocation of which He was conscious had been fulfilled, was opposed to 
His consciousness of the divine arrangements, and the object of His mission. 
He contented himself, therefore, for the present with the interest which He had 
already excited in Judea on behalf of His work, and withdrew, for the time 
being, to His own less esteemed country.’ As to the date of this return, 
see ver. 35 ; it is an arbitrary invention to say,? that upon leaving Judea He 
gave up baptizing because John’s imprisonment (?) brought a ban of unclean- 
ness upon Israel (515 sq.). The performance of baptism must be supposed 
as taking place subsequent to this, when conversions are spoken of (e.g. ver. 
53), comp. iii. 5; and Matt. xxviii. 19 does not contain a wholly new 
command to baptize, but its completion and extension to all times and 
nations. —oi Φαρισ.] It is only this party, the most powerful and most 
dangerous of the Jewish sects, that is still named by John, the evangelist 
who had become furthest removed from Judaism. — ὅτε ᾿Τησοῦς, κ.τ.}.} ἃ 


1 According to Hofmann, Schriftbew. 11. 
1, p. 168 f., whom Lichtenstein follows, 
Jesus withdrew, because He was apprehen- 
sive lest what had come to the Pharisees’ 
ears should be made use of by them to 
throw suspicion on the Baptist. But this is 
all the less credible, when we remember 
that Jesus certainly, as well as John himself 
(iii. 30), knew it to be a divine necessity that 
He should increase and the Baptist decrease, 
and therefore would hardly determine his 
movements by considerations of the kind 
supposed. He could more effectually have 
met any such suspicions, by testifying on be- 
half of the noble Baptist in the neighbour- 
hood where he was, than by withdrawing 
from the scene. No; Jesus went out of the 

vay ct the danger that threatened Himself, 


and to which He knew it was not yet time 
for Him to expose Himself ; comp. vii. 1, x. 
40, xi. 54. Nonnus: φεύγων λύσσαν ἄπιστον 
Still, however, we 
must not, with Hengstenberg and most 
others, suppose that this retirement to 
Galilee arose from the fact that John had 
already fallen a prey to Pharisaic persecution, 
and that Jesus had all the more reason to 
apprehend this persecution. There is no 
hint whatever of the supposed fact that the 
Pharisees had delivered John over to Herod. 
This explanation is based merely upon an 
attempt at harmonizing, in order to make 
this journey back to Galilee the same with 
that named in Matt.iv 12. Seeon iii. 24. 
2 Lange, Z../. II. p. 515. 


ἀκηλήτων Φαρισαίων. 


CHAP. Iv. 4,75: 149 


verbatim repetition of the report ; hence the name (1 Cor, xi. 25), and the 
present tenses. Comp. Gal. 1. 23. — ἢ Ἰωάννης] whom they had less to fear, 
on account of his legal standpoint, and his declarations in i. 19 ff., than 
Jesus, who with at once so reforming, wonder-working, and effective an 
agency, and so weightily attested by John, had appeared in Jerusalem.— 
Ver. 2 is not to be put in a parenthesis, for the construction is not interrupt- 
ed. [See Note XII. p. 991]. --- καίτοι ye] quanguam quidem, although.’ The 
thing is thus expressed, because ‘‘ semper is dicitur facere, cui praeministra- 
tur,” Tertullian. A pretext for this lay in the fact that John did himself 
baptize. But why did not Jesus Himself baptize? Not that He might give 
Himself only to preaching (1 Cor. i. 17) ; for that a principle underlay 
His non-baptizing is shown by John’s unconditional statement of it ;* 
nor again, because He would then have necessarily baptized unto Himself,* 
for He could have done this ; nor again for the clear maintenance of the 
truth ‘‘that He is down to the present day the universal baptizer” 
(Hengstenberg), an arbitrarily invented abstraction, and even foreign to 
the N. T. Nonnus points to the true reason: ov yap ἄναξ βάπτιζεν. ἐν ὕδατι. 
Bengel well says: ‘‘baptizare actio ministralis, Acts x. 48, 1 Cor. 1. 17 ; 
Johannes minister sua manu baptizavit, discipuli ejus ut videtur neminem, at 
Christus baptizat Spiritu sancto,” which the disciples had not power to do until 
afterwards (vii. 39). Comp. Ewald ὁ. For the rest, ver. 2 does not contain a 
correction of himself by the evangelist (Hengstenberg and early exposi- 
tors),—as to whom we cannot see why he should not at once have expressed 
himself correctly,—but rather a correction of the form of the rumour 
mentioned in ver. 1. Comp. 111. 26. Nonnus: ἐτήτυμος, ov πέλε φήμη. 
In this consists the historical interest of the observation,* which we are not to 
regard as an unhistorical consequence of transporting Christian baptism back 
to the time of Jesus. 

Vv. 4,5. "Edec] from the geographical position ; and hence the usual way for 
Galilean travellers lay through Samaria (Josephus, Antf. xx. 6. 1), unless 
one chose to pass through Perea to avoid the hated land, which Jesus has 
at present no occasion to do. Comp. Luke ix. 52. — εἰς πόλεν] to or towards 
ὦ city (not into, ver. 28 ff.). Comp. Matt. xxi. 1 ; see Fritzsche, ad Mare. 
p. 81.— Συχάρ] (not Σεχάρ, as Elz. has, against the best authorities) is, ac- 
cording to the usual opinion,—though, indeed, the λεγομένην, comp. xi. 54, 
pointing to an unknown place, does not tally with it,—the same town as 
that called DIY (LXX. Συχέμ, comp. Acts vii. 16; also Sima, comp. 
Josephus) in Gen. xxxiii. 18, Josh. xx. 7, Judg. ix. 7, et. al. ; after the time 
of Christ, however, called Neapolis,® and now Nablus.° Upon the remnant 
of the Samaritans still in this town, see Rogers on the Modern Samaritans, 
London 1855 ; Barges, les Samaritains de Naplouse, Paris 1855, The name 


1 See Baeumlein, Partik. Ὁ. 245 ff.; Klotz, 4 Against Baur and Hilgenfeld. 
ad Devar. Ὁ. 654 f. 5 Joseph. Bell. iv. 8. 1. 

2 Against Thomas, Lyra, Maldonatus, and ὃ See Crome, Beschreib. von Pal. I. Ὁ. 102 
most. ff.; Robinson, III. 386; Rosen, in the 


3 So already Tertullian de bapt. 11. Zei'schr. d. morgen. Geselisch. 1860, p. 634 ff. 


/ 


150 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Συχάρ᾽' (which Credner arbitrarily refers to a mere error in transcription) 
would be thus a corruption of the old name, perhaps intentional, though it 
had come into ordinary use, and signifying drunken town (according to Isa. 
XXviii. 1), or town of lies, or heathen town, after Hab. iii. 18 (PY). Reland 
takes the former view, Lightfoot and Hengstenberg the latter, Hengsten- 
berg supposing that John himself made the alteration in order to describe 
the lying character of the Samaritans—quite against the simplicity of the 
narrative in general, and the express λεγομένην in particular, This Aeyou., 
and the difference in the name, as well as the following πλησίον, etc., and 
ver. 7, suggest the opinion that Sychar was a distinct town in the neighbour- 
hood of Sychem.* The name may still be discovered in the modern al Askar, 
east of Nablus. Schenkel still sees also here an error of a Gentile-Christian 
author. — The χωρίον belonged to Sychem (Gen. xxxili. 19, xlviii. 22, LXX. 
Josh. xxiv. 32),* but must have lain in the direction of Sychar. — πλησίον] 
the town lay in the neighbourhood of the field, etc. Here only in the N. T., 
very often in the classics, a simple adverb. 

Ver. 6. Πηγῇ τοῦ ᾽Τακώβ] a spring-well (ver. 11), the making of which tra- 
dition ascribed to Jacob. It is still in existence, and regarded with rever- 
ence, though there is no spring-water in it. The ancient sacredness of the 
spot made it the more worthy of being specially noted by John. —obrwc] 
thus, without further ado, just as He was, without any ceremony or prepara- 
tion, ‘‘ut locus se obtulerat,” Grotius ; ἁπλῶς ὡς ἔτυχε, Chrysostom.® The 
rendering ‘‘ tired as He was” (Erasmus, Beza, Winer, Hengstenberg), so that 
the preceding participle is repeated in meaning,® would require the οὕτως to 
be placed before, as in Acts xxvii. 17, xx. 11. — ἐπὶ τῇ πηγῇ] at the well, de- 
noting immediate proximity to it, ver. 2 ; Mark xiii. 29 ; Ex. 11. 15.7 — dpa 
. . . ἕκτη] noon, mid-day ; δίχιος ὥρη, Nonnus. Here again we have not the 
Roman reckoning (see oni. 40), though the evening * was the more usual time 
for drawing water. Still we must not suppose that the unwonted time was 
intended to indicate to Jesus ‘‘ that the woman was given Him of the Father” 
(Luthardt, p. 80). Jesus knew this, independently of the hour. But John 
could never forget the hour, so important in its issues, of this first preaching 
to the Samaritan woman, and therefore names it. Comp. i. 40. 

Vv. 7-9. Τυνὴ ἐκ τ. Σαμαρ.} to be taken as one designation, a Samaritan- 


woman. John gives prominence to the country to which she belonged, to 


1 Concerning the Talmudic name 45)D, 
see Wieseler, Synopse, p. 256 ff. 

2 Hug, Luthardt, Lichtenstein, Ewald, 
Briickner, Baeumlein. See especially De- 
litzsch, in Guericke’s Luth. Zeitschr. 1856, p. 
244 ff.; Ewald, Jahrb. VILL. 255 ff., and in his 
Johann Schr. 1. 181. 

3 The LXX. in Gen. xlviii. 22 render DIW 


by Ξίκιμα, the error being that they took the 
Tiebrew word directly as a name, whereas 
it is only an allusion to the town Sichem. 

4 See Robinson, III. p. 330; Ritter, XVI. 
634, 

5 See Ast,’ Lew. Plat. II. p. 495; Nagels- 


bach, 2. Ilias, Ὁ. 63, ed. 3. 

ὃ See Bornemann in Rosenmiiller’s Rep. 11. 
p. 246 ff., Ast, Zc. , Stallbaum, ad Plat. Pro- 
tag. p. 8146. 

7™See Bernhardy, p. 249; Reisig, σα Oed. 
Col. 281; Ellendt, Zea. Soph. 1. 541. 

8 If it had been six o’clock in the evening 
(as also Isenberg in the Luther. Zeitschr. 
1868, p. 454 ff. maintains, for the sake of xix. 
14), how much too short would the remain- 
der of the day be for all that follows down 
to ver. 40! Wemust allow a much longer 
time, in particular, for vv. 28-30, and yet 
ver. 35 still presupposes bright daylight. 


CHAP. Iv., 10. 151 
prepare the way for the characteristic features of the following interview. 
Τὸ is not the town two miles distant (Sebaste) that is meant, but the country. 
- ἀντλῆσαι ὕδωρ] The modern Nablus lies half an hour distant from the 
southern well, and has many wells of its own close by.’ It is therefore 
probable that Sychar, out of which the woman came,’ was a separate town.* 
It is in itself an arbitrary supposition to imagine, with Hengstenberg, that this 
‘‘Give me to drink” has underlying it ‘‘a spiritual sense” (‘‘ Give me 
the spiritual refreshment of thy conversion),” and is opposed to ver. 8, 
which by no means assigns the reason why Jesus entered into conversation 
with the woman ; for He might have done this in the apostles’ presence, 
though, according to Hengstenberg, He must have sent them away (all ex- 
cepting John),* on purpose to have an undisturbed interview with the 
woman. All this is mere imagination. — Ver. 8. γάρ] The reason why He 
asked the services of the woman, the disciples, whose services He would 
otherwise have claimed, were absent. —iva τροφὰς ayop.| According to later 
tradition (‘‘ Samaritanis panem comedere aut vinum bibere prohibitum est,” 
Raschi, ad Sota, 515), this would not have been allowed. But the separa- 
tion could not have been so distinctly marked at that time, especially as to 
commercial dealings and intercourse with the Galileans, since their road lay 
through Samaria. Jesus, moreover, was raised above these hostile divisions 
which existed among the people (Luke ix. 52).— Ver. 9. The woman 
recognized that Jesus was a Jew by His language, and not by His accent 
merely. — πῶς] qui jit ut. The words of the woman indicate the pert femi- 
nine caprice of national feeling. There is no ground for supposing (Hengst.) 
that the woman had at this stage any presentiment that He who addressed 
her was other than an ordinary Jew. — oi yap, «.7.A.] not a parenthesis, but 
the words of the evangelist. — Jews with Samaritans, without the article. 
Ver. 10. Jesus certainly recognized at once the susceptibility of the woman ; 
allowing, therefore, His own need to stand in abeyance, He began the con- 
versation, which was sufficiently striking to excite at once the full interest 
of her sanguine temperament, though at the outset this interest was noth- 
ing but feminine curiosity. — τὴν dup. τ. θεοῦ) the gift of God, which you 
may now partake of by conversation with me. Not certainly the person of 
Jesus Himself (the Greek Fathers, Erasmus, Beza, and others, also Hengst. 
and Godet), to which he refers only as the discourse advances with the καί 
of closer definition. — σὺ ἂν ἤτησας] thou wouldest have prayed Him (i.e. to 
give thee to drink), and He would have, etc. Observe the emphatic σύ (the 
request would have come from thee). —idwp ζῶν] The woman takes this to 
mean spring-water, DM Ὁ, Gen. xxvi. 19, Lev. xiv. 5, Jer. 11. 13, as op- 


1 See Robinson, III. 333. 

2 That, considering the sacred character 
of the water, she did not hesitate about the 
distance of the well from Sychem (Heng- 
stenberg), is without any hint in the text. 

3 As to the forms πεῖν and πῖν (so Jacobs, 
Dei. epigr. vi. 78), see Herm. Herodian. ὃ 47 ; 
Buttmann, WV. 7. Ga. p. 58 [E. T. p. 66], who 
prefers mv, though this is regarded by 


Fritzsche (de conform. Lachm. p. 27) as the 
mistake of a copyist. As to the phrase 
δίδωμι πιεῖν, without any object expressed, 
see Kriiger, § 55. 3. 21. 

4 Who must, according to Godet also, have 
remained with Him. A gratuitous addi- 
tion, made for the purpose of securing a 
guarantee for the accuracy of the narrative. 


162 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

posed to water in a cistern. Comp. vivi fontes and the like among the Ro- 
mans ; see Wetstein. Christ does indeed mean spring-water, but, as in vii. 
38, in a spiritual sense (comp. ver. 14), namely, God’s grace and truth (1. 14), 
which He, who is the possessor of them, communicates by His word out of 
His fulness, and which in its living, regenerating, and, for the satisfying 
of spiritual need, ever freshly efficacious power, is typified by water from 
the spring.'| He does not mean Himself, His own life (Olshausen, Godet, 
following Epiphanius and most others), in the same manner as He speaks of 
Himself as the bread of life, vi. 35, for this is not indicated in any part of 
the present colloquy ; nor does He mean faith (iii. 15), as Liicke thinks, 
nor the Spirit,? the gift of which follows the communication of the living 
water. Any reference to baptism ® is quite remote from the text. Calvin is 
substantially right when he sees typified totam renovationis gratiam. 

Vv. 11, 12. ‘‘ Thou canst not mean the spring-water here in this well ; thou 
couldest not give this to me, for thou hast no bucket,* which is needed on 
account of the depth of the well ; whence hast thou, therefore, the spring-water 
thou speakest of ?” --- κύριε] The τίς ἐστιν ὁ λέγων σοι, etc., ver. 10, has given the 
woman a momentary feeling of respect, not unmixed with irony. — οὔτε fol- 
lowed by καί is rare, 3 John 10.° — μὴ ov μείζων, «.7.2.] Notice the emphatic 
of coming first : ‘‘thow surely art not greater,” etc.; ‘‘thow dost not look 
like that !” Comp. viii. 58. — μείζων] ὁ.6. more able, in a position to give 
what is better. By him was the well given us, and for him it was geod 
enough for him and his to drink from ; yet thou speakest as if thou hadst 
another and a better spring of water! The woman dwells upon the enig- 
reatical word of Christ at first, just as Nicodemus did, iii. 4, but with more 
cleverness and vivacity, at the same time more boldly, and with feminine 
loquacity. — τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν] for the Samaritans traced their descent back 
to Joseph. They certainly were not of purely heathen origin (Hengsten- 
berg).7 — ὃς ἔδωκεν, «.7.2.] a Samaritan tradition, not derived from the O. T. 
The 
θρέμματα are the cattle,* not servants (Majus, Kypke),° whom there was no 
need specially to name ; the mention of the herds completes the picture of 
their nomadic progenitor. — τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ ζῶν] which thou hast to give ; ver. 
10. 


— ai αὐτὸς, K.7.4.] καί issimply and, neither for καὶ ὅς, nor, and indeed. 


1Comp. analogous passages, Ecclus. xv. 
8, xxiv. 21; Baruch iii. 12; Buxtorf, Lex. 
Talm. Ὁ. 2298. 

2Calovius, Baumgarten Crusius, Lu- 
thardt, Hofmann. 

3 Justin, Cyprian, 
others. 

4 ἄντλημα, elsewhere the drawing of water, 
15 used in the sense of haustrwm. Nonnus ex- 
plains it κάδον ἐλκυστῆρα (a bucket to draw 
water).—The woman had with her a ὑδρία, 
ver. 28 (comp. ii. 6), but she must also have 
had an ἄντλημα, provided witha long handle 
or rope to draw the water wp, or at least 
some contrivance for letting down the ὑδρία 
itself. 


Ambrose, and most 


5 See Winer, p. 460 [E. T. p. 494] ; Baeum- 
lein, Partik. Ὁ. 222; Klotz, ad Devar. 714. 

ὁ Josephus, Antt. vii. 7. 3, viii. 14. 3, xi. 8. 
6. 

7 See Keil on2 Kings xvii. 24; Petermann 
in Herzog’s Encykl. X11. 367. 

8 Plato, Polit. p. 261 A; Xen. Oec. xx. 23; 
Ages. ix. 6; Herodian. iii. 9. 17 ; Josephus, 
Anit. vii. 7. 3. 

9 The word, the general meaning of which 
is guicquid enutritur, is found on inscriptions 
as applied to slaves; itis used of children 
likewise in the classics (Valek. Diatr. p. 
249), asin Soph. Phil. 243; comp. Oed. Lex, 
1143. It does not occur in the LXX. or 
Apocrypha. 


CHAP. Iv., 13-16. 155 


Vv. 18, 14. Not an explanation, but (comp. iii. 5) a carrying out of the 
metaphor, to lead the woman nearer to its higher import. — τούτου] referring 
to the well. — ov μὴ διψ. εἰς τ. αἰῶνα) ‘will certainly not thirst for ever,” anti- 

thesis to fleeting bodily refreshment, ver. 138. Comp. vi. 34. That heavenly 
| grace and truth which Christ communicates, when received by faith into the inner 
life, for ever supplies what we need in order to salvation, so that the lack of 
this satisfaction is never felt, because the supply is always there. Bengel 
admirably remarks : ‘‘ Sane aqua illa, quantum in se est, perennem habet 
virtutem ; et ubi sitis recurrit, hominis non aquae defectus est.” The ex- 
pression in Ecclus. xxiv. 20 : οἱ πίνοντές με (Wisdom) ἔτι διψήσουσι, rests upon 
a different view of the continuity ‘of enjoyment, namely, that of the indi- 
vidual moments passing in the continual alternation of desire and satisfaction, 
and not of the unity which they make up, and of their condition as a whole. 
— γενήσεται ἐν αὐτῷ, k.t.A.] the positive effect following the negative (and 
hence τὸ ὕδωρ 6 δώσω αὐτῷ is emphatically repeated) : divine grace and truth 
appropriated by faith will so energetically develop their life in him in inexhaust- 
ible fulness, that its full impelling power endures unto eternal Messianic life. 
Upon his entrance into the Messiah’s kingdom (comp. iii. 8, 5), the man 
takes along with him this inner living power of divine χάρις καὶ ἀλήθεια, Vi. 
27. — ἅλλεσθαι εἰς. to spring up into, often also in the classics,’ but with ref- 
erence to water here only. A Greek would say zpopeiv εἰς ; yet the word in 
the text is stronger and more vivid. The ζωὴ αἰών. is conceived of locally, 
under the imagery of a widespreading spring ; to render εἰς ‘‘ reaching 
to everlasting life,”* arbitrarily lets go the concrete comparison, one 
of the main features in which is endless power of springing up. This 
description of the well springing up into everlasting life is the finishing touch 
of the picture. On εἰς ζ. ai., see ver. 36. 

Vy. 15, 16. The woman as yet having no apprehension of the higher 
meaning of the water spoken of (against B. Crusius, Lange), yet being in 
some degree perplexed, asks, not in irony, as Lightfoot and Tholuck think, 
but sincerely, for this wonderful water, which at any rate must be of great 
use to her.—Jesus breaks off suddenly, and commences, by a seemingly un- 
important request, ‘‘ Call thy husband,” to lay hold of the woman in her 
inner life, so that the beginnings of her faith in Him might be connected with His 
supernatural knowledge of her peculiar moral relations. This process must be 
accompanied with the awakening in her of a sense of guilt (see ver. 29), and 
thus pave the way for repentance ; and who dare deny that, besides the im- 
mediate object, this may have been included in the purpose of Jesus ? though 
He does not directly rebuke, but leaves the feeling to operate of itself 
(against Strauss and most others). —@dvyc. τ. ἄνδρα σου] We are not to ask 
here what the husband was to do (Chrysostom, Euthymius Zigabenus : ‘‘ that 
he might partake with her of the gift of salvation that was before her ;” so 
also Liicke) ; because the command was only an apparent one, not seriously 
intended, for Jesus knew the relations of the woman, and did not merely 
find His prophetic gift awakened by the answer she gave, as Liicke and 


1 Hom. 7]. a. 537; Xen. Mem. i. 8. 9. 2B. Crusius, Luthardt, Briickner, Ewald. 


154 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Godet gratuitously assume. » The τ. ἄνδρα cov was the sore spot where the 
healing was to begin. According to Lange,’ it would have been unseemly 
if Jesus, now that the woman showed a willingness to become His disciple 
(Ὁ), had continued to converse longer with her in her husband’s absence ; 
His desire, therefore, was in keeping ‘‘ with the highest and finest sense of 
social propriety.” But the husband was nothing more than a paramour / — 
ἐλθέ] in the sense of come back, as the context shows.? 

Ver, 17, 18. The woman is taken aback ; her light, naive, bantering manner 
is now completely gone, and she quickly seeks to shun the sensitive point 
with the answer, true only in words, οὐκ ἔχω ἄνδρα ; but Jesus goes deeper 
still. — καλῶς] rightly, truly ; viii. 48 ; Matt. xv.7 ; Luke xx. 39. How far 
truly, what follows shows,—namely, only relatively, and therefore the ap- 
proval is only apparent, and in some degree ironical. — ἄνδρα οὐκ ἔχω] ‘a 
husband J have not ;” as it is the conception of ἀνήρ which Jesus has to em- 
phasize, it stands first. — πέντε yap, x.7.4.] It is doubtful whether she really 
had five successive husbands, from whom she had been separated either by 
death or by divorce, or whether Jesus included paramours, using ἄνδρας in a 
varying sense according to the varying subjects ; or whether, again, He 
meant that all five were scortatores (Chrysostom, Maldonatus, and most others). 
The first supposition is to be adopted, because the present man, who is not 
her husband, stands in contrast with the former husbands. She had been 
therefore five times married (such a history had already seared her con- 
science, ver. 29 ; how, is not stated), and now she was either a widow or a 
divorced wife, and had a paramour (νόθον ἀκοίτην, Nonnus), who lived with 
her as a husband, but really was not her husband (hence the οὐκ ἔστι is em- 
phatically put first). To interpret the story of the five husbands as a whole 
as a symbolical history of the Samaritan nation,* either as a divinely intended 
coincidence (Hengst. Késtlin, comp. Baumgarten and Scholten), or as a type 
in the mind of. the evangelist (Weizsiicker, p. 387), so that the symbolic 
meaning excludes any actual fact (Keim, Gesch. J. p. 116), or again as fiction 
(B. Bauer), whose mythical basis was that history (Strauss), is totally desti- 
tute of any historical warrant. For the man whom the woman now had 
must, symbolically understood, represent Jehovah ; and He had been the 
God of the Samaritans before the introduction of false gods, and therefore 
it would have been more correct to speak of siz husbands (Heracleon actu- 
ally read é£). But how incredible that Jesus would represent Jehovah under 
the similitude of a paramour (for the woman was now living in concubinage), 
and the ‘‘ fivefold heathenism” of the nation under the type of real mar- 
riages !— For the rest, the Lord’s knowledge of the woman’s circumstances 
was immediate and supernatural. To assume that He had ascertained her 
history from others (Paulus, Ammon), is opposed to the Johannean view ; 
while the notion that the disciples introduced into the history what they 
afterwards discovered,* is psychologically groundless, if once we admit that 

if. J. ἘΠῚ p. 530f. 3 According to 2 Kings xvii. 24 ff.; Jose- 

2 See Hom. Od. a. 408, β. 30; Xen. Anab. phus, Antt. ix. 14. 8 : πέντε ἔθνη... ἕκαστον 
li, 1 ν. 1. Ὁ ῬΑ ΠΟΝ αν: 5.2 ΤΌΡΙ 1: 18: ἴδιον θεὸν εἰς Ξαμαρ. κομίσαντες. 


Heind. ad Plat. Prot. p. 310 C. Comp. xiv. 4 Schweizer, p. 139. 
18 ; Luke xix. 18. 


CHAP: νὴ} 19520) 155 
Jesus possessed a knowledge of the moral state of others (and here we have 
not merely a knowledge of outward circumstances,—against de Wettc) 
beyond that attainable by ordinary means.’ Lange invents the strange and 
unnecessary (ii. 24. f.) addition, that ‘‘ the psychical effects produced by the 
five husbands upon the woman were traceable in her manner and mien, and 
these were recognized by Jesus.” -- ἀληθές) as something true.? 

Vv. 19, 20. The woman now discerns in Jesus the man of God endowed 
with higher knowledge, a prophet,’ and puts to Him accordingly—perhaps 
also to leave no further room for the unpleasant mention of the circumstan- 
ces of her life which had been thus unveiled—the national religious question 
ever in dispute ; a question which does not, indeed, imply a presentiment 
of the superiority of the Jews’ religion (Ewald), but one, the decision of 
which might be expected from such a prophet as she now deemed Him to 
be. The great national interest in this question,* is sufficient to remove any 
apparent improbability attaching to it as coming from the lips of this morally 
frivolous woman.*® Luthardt thinks that she now wished to go in prayer 
for the forgiveness of her sins to the holy place appointed, and only desires 
to know where ; on Gerizim or in Jerusalem. . But she has not yet arrived at 
this stage ; she gives no intimation of this ; she does not call the place a 
place of expiation (this also against Lange); and Jesus, in His answer, gives 
no hint to that effect. Her seeking after religious information is still theo- 
retical merely, attaching itself to a matter of popular controversy, naive, 
without depth of personal anxiety, as also without thought of fundamental 
differences, which Hengstenberg attributes to her as a representative of the 
Samaritans, who would first remove the national stumbling-block ; see ver. 
2.0. --- θεωρῶ] περισκοπεῖται καὶ θαυμάζει, Chrysostom. — οἱ πατέρες ju.] Since 
ὑμεῖς Stands in contrast, we are not to go back to Abraham and Jacob (accord- 
ing to a tradition based upon Gen. xii. 6 ff., xiii. 4, xxxiii. 20);° we must 
simply take the reference to be tothe ancestors of the Samaritans as far back 
as the building of the temple on Mount Gerizim in the time of Nehemiah. 
—In this mountain] pointing to Gerizim, between which and Ebal the town 
of Sychem (and Sychar) lay. The temple there had already been destroyed 
by John Hyreanus ; but the site itself, which Moses had already fixed as that 
wherein the blessings of the law were to be spoken (Deut. xi. 29, xxvii. 12, 
13), was still held sacred by the people,’ especially also on account of Deut. 
xxvil. 4 (where the Samaritan text has Ὁ Δ instead of ory), and is so 
even at the present day.* Concerning the rwins on the top of the mountain, 
see especially Barges, as before, p. 107 ff. 


1 We must not therefore suppose with 
Ewald that Jesus named simply a round 
number of husbands, which in a wonderful 
manner turned out to be right. 

2 See Winer, p. 433 [E. T. p. 464]. Comp. 
Plato, Gorg. p. 493 D: τοῦτ᾽ ἀληθέστερον 
εἴρηκας ; Soph. Phil. 909; Lucian, D. 21. vi. 3; 
Timm. 20. 

3 Comp. 1 Sam. ix. 9; in Greek and Latin 
writers: Hom. Ji. i. 70; Hesiod, Thcog. 38; 
Virgil, Gccrg. iv. 892; Macrobius, Sat. i. 
20. 5. 


4 See Josephus, Anté. xiii. 3. 4. 

5 Against Strauss, B. Bauer. 

6 Chrysostom, Euthymius Zigabenus, and 
many others, also Kuinoel and Baumgarten 
Crusius. 

7 Comp. Josephus, Anét. xviii. 4.1; Bell. 
1:1. 7. 82. 

8 See Robinson, 1Π. p. 319 ff.; Ritter, 
Tirdk. XVI. p. 688 ff.; Abulfathi, Annad. 
Samar. arab. ed., ed. Vilmar, 1865, Pro- 
leg. 4. 


156 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Ver. 21. Jesus decides neither for the one place nor for the other ; nor 
does He pronounce both wrong (B. Crusius) ; but as His aim is to give her 
the living water, divine grace and truth, He rises to the higher point of view 
of the future, whence both the local centres and limitations of God’s true 
worship disappear ; and the question itself no longer arises, because with 
the triumph of His work all outward localizing of God’s worship comes to 
an end, not indeed absolutely, but as fettering the freedom of the outward 
service. — προσκυνήσ.} As spoken to the woman, this refers not to mankind 
generally (Godet), nor to the Israelites of both forms of religion (Hilgenfeld, 
comp. Hengst.), but to the future conversion of the Samaritans, who thus 
would be freed from the ritual on Mount Gerizim (which is therefore named 
Jirst), but were not to be brought to the ritual in Jerusalem, and therefore 
ἐν ‘Iepoood. has its warrant with reference to the Samaritans.’ The divine 
ordainment of the temple service was educational, Christ was its aim and 
end, its πλήρωσις ; the modern doctrine of the re-establishing of Jerusalem 
in its grandeur is a chiliastic dream (see Rom. xi. 27, note). —7r6 πατρί] 
spoken from the standing-point of the future converts, to whom God, through 
their faith in the Reconciler, would be Father : ‘‘ Tacite novi foederis sua- 
vitatem innuit,” Grotius. 

Ver. 22. Jesus has answered the question as to the where of worship ; He 
now turns, unasked, to the object of worship, and in this He pronounces in 
favour of the Jews. The chain of thought is not : ‘‘as matters now stand,” 
and so on (Liicke and most others) ; such a change of time must have been 
indicated. — ὃ οὐκ οἴδατε] ye worship what ye know not. God is meant, who 
is named not personally, but, by the neuter, according to His essence and 
character, not as He who is worshipped, but as that which is worshipped 
(comp. the neuter, Acts xvii. 23, according to the more correct reading) ; 
and this is simply God IHimself, not τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ or τὰ πρὸς τὸν θεόν (Liicke), 
which would not be in keeping with the conception expressed in προσκυνεῖν; 
for what is ‘worshipped is not what pertains to God, but God (comp. vv. 21, 
23, 24). The οὐκ οἴδατε is to be understood relatively ; comp. vil. 28. As 
the Samaritans received the Pentateuch only, they were without the devel- 
oped revelation of God contained in the subsequent books of the O. T., par- 
ticularly in the Prophets, especially the stedfast, pure, and living develop- 
ment of Messianic hope, which the Jews possessed, and had also lost, with 
the temple and its sacred shrines, the abiding presence of the Deity.? Jesus, 
therefore, might well speak of their knowledge of God, in comparison with 
that of the Jews (ἡμεῖς), who possessed the full revelation and promise, as ig- 
norance ; and He could regard this great superiority of the Jews as unaffected 
by the monotheism, however spiritual, of the Samaritans. According to 
de Wette, whom Ebrard follows, the meaning is: ‘‘ye worship, and in so 
doing, ye do what ye know not,”—which is said to refer to the arbitrary and 
unhistorical manner in which the Samaritan worship originated. According 
to this, the 6 must be taken as in ὃ δὲ viv ζῶ, Gal. ii, 20 (comp. Bengel), and 


1 Against Hilgenfeld in the Theol. Jahrb. p. 103. 
1857, p. 517; -and in his Zettsch7. 1863, 25ROM) 1.12; Lx. δ. δὲ 


CHAP. IV., 23, 24. 157 
would denote the προσκύνησις itself, which is accomplished in the προσκυνεῖν. 
But in that case it would have been more logical to write 6 ὑμεῖς προσκυνεῖτε, 
οὐκ οἴδατε. Tittmann, Morus, Kuinoel, also erroneously say that 6 stands for 
καθ᾽ 6, pro vestra ignorantia. It is the accusative of the object, in which is 
included the dative, or even the accusative of the demonstrative, for προσκύν. 
is construed in both ways.?—queic] 1.6. Jews, without a conjunction, and 
hence all the more emphatic. According to the whole connection, it must 
mean we Jews, not Christians, as if ἡμεῖς were intended in the Gnostic sense 
to denote, as something altogether new, the distinctively Christian conscious- 
ness, as contrasted with the unconscious worship of the Israelitish race 
in its Samaritan and Jewish branches.* That Jesus, being Himself a Jew 
(Gal. iv. 4 ; John i. 11), should reckon Himself among the Jews, cannot be 
thought strange in the antithesis of such a passage as this. But in what 
follows, the Lord rises so high above this antithesis between Samaritan and 
Jew, that in the future which He opens up to view (vv. 23, 24), this national 
distinctiveness ceases to have any significance. Still, in answer to the 
woman’s question, He could simply and definitely assign to the Jews that 
superiority which historically belonged to them before the manifestation of 
that higher future ; but He could not intend ‘‘to set her free from the un- 
reality of her national existence” (Luthardt), but rather, considering the oc- 
casion which presented itself, could make no concession that would preju- 
dice His Messianic patriotism, based as this was upon historical fact and 
upon the divine purpose (Rom. i. 16).— ὅτε ἡ owr., K.T.A.| because salva- 
tion (of course, not without the Saviour, though this is not named ) proceeds 
from the Jews (not from the Samaritans),—a general doctrinal statement, 
incontestably true, based upon the promise to Abraham, Gen. xii.,* concern- 
ing the salvation of the Messiah’s kingdom, whose future establishment is rep- 
resented as present, as is natural in such an axiomatic statement of historic 
fact. As salvation is of the Jews, this design of their existence in the econ- 
omy of grace constitutes the reason (ὅτι) why they, as a nation, possessed 
the true and pure revelation of God, whose highest culmination and con- 
summation is that very salvation ; comp. Rom. ix. 4,5. It must not, indeed, 
be overlooked that ἡμεῖς. . . οἴδαμεν was not true of every individual of the 
ἡμεῖς (not of those who rejected the salvation), but refers to the nation as a 
whole in its ideal existence as the people of God, whose prerogative as such 
could not be destroyed by empirical exceptions. Thus the invisible church 
is hidden in the visible. , 

Vv. 23, 24. But ® this antithesis will also disappear (comp. ver. 21) by the 
worship of the true (i.e. answering to the ideal of such, comp. i. 19) wor- 
shippers of God, whose time is coming, yea, already is present (inasmuch as 
Jesus had already gathered round Him a small band of such worshippers). 


1 See Bernhardy, p. 106. if μὲν... δέ were there), but, as is clear 


2 See Lobeck, ad Phryn. p 463. 

3 Hilgenfeld, comp. his Zeitschr. 1863, 
p. 218 ff. 

4 Comp. Isa. ii. 3; Mic. iv. 2. 

5 ἀλλά, yet, as contrasted, not with the 
ἡ σωτηρία ἐκ τ. Ιουδαίων ἐστίν (Hilgenfeld, as 


from what follows (the true προσκυνεῖν), 
with the ὑμεῖς... Baeumlein re- 
gards it as an intensified addition to ver. 21, 
‘yea, the hour is coming.” But thus ver. 22 
would be arbitrarily overleaped. 


οἴδαμεν. 


158 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

He could not add καὶ viv ἐστιν to the épy. ὥρα of ver. 21. —év πνεύματι κ. ἀληθ.] 
expresses the element wherein the worship is carried on in its two closely 
connected parts, viz. : (1) In spirit ; 1.6. the worship does not consist in out- 
ward acts, gestures, ceremonies, limitations of time and place, or in any- 
thing pertaining to the sphere of sense ; it has to do with that higher 
spiritual nature in man which is the substratum of his moral self-conscious- 
ness, and the seat of his true moral life, manifesting itself in thoughts, 
feelings, efforts of will, moods of elevation, excitements, etc.; otherwise 
the worship would belong to the sphere of the flesh merely, which 
is the opposite of true worship. Comp. Rom. i. 9: ᾧ λατρεύω ἐν TO πνεύματί 
μου. It is spirit-evident, from both the O. T. and N. T. view, that the 
πνεῦμα in which this takes place is influenced by the divine Spirit (comp. 
Rom. viii. 14-16, 26); but we must not take ἐν πνεύματι (ver. 24) to 
denote objectively the Divine Spirit (Luthardt, Briickner, Baeumlein, fol- 
lowing the early expositors). The προσκύνσιζη ἐν πνεύμ. is rational, Rom. 
xii. 1 ; it does not in itself exclude the ritus externos, but it does exclude all 
mechanical ritualism, and all opus operatum. (2) In truth, not ‘‘in sincerity, 
honesty,” which would be greatly too weak a meaning after of ἀληθινοί, but, 
so that the worship harmonizes with its object, not contradicting, but cor- 
responding with, God’s nature and attributes. Otherwise it belongs to the 
sphere of the ψεῦδος, either conscious or unconscious ; this ψεῦδος, and not 
σκιά or τύποι, is the antithesis of ἀληθεία. ---- προσκυνητής, save only in Eusta- 
thius and Hesychius, occurs only in Inseript. Chandl. p. 91. --- καὶ yap, K.7.2. ] 
Sor the Father also, ete. The καί denotes that what the προσκυνηταί do on their 
part is also what the Father Himself desires. Luther, B. Crusius, Tholuck, 
IIengstenberg, and most others, erroneously render as if it were καὶ yap 
TovobTouc ΟΥ̓ καὶ yap ζητεῖ. The emphasis given by καί in καὶ γάρ always rests 
upon the word immediately following (even in 1 Cor. xiv. 8).* It does rot 
elsewhere occur in John. Usually the καί has been overlooked ; but the 
Vulgate rightly renders: nam et pater.” --- ζητεῖ] He secks after, desires.? 
τοιούτους is with marked emphasis put first : of this character He desires His 
worshippers to be. — πνεῦμα ὁ θεός, k.7.a.] The predicate emphatically stands 
first (comp. i. 1 : θεὸς ἦν ὁ λόγος) : a Spirit is God, etc. Here to God’s will is 
added His nature (ver. 23), as a further motive for true worship,* to which 
the nature and manner of the worship on man’s part must correspond, 
How utterly heterogeneous would be a carnal and spurious worship with the 
perfectly pure and holy nature of God, completely raised above every limit 


1 Stallbaum, ad Plat. Gorg. Ὁ. 467 B. 

* Comp. Herod. i. 94; John i. 39, iv. 27, al. 

3 ΤΠινεῦμα ὃ θεός is not to be conjoined with 
the assumption of a corporeity belonging to 
God (in answer to the concessions of Ham- 
berger in the Jahrb. f. D. Th. 1867, p. 421). 
Jesus might take it for granted that every 
one who belonged to the O. T. monotheism 
understood that God is a Spirit, according 
to Ex. xx. 4, Jer. xxxi. 3; and it is by no 
means necessary to refer to the traces of 
Samaritan spiritualism, in order to make 


the expression more intelligible as ad- 
dressed to the woman (Gesenius, de Theol. 
Sam. Ὁ. 12; de Pentat. Sam. orig. Ὁ. 58 ff.). 
Πνεῦμα must not be regarded as indicating 
something new in comparison with the 
Ο. T. (Lutz, bibl. Dogm. p. 45; Koéstlin, Lehr- 
vegr. p. 79), but as something known, and 
emphasized with corresponding impressive- 
ness on account of itsimportance. Comp. 
Hofmann, Schriftbew. 1. 68 ff. ; Weiss, Lehr- 
begr. p. 54, 55. 


CHAP. IV., 25-27. 159 
of sense, of place, of particularism, of all need and dependence, simply 
because He is Spirit! while a spiritual and true worship is θεοπρεπὴς k. 
κατάλληλος, ' and is homogeneous with the idea of God as Spirit. 

Vv. 25, 26. The woman is struck by Christ’s answer, but she does not yet 
understand it, and she appeals to the Messiah ; Χριστῷ Χριστὸν ἔλεξεν, Nonnus. 
Well says Chrysostom : εἰλιγγίασεν ἡ γυνὴ (She grew dizzy) πρὸς τὰ λεχθέντα, Kai 
ἀπηγόρευσε πρὸς τὸ ὕψος τῶν εἰρημένων, Kal καμοῦσα ἄκουσον τί φησιν, K.T.A. The 
presentiment that Jesus Himself was the Messiah is not to be recognized in 
her words (against Luthardt) ; yet these are neither evasive nor abrupt 
(Liicke, de Wette), but express the need of the manifestation of the Messiah, 
which was deeply felt in this moment of profound impression,—a need which 
Jesus perceived, and immediately satisfied by the declaration that followed. 
The Samaritans, sharing the national hope of the Jews, and taking their 
stand upon the Messianic passages in the Pentateuch (suchas Gen. xv., xlix. 
10, Num. xxiv., and especially Deut. xviii. 15), were expecting the Messiah,’ 
whom they called ΔΙ or 299 ,* whose mission they apprehended less in 
a political aspect, though also as the restoration of the kingdom of Israel, 
and the re-establishment of the Gerizim-worship, yet merely as the result 
of human working.* Against B. Bauer’s unhistorical assertion, that at 
that time the Samaritans had no Messianic belief,® see B. Crusius. Μεσ- 
σίας (without the article, as in i. 42) is uttered by the woman as a proper 
name, and thus she adopted the Jewish title, which was doubtless well known 
in Samaria, and the use of which might be so closely connected with a feel- 
ing of respect for the highly gifted Jew with whom she was conversing, 
that there is no adequate ground for the assumption that the evangelist puts 
the word into her mouth (Ammon). —dvra] used in a popular indefinite 
sense.— ἐγώ εἰμι] Tam He, i.e. the Messiah, ver. 25, the simple usual Greek 
expression, and not in imitation of Deut. xxxii. 89. Observe the plain and 
direct avowal, in answer to the guwilelessness of the Samaritan woman, whose 
Saith was now ready to acknowledge Him (comp. Chrysostom). The consider- 
ation of the special circumstances, and of the fact that here there was no 
danger of a political abuse of the avowal (vi. 15), obviates the seeming 
contradiction between this early confession and Matt. viii. 4, xvi. 20. 

Ver. 27. "Ext τούτῳ] Hereupon, while this was going on.*° Often in 
Plato. — ἐθαύμαζον] the descriptive imperfect alternates with the simply 
narrative Aor.” — μετὰ γυναικός] with a woman ; for they had yet to learn the 
fact that Jesus rose above the Rabbinical precepts, teaching that it was be- 
neath the dignity of man to hold converse with women, and the directions 
of the law upon the subject (see Lightfoot, Schocttgen, and Wetstein). — 


1 Euthym. Zigab. 

2The Samaritan name INWN or INNN 
is by some rendered the converter (so Gese- 
nius and Ewald), and by others the return- 
ing one (Moses), as Sacy, Juynboll (Com- 
mentar. in hist. gentis Sam. L. B. 1846), 
Ilengstenberg. Both are linguistically ad- 
missible; the latter, considering Deut. 
xviii. 15, is the more probable. 


3 Now el Muhdy; see Robinson, IIT. 320. 

4See Gesen. de theol. Sam. p. 41 ff., and 
ad carmina Sam. Ὁ. 75 f.; Bargés, passim ; 
Vilmar, passim. 

5 Kuang. Gesch. Joh. Beil. Ὁ. 415 ff. 

6 See Bernhardy, p. 250; Winer, p. 367 
[E. T. p. 392]. 

7 See Kihner, II. 74. 


160 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


οὐδεὶς μέντοι, κ.τ..} reverential fear. — ri ζητεῖς] what desirest thou? 1.6. what 
has led thee to this surprising conversation ? (i. 39). There is no warrant 
for referring μετ᾽ αὐτῆς by ζεῦγμα (παρ᾽ αὐτῆς) also to ζητεῖς (Liicke, de Wette) ; 
and just as little for rendering ζητεῖν by the unwonted meaning contend, as 
if the disciples thought there was a discussion prompted by national hostil- 
ity going on (Ewald). — ἢ] or, ¢.e. if thou desirest nothing. 

Vv. 28-30. Οὖν] in consequence of the disciples’ coming, which inter- 
rupted the interview with Jesus. — adjxev, «.7.A.] οὕτως ἀνήφθη TE πυρὶ τῶν 
πνευματικῶν ναμάτων, ὡς Kal TO ἄγγος ἀφεῖναι καὶ τὴν χρείαν, OV ἣν παρεγένετο, 
Euthymius Zigabenus. How great the power of the decisive awakening of 
the new life in this woman ! — πάντα ὅσα] often thus used together in the 
classics.’ — ἐποίησα] thus from @ sense of guilt she described what Jesus 
had said to her. His words were the summary of her moral his- 
tory. — μήτε οὗτος, κ.τ..} not must he not be really the Meisiah? as if the 
question implied an affirmation. So Liicke, but against the constant use of 
the interrogative μήτι, which implies, this is not perhaps the Messiah, is it ὃ 
requiring, indeed, a negative answer, yet to be explained psychologically 
from fear and bashful surprise over the fact too great for belief. The 
woman believes it ; but startled at the greatness of the discovery, she does 
not trust herself, and ventures modestly only to ask as one in doubt.? Observe 
in ver. 30 the change from ἐξῆλθον to the vividly descriptive ἤρχοντο (see on 
ver. 27, xx. 3). In the latter word the reader sees the crowd coming. 
Comp. ver. 40, where they arrive. 

Vv. 31-34. Ἔν τῷ μεταξύ] in the meantime,*® after the woman had gone, 
and before the Samaritans came.—Ver. 32. Jesus, making the sensuous the 
clothing of the supersensuous (the pastus animi), speaks from a feeling of 
inner quickening and satisfaction, which He had just experienced from the 
change He had wrought in the Samaritan woman,—a feeling which He was 
to experience still more strongly throughout His divinely appointed work 
onwards until its completion. This inner satisfaction now prompts Him to 
refuse bodily sustenance. Observe the emphatic antithesis of ἐγώ and ὑμεῖς. 
— As to βρῶσις, and βρῶμα, ver. 34, see on Col. ii. 16.— Ver. 33. In the 
question pric, k.7.2., prompted by a misunderstanding of His words, the 
emphasis is upon ἤνεγκεν, κ᾿ surely no one has brought Him,” etc. — Ver. 34. 
ἐμὸν βρῶμα] i.e. without a figure, ‘‘ what gives me satisfaction and enjoyment 
is this: I have to do what God desires of me, and to accomplish that work 
of redemption which He (αὐτοῦ placed emphatically first) has committed to 
me” (xvii. 4). Observe (1) that iva is not the same as ὅτι, which would ex- 
press objectively the actual subject-matter of ἐμὸν Bp. ; it rather indicates 
the nature of the βρῶμα viewed as to its end, and points to the aim and pur- 
pose which Jesus pursues,—a very frequent use of it in John. (2) The 
present ποιῶ denotes continuous action, the Aor, τελειώσω the act ef comple- 
tion, the future goal of the za. Comp. xvii. 4. 

Ver. 35. The approaching townspeople now showed how greatly already 


1 Xen. Anab. ii. 1. 2; Soph. #7. 370, 880, 802. 
884; Bornem. ad Anab. i. 10. 3. $Xen. Symp. 1.14; Lucian, V. A. i. 22, 
2 See on Matt. xii. 23; Bacumlein, Partiz. DOD Τα 


CHAP. IV., 39. 161 
the ἕνα ποιῶ was in process of accomplishment. They were coming through 
the corn-field, now tinged with green ; and thus they make the fields, which 
for four months would not yield the harvest, in a higher sense already white 
harvest-fields. Jesus directs the attention of His disciples to this; and 
with the beautiful picture thus presented in nature, He connects further 
appropriate instructions, onwards to ver. 38. — Do not ye say], that is, at 
the present season of the year (ἔτ. The ὑμεῖς stands contrasted with what 
Jesus means to say, though the antithesis is not indicated in what follows 
by ἐγώ, because the antithesis of time comes into the foreground.’ The 
supposition that the disciples had, during their walk, made an observation 
of this kind to each other (and this in a spiritual sense with reference to the 
needed hoping and waiting), as Hengstenberg suggests, is neither hinted at, 
nor is in harmony with the Praesens Aéyere. — bri ἔτι. . . ἔρχεται] Harvest 
began in the middle of Nisan (Lightfoot, v. 101), ¢.e. in April. The words, 
therefore, must have been spoken in December, when Jesus, as the secd-time 
fell in Marchesvan (the beginning of November), might be already sur- 
rounded by springing corn-fields, the harvest of which, however, could not 
be expected for four months to come. We render therefore : there are still 
Sour months and (we wait, until) the harvest comes. As to the paratactic ex- 
pression with «ai instead of a particle of time, see Stallbaum, ad Plat. 
Symp. p. 220 C; Ellendt, Lex. Soph. I. 881. On the chronological im- 
portance of the passage, see Wieseler, Synopse, p. 214 ff. The taking of 
the words as proverbial,’ as if the saying were a general one : ‘‘ from seed-time 
to harvest is four months” (seed-time would thus be made to extend into 
December ; comp. Bava Mezia, f. 106, 2), is forbidden, not only by the 
fact that such a proverb occurs nowhere else, but by the fact that seed-time 
is not here mentioned, so that ἔτι (comp. the following #7) does not refer 
to a point of time to be understood, but to the time then present, and 
by the fact, likewise, that the emphasized ὑμεῖς would be inexplicable 
in an ordinary proverb (comp. rather Matt. xvi. 2).° It is worth while to 
notice how long Jesus had been in Judea (since April). —rerpduyvoc] se. 
χρόνος." -- τὰς χώρας] regiones. They had just been sown, and the young 
seed was now springing up, and yet in another sense they were white for 
being reaped ; for, by the spectacle of the townspeople who were now coming 
out to Christ across these fields, it appeared in concrete manifestation before 
the eyes of the disciples (hence ἐπάρατε τοὺς ὀφθαλμοῖς, x.t.A.), that now for 
men the time of conversion (of ripeness) was come in the near establish- 
ment of the Messiah’s kingdom, into which, like the harvest produce, they 
might be gathered (comp. Matt. iii. 12). Jesus, therefore, here gives a 
prophetic view, not only of the near conversion of the Samaritans (Acts 
viii. 5 ff.) ; but, rising above the concrete fact now before them, from the 


+The versatility of thought often in 
Greek changes the things contrasted as the 
sentence proceeds. See Dissen, ad Dem. de 
cor. 163; Schaef. ad Timocr. p. 763, 13. 

5 Lightfoot, Grotius, Tittmann, ete., also 
Liicke, Tholuck, de Wette, Krafft, Chronol. 
Dp. 73. 


3 This also is in answer to Hilgenfeld, 
who takes ἔτι with reference to the present, 
and not the future, and interprets it: four 
months are not yet gone, and yet the harvest 
is already here. This strange rendering 
derives no support whatever from xi. 39. 

4 See Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 549. 


162 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

people of Sychar who were flocking through the fields of springing green, 
His prophetic eye takes in all mankind, whose conversion, begun by Him, 
would, be accomplished by His disciples. See especially ver. 88. Godet 
wrongly denies this wider prophetic reference, and confines the words to the 
immediate occurrence, as an improviced harvest feast. Such an explana- 
tion does not suffice for what follows, vv. 86-88, which was suggested, in- 
deed, by the phenomenon before them, but embraces the whole range of 
service on the part of Christ’s disciples in their relation to their Lord. If 
we do not allow this wider reference, ver. 38 especially will be of very 
strange import. — ὅτι] not because, but according to common attraction,’ that 
they are, etc. —ijdy] even now, at this moment, and not after four months ; 
put at the end for emphasis.* Not, therefore, to be joined with what fol- 
lows,* which would make the correlation with ἔτε inappropriate. For the 
rest, comp. Ovid, Fast. v. 357: ‘‘maturis albescit messis aristis.” 

Ver. 36. This harvest—how full of recompense for the reapers (i.e. for you, 
my disciples)! The wages for the reaper’s labour consist in this, that (καί 
explicative) he gathers fruit into life eternal (this is spoken locally, as denot- 
ing the granary, as is clear from συνάγει, against Luthardt, who takes εἰς to 
denote the result) ; comp. ver. 14, without any figure : ‘‘ He converts men, 
and thus secures for them an entrance into the Messiah’s kingdom.” There- 
upon, alike the sower (Christ) and the reaper rejoice together, according to 
God’s ordinance (iva). Chrysostom and many others wrongly take σπείρων to 
denote the prophets. For ὁμοῦ, with one verb in the singular and two sub- 
jects, comp. Hom, 71. ἃ. 61: εἰ δὴ ὁμοῦ πόλεμός τε δαμᾷ Kai λοιμὸς ’AyaLovc 3 
Soph. Aj. 1058. Here, however, it certainly signifies the stmultaneousness 
of the joy, not simply joy in common (B. Crusius, Luthardt) ; for it is the 
joy of harvest, which the sower also shares in time of harvest, on account of 
the blessing with which His toil in sowing is now crowned. 

Vv. 37, 38. ‘‘ Alike the sower and the reaper, I say, for.in this case they 
are different persons.” —év yap τούτῳ, x.t.A.| for herein, in this relation of 
sowing and reaping, the saying (the proverb of ordinary life, τὸ λεγόμενον) * 
has its essential truth, i.e. its proper realization, setting forth its idea.* The 
reference of the λόγος to the words of the servant, Matt. xxv. 24, which 
Weizsiicker considers probable,* would be very far-fetched ; the rendering 
of ἀληθινός, however, as equivalent to ἀληθής, 2 Pet. ii. 22 (de Wette and 
many others), is quite opposed to the peculiar usage of John (so xix. 85). 
The article before ἀληθ., which through want of attention might easily have 


1 Winer, p. 581 [E. T. p. 626 f.]. 

2Stallbaum, ad Plat. Phaedr. p. 26 E; 
ad Menex. p. 235 A). Comp. 1 John iv. 3; 
Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. i. 8. 16. 

3A.C.*D. E. L.&. Codd. It. al., Schulz, 
Tisch., Ewald, Ebrard, Godet. 

4Plato, Gorg. p. 447 A; Phaed. p. 101 D; 
Pol. x. p. 621 C3; comp. ὃ παλαιὸς λόγος, 
Phaed. p. 240 C; Gorg. p. 499 C; Soph, 
Trach. i. 

5 Comp. Plat. Zim. Ὁ. 26 EH: μὴ πλασθέντα 


μῦθον, ἀλλ᾽ ἀληθινὸν (i.e. a real) λόγον 

6 Weizsicker, in his harmony of the 
words of John with those of the Synopties, 
inwhich the latter are deait with very freely 
(p. 282 ff.), brings in general much that is 
far-fetched into parallelisms which cannot 
be demonstrated. The intellectual inde- 
pendence of personal recollection and re- 
production in John raises him above any 
such search after supposed borrowings. 


CHAP. IV., 39. 163 


been omitted,’ marks off the predicate with exclusive definiteness.* With 
respect to other relations (not ἐν τούτῳ), the proverb does not express its 
proper idea.—As to the proverb itself, and its various applications, see 
Wetstein. The ἀληθινόν of it is explained in ver. 38. — ἐγώ] with emphasis : 
TI, consequently the sower in the proverb. —The preterites ἀπέστειλα and 
εἰσεληλ. are not prophetic (de Wette, Tholuck), but the mission and calling of 
the disciples were already practically involved in their reception into the 
apostolate.’ Comp. xvii. 8.— ἄλλοι and αὐτῶν refer to Jesus (whom Ols- 
hausen, indeed, according to Matt. xxiii. 84, even excludes !), not tf the 
prophets and the Baptist, nor to them together with Christ (so the Fathers 
and most of the early writers, also Lange, Luthardt, Ewald, and most 
others), nor in a general way to all who were instrumental in advancing the 
preparatory economy (Tholuck). They are plurals of category (see on Matt. 
ii. 20; John iii. 11), representing the work of Christ, into which the 
disciples entered, as not theirs, but others’ work, ὁ.6. a distinct and different 
labour. But the fact that Jesus was the labourer, while self-evident from 
the connection, is not directly expressed, but with intentional self-renuncia- 
tion, half concealed beneath the plural ἄλλοι. He it was who introduced 
the conversion of mankind ; the disciples were to complete it. He prepared 
and sowed the field ; they were called upon to do what was still further 
necessary, and to reap. The great toil of the apostles in fulfilling their call 
is not denied ; but, when compared with the work of Jesus Himself, it was 
the easier, because it was only the carrying on of that work, and was encour- 
agingly represented under the cheerful image of harvesting (comp. 158 ix. 
3; Ps. exxvi. 6). If ἄλλοι is to be taken as referring to Philip’s work 
in converting the Samaritans, Acts viii. 52, upon which Peter and John 
entered (Baur), or to Paul’s labour among the heathen, the fruit of which 
has fallen to the earlier apostles (Hilgenfeld), any and every exegetical im- 
possibility may*be with equal right allowed by a ὕστερον πρότερον of critical 
arbitrariness. 

Ver. 39 ff. Resumption of the historical narrative of ver. 80, which here 
receives its elucidation, to which then the continuation of the history 
attaches itself, vv. 40-42.4 — ore εἶπέ μοι πάντα, x.7.2.] Indication of conscience 
ratifying ver. 18. --- διὰ τὸν λόγον αὐτοῦ] on account of His word (teaching). 
No mention is made of miracles, but we must not infer from this that there 
was no need of miracles among the Samaritans ; see, on the other hand, 
Acts viii. 6 ff. Jesus found that in this case His word sufficed, and there- 





Ore Kb Ore 

2 Comp. Bernhardy, p. 322; Kiihner, 11.. 
140. 

8 According to Godet, ἀπέστ. is to be 
taken as referring to a summons, discovered 
by him in ver. 86, to the work of reaping 
among the aproaching Sycharites. He then 
takes ἄλλοι κεκοπ. to refer to the labour of 
Jesus in His interview with the woman. 
The latter words are said to have been 
spoken to the disciples, who thought He had 
been resting during their absence, with a 


“finesse qu’on oserait presque appeller 
jégérement malicieuse,” and with an “aim- 
able sourire.”? Such weighty thoughts as 
ἀποστολή and κόπος represent are utterly 
incompatible with such side hints and pass- 
ing references. And it is a pure invention 
to find in ver. 36 an ‘invitation & prendre 
la faucille.”’ 

4 As to the position of the words πολλοὶ 
ἐπ. εἰς αὐτο τῶν Sap., see Buttmann, 
N. T. Gr. p. 332 [E. T. p. 388]. 


164 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


fore upon principle (see ver. 48) He forbore to work miracles, and His 
mighty word was all the mightier among the unprejudiced people. — διὰ τὴν 
σὴν λαλιάν] on account of thy talk. So λαλιά invariably in classical Greek. 
The term is purposely chosen, as from the standing-point of the speaker ; 
whereas John, as an impartial narrator, with equal appropriateness, writes 
τὸν λόγον in ver, 39. As to λαλιά in Vill. 48, where Jesus thus designates 
His own discourse, see in loc. Observe, besides, the emphatic σήν as con- 
trasted with the λόγος of Jesus which they themselves (αὐτοί) have now 
heard. — ἀκηκόαμεν] the following 6rz refers to both verbs. They have heard 
that Jesus was the Messiah, for this became evident to them from His words. 
— ὁ σωτὴρ τοῦ κόσμου] not due to the individuality of John (1 John iv. 14), 
and put into the mouths of the people, as Liicke and Tholuck are inclined to 
uppose, but a confession quite conceivable as the result of the two days’ 
ministry of Jesus ; universalism, moreover, being more akin to the Messianic 
faith of the Samaritans (see Gesenius, de Samar. theol. p. 41 ff.) than to that 
of the Jews, with their definite and energetic feeling’ of nationality. 


Note.—The prohibition in Matt. x. 5 militates neither against this narrative 
of John iy. in general, nor in particular against the promise of ver. 35 ff. It 
had merely a temporary force, and was abrogated again by Matt. xxviii. 19, 20, 
and Acts i. 8 ; and, moreover, it presented no insuperable barrier to restrict 
Jesus in His work (for He did not wholly exclude even Gentiles from His 
teaching). Acts viii. 5 ff. is no proof whatever that this history in John is of 
mythical origin ; it is, on the contrary, the fulfilment of the promise given here. 
Its several features are so original, and so psychologically true, and the words of 
Jesus (see especially vv. 21-24) come so directly from the living depths of His 
soul, that the exceptions taken against certain particulars (as, for instance, 
against the misunderstandings on the part of the woman ; against the words 
concerning the food, ver. 32 ; against the command of Jesus, ‘‘ Go, call thy 
husband ;”’ against the woman’s question concerning the place of worship ; 
against the faith of the Samaritans, which is said to contradict Luke ix. 53) are 
of no real weight, and are explicable only by the very authenticity of the nar- 
rative, not by the supposition of an intentional poetizing. This is in answer 
to Strauss, B. Bauer, and partly Weisse ; also to Scholten, who considers that 
the author’s object was to describe in a non-historical picture the spirit which 
actuated Jesus even towards the Samaritans. As a full guarantee for that part 
of the narrative, which the disciples, being absent, could not have witnessed, 
we may, considering the vivid impress of genuineness which marks it, fairly 
assume that Jesus Himself communicated it to the evangelist, and there is no 
need for the unfounded supposition that (ver. 8) John was left behind with 
Jesus (Hengstenberg, Godet). When, finally, Baur (p. 145 ff. ; comp. also 
Hilgenfeld) resolves our history into a typus,—‘‘the Samaritan woman being a 
figure of heathendom, susceptible, readily opening itself to faith, and presenting 
a wide harvest field,’’ a contrast to Nicodemus, the type of unsusceptible Juda- 
ism,—with all this arbitrariness on the part of the inventor, it is passing strange, 
if this were his object, that he did not bring Jesus into contact with a real 
heathen woman, for this would have been quite as easy to invent ; and that he 
should keep the words of the woman so free from the least tinge of anything 
of a heathen nature (ver, 20 ff.), and have put into her mouth so clear an expres- 


- 


CHAP. Iv., 43, 44. 165 
sion of Messianic hope (vv. 25, 42),—this bungling is quite out of character on 
the part of such an inventor, 


Vv. 48, 44.7 Τὰς δύο ἡμέρας] The article is to be explained by ver. 40. — 
αὐτός] ipse, not merely others with reference to Him, but ‘‘ He Himself did 
not hesitate to testify,” etc. As to the fact itself, see Matt. xiii. 57 ; Mark 
vi. 4; Luke iv. 94. Schenkel’s inference from προφήτης that Jesus did not 
yet regard Himself as the Messiah, involves a misuse of the general term 
within the category of which the conception of Messiah is embraced. — 
éuaptop.] not in the sense of the Pluperfect (Tholuck, Godet ; see on xviii. 
24), but then, when He returned to Galilee. [See Note XXII. p. 170.] — yap 
is the ordinary for ; ἃπα πατρίδι is not the native town, but, as is clear from 
Ταλιλαίαν, vv. 43, 45, the native country. So also usually in Greek writers, 
from Homer downwards. The words give the reason why He did not hesi- 
tate to return to Galilee. The gist of the reason lies in the antithetical 
reference of ἐν τῇ ἰδίᾳ πατρίδι. If, as Jesus Himself testified, a prophet had 
no honour in his own country, he must seek it abroad. And this Jesus had 
done. Abroad, in Jerusalem, He had by His mighty works inspired the 
Galileans who were there with that respect which they were accustomed to 
deny toa prophet at home. Thus He brought the prophet’s honour with 
Him from abroad.? Accordingly (ver. 45) He found a reception among the 
- Galileans also, because they had seen His miracles in Jerusalem (ii. 23). It 
is therefore obviously incorrect to understand Ταλιλαίαν specially of Upper 
Galilee, as distinct from Lower Galilee, where Nazareth was situated. So 
Lange, in spite of the fact that Ταλιλ. here must be the universal and popular 
name for the whole province, as distinct from Samaria (ἐκεῖθεν), whether we 
retain καὶ ἀπῆλθεν asin the Elzevir or not. It is further incorrect, and an 
utterly arbitrary gloss, to interpret πατρίς as meaning Nazareth, and γάρ as 
referring to the fact that He went, indeed, to Galilee, but not to Nazareth 
(Chrysostom and Euthymius Zigabenus : to Capernaum).* It is also oppos- ᾿ 
ed alike to the context, and the universal (including the Johannean) view 
which regards Galilee as Christ’s home (i. 46, ii. 1, vil. 8, 41, 52), to take 
πατρίς as denoting Judea, and γάρ as stating the reason (in the face of the 
quite different reason already given, vv. 1-3) why Jesus had left Judea ; * 


1 See Ewald, Jahrb. X. 1860, p. 108 ff. He omitted. 


agrees for the most part with my render- 
ing ; comp. also his Johann. Schr. I. Ὁ. 1945 
in like manner Godet, who, however, 
without the slightest hint of it in the text, 
supposes a purpose on the writer’s part, in 
eonnection with iii. 24, to correct the 
synoptical tradition. John wishes ‘“ con- 
stater l'intervalle considérable qui s¢para 
du baptéme de Jésus son retour définitif et 
son établissement permanent en Galilée.” 
In iii. 24 he states the fact, and here he 
gives the motive. Scholten puts the em- 
phasis which prompts the following yap 
upon ἐκεῖθεν, a word which is quite un- 
essential, and might just as well have been 


2 Baeumlein urges, against my explana- 
tion: ‘‘We cannot believe that, after the 
words ‘ He betook himself fo Galilee,’ there 
should follow the reason why He had be- 
fore left Galilee.” This, however, is not 
the logical connection at all. 

8 So Cyril, Nonnus, Erasmus, Beza, Cal- 
vin, Aretius, Grotius, Jansen, Bengel, and 
many; also Kypke, Rosenmiiller, Olshau- 
sen, Klee, Gemberg in Stud. τ. Krit. 1845, 
I. ; Hengstenberg, Baeumlein. 

4 Origen, Maldonatus, B. Bauer, Schweg- 
ler, Wieseler, B. Crusius, Schweizer, Kést- 
lin, Baur, Hilgenfeld, and formerly Ebrard. 


™ 


166 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

whence some, e.g. Origen and Baur, take πατρίς in a higher sense, as signi- 
fying the native land of the prophets,’ and therefore of the Messiah also, and 
most, like Hilgenfeld, as having reference to the birth at Bethlehem. Liicke 


‘has rightly, in his 8d ed., abandoned this interpretation ; but, on the other 


hand, takes yap as equivalent to namely, and refers it not to what precedes, 
but to what follows,* so that ver. 44 gives an explanation in passing on the 
point : ‘‘that the Galileans on this occasion received Jesus well, but only 
on account of the miracles which they had seen in Jerusalem” (de Wette). 
But though in the classics γάρ explicative often precedes the sentence to be 
explained,*® especially in. parenthesis,* this usage is without precedent in 
the N. T. (Rom. xiv. 10, Heb. ii. 8, are not instances in point), and espe- 
cially foreign to John’s simple style of narration ; moreover, the ‘‘ indeed,— 
but only,” thus put into ver. 45, is obtruded on the words, which have neither 
μέν after ἐδέξ., nor afterwards a μόνον δέ, or any similar expression.* According 
to Briickner, Jesus came to Galilee because (but see vv. 1-3) He supposed that 
He should find no honour there, and consequently with the intention of wnder- 
taking the conflict for the recognition of His person and dignity. According 
to Luthardt, whom Ebrard now follows,* the words imply the hope enter- 
tained by Jesus of being able to remain in rest and silence in Galilee more 
easily than anywhere else. But both explanations are incompatible with 
the following ὅτε οὗν, «.7.4., Which certainly means that the Galileans 
received Him with honour, as He was called immediately thereafter to per- 
form a miracle. We should at least expect δέ or ἀλλά (comp. Nonnus) to 
introduce the statement, and not οὖν. In what follows, moreover, regard- 
ing the residence in Galilee, we are told neither about conflict nor about the 
repose of Jesus, but simply of the healing of the nobleman’s son. Lastly, 


1 So also B. Crusius, who compares Vii. 52. 
Quite erroneously, when the general and 
proverbial character of the statement is 
considered. After iv. 3, however, the 
reader can expect no further explanation 
of the reason why Jesus did not remain in 
Judea. Schwegler and B. Bauer suppose 
that here Judea is meant as the native land 
of Jesus, and make use of this as an argu- 
ment against the genuineness and histori- 
cal truth of the Gospel. Comp. also Késtlin 
in the Theol. Jahrb. 1851, p. 186. Hilgenfeld, 
Evang. p. 266: ‘‘aremarkable inversion of 
the synoptical statement, wherein the 
Gospel appears as a free compilation by a 
post-apostolic author’ (Zeitschr. 1862, p. 
17). Schweizer also finds it such a stum- 
bling-block, that he regards it as proving 
the following narrative to be a Galilean in- 
terpolation. Gfro6rer, het. Sage, 11. 289, 
rightly indeed understands the words as re- 
ferring to Galilee, but considers that we 
should supply the following: ‘‘but very 
slowly and reluctantly, for,” ete. 

2So substantially also Tholuck, Olshau- 
sen, Maier, de Wette. 


3 See Hartung, Partikell. I. Ὁ. 467 ; Baeum- 
lein, Partik. p. τὸ ff. 

4 See Bremi, ad Lys. p. 66; Ellendt, Lex. 
Soph. 1. 338. 

5 Weizsacker also, in the Jahrd. f. Deutsche 
Theol. 1859, p. 695, regards γάρ not as intro- 
ducing a reason, but as demonstrative. 
John intimates that he will not narrate 
much of Christ’s ministry in Galilee ; he re- 
fers to that saying as if shrinking from un- 
pleasant recollections. But this is not in 
the text, nor is it compatible with the con- 
nection in ver. 45, and the history that 
follows. Weizsiicker, indeed, thinks (comp. 
his Unters. vb. a. ev. Gesch. p. 276) that in this 
synoptic saying John refers to the synoptic 
account of that Galilean ministry, which he 
would not himself describe. Who ever could 
imagine that? especially when John at once 
goes on to narrate the good reception given 
to Jesus in Galilee, and His miracle of bless- 
ing there. Did the Lord betake Himself to 
“a voluntary obscurity,” concerning which 
John wishes ¢0 be silent ? 

6 Comp. Hofmann, Weissag. u. rf. 11. 88, 
also Schriftbew. 11. 1, p. 171. 


CHAP. Iv., 45-50. 167 


it is contrary to the words (because ὅτε οὖν ἦλθεν in ver. 45 directly resumes 
the εἰς τ. Tad. of ver. 43, and admits of no interval), to make, with Hauff,' 
the train of thought terminate with ver. 44, and take ver. 44 itself as a 
general description of the result of Christ’s Galilean ministry. Thus ἐδέξαντο 
is said to indicate that He did and taught much there ; which is clearly a gloss 
foisted into the text. 

Vv. 45, 46. ᾿Εδέξαντο αὐτόν] The reception which He found among them 
was one of faith, for He now brought with him from Jerusalem the honour 
which the prophet had not in his own country ; hence πάντα ἑωρακότες, K.7.A., 
because they had seen, etc., and in this we have the key to the right under- 
standing of ver. 44. — Ver. 46. οὖν] in consequence of this reception, which 
encouraged Him to go farther into the country. He goes, however, again 
straight to Cana, because here He had relatives, and might hope in conse- 
quence of His first miracle to find the soil prepared for his further labours, — 
kK. ἦν τις βασιλικός, κ.τ.}.} ἐν ἹΚαφαρναούμ should be joined to ἦν. Βασιλικός, a 
royal person, is, according to the frequent usage of Josephus (see Krebs, 
p. 144) and other writers,’ not a relation of the king,* but one in the service of 
the king (Herod Antipas) ; whether military man (thus often in Josephus ; 
Nonnus : ἰθύνων στρατιῆν), civilian, court retainer, is uncertain. —6 υἱός] 
according to ver. 49, still young. The article indicates, perhaps, that he 
was the only one. 

Vv. 47, 48. ᾿Απῆλθε πρὸς αὐτόν] from Capernaum to Cana.— iva] the subject 
of the request is its purpose. — ἤμελλε] in eo erat, ut. The man’s prayer is 
conceivable partly from the first miracle at Cana, and partly from the fame 
of Jesus which had followed Him from Jerusalem. — ‘‘ Unless ye see signs 
and wonders, ye will certainly not believe,” is spoken in displeasure against 
the Galileans generally (ver. 45), but ineluding the suppliant ; Jesus fore- 
seeing that the healing of his son would make him believe, but at the same 
time that his faith would not be brought about without a miracle. The 
Lord’s teaching was in His own view the weightiest ground of faith, especially 
according to John (comp. ver. 41), though faith based on miracles was 
not rejected, but under certain circumstances even required by Him (x. 38, 
xiv. 11, xv. 24), though not as of highest, but secondary rank, according to 
their purpose as a divine attestation of the teaching. It is incorrect to put 
the emphasis upon idyre, unless ye see with your own eyes, etc., condemning 
the entreaty to accompany him. In this case should both idyre have been 
put first (against Bengel and Storr), and τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς or the like been added ; 
and in truth the man saw the miracle, and a greater one than if Jesus had 
gone with him. —oyweia καὶ τέρατα] see on Matt. xxiv. 24 ; Rom. xv. 19. 
As to the reproach itself, comp. 1 Cor. i. 22. 

Vv. 49, 50. Then follows a still more urgent entreaty of the father’s love, 
tried by the answer of Jesus; the τὸ παιδίον pov, my child, marking 
the father’s tender affection. Comp. Mark vy. 23.— Jesus rewards 
his confidence with the short answer, Go thy way, thy son liveth ; thus an- 


2 Stud. τι. Krit. 1849, p. 117 ff. lowed by Chrysostom. 
2 Plutarch, Polyb., etc. ; see Wetstein. 4Comp. Luke vii. 2; Hemsterhuis, ad 


350 Baronius, Bos, and many, also al- JLwucian. 1). WII. p. 546. 


168 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


nouncing the deliverance from death accomplished at that. very moment by 
an act of His will through miraculous power operating at a distance (not by 
magnetic healing power, against Olshausen, Krabbe, Kern, thus resorting toa 
sphere as foreign to the miracles of healing as it is inadequate as an expla-~ 
nation). As little can Christ’s word be regarded as a medical prognosticon,* 
nor is any trace found in the text of an effect resulting from faith in general, 
and the spiritual movement of the masses (Weizsiicker).—According to the 
text, Jesus speaks from a conscious knowledge of the crisis of the sickness, 
effected that moment at a distance by Himself : ‘‘ Thy son is not dead, but 
liveth |” — ἐπιστ. τῷ λόγῳ] Thus he now overleaps the limit of faith which 
supposed Christ’s presence necessary to the working of the cure ; he believed 
the word, i.e. had confidence in its realization. 

Vv. 51-54. Αὐτοῦ καταβ. - . αὐτῷ] see Buttmann, NW. 7. Gr. p. 270 [E. T. 
p- 815]. — 7d] belongs to καταβ., not to ὑπήντ. (B. Crusius) : when he was 
already going down, and now was no longer in Cana, but upon his journey 
back. — οἱ δοῦλοι, x.7.2.] to reassure the father, and prevent the now unnec- 
essary coming of Jesus. —¢q] he is not dead, but the sickness has the 
opposite issue : he lives! — κομψότερον] finer, prettier, as in common life we 
are wont to say, ‘‘he is pretty well.”? Here itis an ‘‘amoenum verbum” 
(Bengel) of the father’s heart, which apprehends its good fortune still with 
feclings of tenderness and anxiety. — ἐχθές] see Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 328. — 
ὥραν ἑβδόμην] He had therefore been on the way since one o’clock the day 
before, because we must suppose from ver. 50 that he set out immediately 
after the assurance of Jesus. This surprises us, even apart from the distance 
from Cana to Capernaum, not exactly known to us indeed, but hardly three 
geographical miles. That in his firm faith he travelled ‘nan festinans” 
(Lampe) is unnaturally assumed against the impulse of parental love which 
would hurry him home ; as also that somewhere on the way, or even at 
Cana (Ewald assumes the latter, making the seventh hour seven in the 
evening, according to the Roman reckoning) he spent the night. We 
may suppose some delay not named, on the journey back, or (with Heng- 
stenberg, Briickner, and others) take the to-day in the mind of the J ewish 
servants as denoting the day which began at six p.m. (sunset). Accord- 
ing to Baur and Hilgenfeld, this noting of the time is to be attributed, not 
to the genuineness and originality of the account, but to the subjective 
aim of the writer, which was to make the miracle as great and pointed as 
possible (comp. ver. 54, note). —év ἐκ. τ. ὥρᾳ] 86. ἀφῆκεν αὐτὸν ὁ πυρετός. 
Observe, with reference to ἐκεῖνος, that it does not mean idem, but is the 
simple relative ile. — x. ἐπίστευσεν, x.7.2.] upon Jesus as the Messiah.* 
Observe how faith here attains its realization as to its object, and further, 
the importance of this καὶ ἡ οἰκία αὐτοῦ (the first household ), which now occurs 
for the first time. Comp. Acts xvi. 14, 15, 34, xviii. 8. — τοῦτο πάλιν δεύ- 
τερον, k.T.2.] Referring back to ii. 11. Literally inaccurate, yet true as to 


1 Paulus, comp. Ammon. 3 Καλῶς οὖν καθήψατο αὐτοῦ ὃ τὴν καρδίαν 
2 Exactly so in Arrian. Hpict. iii. 10 of the αὐτοῦ γινώσκων Χριστὸς, εἰπών" ὅτι ἐὰν μὴ 
sick : κομψῶς ἔχεις, and its opposite κακῶς σημεῖα, x.7.A., Euthymius Zigabenus. 
ἔχεις. Comp. the Latin belle habere. : 


΄ 


CHAP. Iv., 51-54. | 169 
its import, is the rendering of Luther : ‘‘ This is the second miracle that Jesus 
did ;” τοῦτο stands by itself, and the following δεύτ. oyu. supplies the place 
of the predicate (this Jesus did as the second miracle), hence no article follows 
τοῦτο. Πάλιν, however, must not be overlooked, nor is it to be joined with 
δεύτερον (so usually) as a current pleonasm,* for δεύτερον is not an adverb, but 
an adjective. It rather belongs to ἐποίησεν, thus affirming that Jesus now 
again did this as a second miracle (comp. Beza) upon his return from Judea to 
Galilee (as in 11. 1). Thus the idea of the repeatedly recurring miracle upon 
His coming out of Judea into Galilee is certainly doubly expressed,—once 
adverbially with the verb (πάλιν ἐποίησεν), and then adjectivally .with the 
noun (δεύτερον on.) ; both are more definitely determined by ἐλθών, κ.τ.λ. 
Schweizer (p. 78) quite arbitrarily considers the reference to the first 
miracle at Cana unjohannean. 


‘Note.—The βασιλικός is not the same with the Centurion of Matt. viii. 5 f£.; 
comp. Luke vii. 2 ff. (Origen, Chrysostom, Theophylact, Huthymius Zigabenus, 
and most others). On the assumption of their identily,? which attributes the 
greater originality with some to Matthew and Luke,‘ with others to John,® and 
to the latter an adjusting purpose,® the discrepancies as to place, time, and even 
as to the sick person, constitute less difficulties than the entirely different char- 
acter in which the supplant appears in John and in the two Synoptics. In these 
latter he is still a heathen, which, according to John, he cannot be ;7 see ver. 
48, which associates him with the Galileans, and thus with Jews ; and thus alone 
establishes the diversity of the two miracles, apart from the fact that there is 
no more objection against the supposition of two healings wrought at a dis- 
tance than against one. This is at the same time against Schweizer’s view, 
that the section in John is an interpolation, Indeed, a single example of heal- 
ing at a distance, the historical truth of which, moreover, even Ewald maintains, 
might more easily be resolved by the arbitrariness of criticism into a myth bor- 
rowed from the history of Naaman, 2 Kings ix, 5, 9 ff. (Strauss), or explained 
away as a misunderstanding of a parable (Weisse), or dissolved into a subjective 
transposition and development of the synoptical materials on John’s part for his own 
purpose, which would make the belief in miracles pass absolutely beyond the 
Jewish range of view (Hilgenfeld), and appear in its highest form as a πιστεύειν 
διὰ τόν λόγον (Baur, p. 152) : 5 although πιστεύειν τῷ λόγῳ, ver. 41, is something 
quite different from πιστεύειν διὰ τὸν λόγον, and the ἐπίστευσεν in ver. 53 took 
place, not διὰ τὸν λόγον, but διὰ τὸ σημεῖον. 


1 See on ii. 11, and Bremi, ad. Lys. Fexe. II. 
p. 436 f.; Ast, Lex. Plat. ΤΙ. 406 ; Stallbaum, 
ad Plat. Apol. pp. 18 A, 24 B. 

2 See on Matt. xxvi. 42; comp. John xxi. 


5 Gfrorer, Ewald. 

6 Weizsicker. 

7 Against Cyril, Jerome, Baur, and Ewald. 
8 If John had really derived his matter 


15, Acts x. 15. 

3Trenaeus, Eusebius, Semler, Seyffarth, 
Strauss, Weisse, B. Bauer, Gfrorer, Schwei- 
zer, Ammon, Baumgarten Crusius, Baur, 
Hilgenfeld, Ewald, Weizsacker. 

4 Strauss, B. Bauer, Weiss, Baur, Hilgen- 
feld. 


from the Synoptics, it would be quite incon- 
conceivable how, according to the design 
attributed to him by Baur, he could have 
left unused the statement of Matt. viii. 10, 
especially if the βασιλικός is taken to bea 
Gentile. See Hase, Zvidbingen Schule, pp. 
82, 33. 


170 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Nores py AMERICAN EDITOR. 


XXI. “‘ Although Jesus Himself,” etc. Ver. 2. 


Although, ete. It seems to me that the construction is interrupted, and re- 
quires a parenthesis. 

As to Meyer’s statement that ‘ver. 2 does not contain a correction of him- 
self by the Evangelist,’ Weiss properly suggests that the Evangelist might be 
correcting or rather making definite his own previous vague and general state- 
ment (ch, iii. 22, ‘‘ He remained with them and baptized”), as well as the form 
of the rumour that had reached the Pharisees (ver. 1). 


XXII. ‘‘ For Jesus Himself testified.”” Ver, 43. 


The difficulty of this verse lies in its assigning a reason for Christ’s return 
to Galilee, which would seem to be of precisely opposite tendency. It 
is among the perplexing passages in John, and the solutions have been 
very various. Jour, which distinguish Galilee from ‘‘His own country (7a- 
τρίδι, fatherland),’’ making the latter respectively either Judea, or Lower Galilee, 
or Nazareth, or even Capernaum, may, I think, be readily dismissed. According 
to this view Jesus in going into Galilee avoided His ‘‘own country.” Three 
find in the lack of esteem for the Lord in Galilee the actual reason for His 
return to it: 1. That He might find, in the neglect and disesteem which 
awaited Him, the desired rest and seclusion, 2. That He might, amidst an 
incredulous and stubborn people, prosecute the struggle for prophetic and 
Messianic recognition. 3. Akin to this, that in this pre-eminently missionary 
field, in the ungrateful soil of His peculiarly prejudiced and unbelieving coun- 
trymen, He might sow the seed and reap the harvest which He had so success- 
fully sown and reaped in Judea and Samaria (Weiss). 

Others find in the verse an anticipative reference to what follows, By a 
familiar Greek use of γάρ explicative, the sentence precedes the thought 
which it would naturally follow, as if the writer had said, ‘‘He came into 
Galilee. When therefore He arrived in Galilee the Galileans received Him, 
having seen, i.e. because they had seen His miracles in Judea ; for Jesus Him- 
self testified,” etc. This explanation, like that of Meyer, seems harsh and 
unnatural, nor do I think that given by Weiss can be deemed satisfactory. 
15 not perhaps the simplest solution one which assumes before the yap some 
such ellipsis as, ‘“‘ He came into Galilee [contrary to what might naturally be 
expected ; or, though He might look for an unfavorable reception] ; for Jesus 
Himself testified,’’ ete., the γάρ with its suppressed ellipsis thus answering nearly 
to our although ? The verse becomes thus a merely incidental remark, as to 
Christ’s probable reception in Galilee, suggested partly by what He actually 
did subsequently experience in His peculiarly ‘‘ own country,” Nazareth (L. N. 
16-29), and the fact that He there bore in substance precisely this testimony 
(ver. 23). Wer. 45 then has no connection with ver. 44, but goes back and 
resumes the narrative of ver. 43, suspended by the parenthetical quotation of 
ver. 44. Indeed so Weiss constructs it, and, though contrary to the demands of 
his exegesis, also Meyer. The ellipsis thus assumed with γάρ is not especially 
harsh ; for there is no other particle whose elliptical uses the Greeks treat with 


NOTES. 11: 


the same freedom.—As to αὐτός, Weiss observes that it refers to Jesus not in con- 
trast with ‘‘others’’ testifying of Him, but to Jesus “ Himself’’ testifying, and 
thus authorizing the Hvangelist in saying what he would not have ventured 
to say without the Lord’s example.—éyaprvpyce, says Meyer, “ then when He re- 
turned to Galilee.” Probably afterwards at Nazareth (I. iv. 23), dads: an inci- 
dental confirmation of the Synoptical narrative. 


\ 


172 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


CHAPTER YV. 


Ver. 1. ἑορτῇ] C. E. F. H. L. M. A. Π. 8. Cursives, Copt. Sahid. Cyr. Theo- 
phyl.: 7 éopr7. So Tisch. But the witnesses against the article are still stronger 
(A. B. Ὁ. ete. Or.) ; and how easily might the insertion have occurred through 
the ancient explanation of the feast as that of Easter !— Ver. 2. ἐπὶ τῇ προβα- 
τικῇ] ἐν τ. zp. is more weakly attested (though sanctioned by A. Ὁ). G, L. 8.**), 
Only δὲ. Cursives, some Verss. and Fathers have simply προβατικῆ. A change 
following another construction (sheep-pool). Unnecessary, and unsupported on 
critical grounds, is the conjecture of Gersdorf : 7 προβατικὴ κολυμβήθρα ἡ λεγο- 
μένη Ἔβρ. Βηθ. Tisch. following &.* has τὸ λεγόμενον instead of ἡ ἐπιλεγομένη. --- 
Ver. 3. πολύ] wanting in B.C. D. L. δὲ, Cursives, and some verss. Bracketed by 
Lachmann, deleted by Tisch. A strengthening addition that might easily pre- 
sent itself.—The words éxdeyou, τὴν τοῦ ὕδατος κίνησιν, togethcr with the whole 
of ver. 4, are wanting in B. C.* D. |S. 157, 314, Copt. Ms. Sahid. Syre«- Those 
words are wanting only in A. L. 18 ; the fourth verse only in D. 33, Arm. Mss. 
Codd. It. Aug., Nonnus (who describes the stirring, but does not mention the 
angel), and is marked as doubtful in other witnesses by an obelus or asterisks. 
There is, moreover, great variation in particular words. For κατέβαινεν, A. K. 
Verss. have even ἐλούετο, which Grotius approves. The entire passage from 
éxdevou. to the end of ver. 4, though recognized by Tertullian (Origen is silent), 
is a legendary addition (so also Liicke, Olshausen, Baeumlein, and now even 
Briickner, reject it), though left in the text by Lachmann in conformity with 
his principles, but deleted by Tisch. ; by de Wette not decidedly rejected ; 
vindicated on various grounds by B. Crusius, Hahn, Theol. N. T. I. 303, Lange, 
Reuss, and Hengstenberg ; left doubtful by Luthardt. Had the passage been 
genuine, its contents would have led more easily to its being retained than 
omitted ; moreover, the comparatively numerous ἅπαξ λεγόμενα in it make it 
suspicious, viz. κίνησιν, τὰρα χῆ, δήποτε (instead of ᾧ δήποτε Lachmann has οἱῳδη- 
ποτοῦν), νόσημα. When itis judged (de Wette) that John would hardly have 
ended the sentence with ξηρῶν, and then have immediately proceeded with jv 
δέ τις, etc., this is really arbitrary, for we should miss nothing if nothing had 
been there; ὅτων ταραχθῇ τὸ ὕδωρ, ver. 7, by no means makes a preceding ex- 
planation ‘‘ almost necessary,’’ but probably states the original form of the 
popular belief, out of which the legend soon developed itself and found its way 
into the text. This also against Hofmann, Schrifibeweis, I. 327 f., whose vindi- 
cation of ver. 4 is approved by Hilgenfeld, Evang. p. 268. Ewald (so also Tho- 
luck and Godet) rejects ver. 4, but defends the words ἐκδεχομένων. . . κίνησιν 
in ver. 3 for the sake of ver. 7; Hofmann, in loc., follows an opposite course. 
But the critical witnesses do not sanction such a separation. — Ver. 5. καί is 
wanting in the Elz., and is bracketed by Lachmann, but adopted by Tisch., 
and this upon preponderating evidence. — ἀσθεν.} B. C.* D. L. δὲ, Cursives, 
Codd. It. Vulg. Copt. Sahid. Arm, Cyr. Chrys. append αὐτοῦ, which Lachmann 
puts in brackets, and Tisch. receives. Rightly ; between dodevecA and TOYrov 


OHAP, V.,:1. 173 


the superfluous ΑὙΤΟΥ͂ might easily escape notice. — Ver. 7. For βάλῃ Elz. has 
βάλλῃ, against decisive evidence. — Ver. 8. ἔγειρε] Elz.: ἔγειραι, against the 
best Codd. See the critical notes on Mark ii. 2.— Ver. 12. τὸν κράβ. cov is 
wanting in B. C.* L. 8. Sahid. An addition from vy. 8,11. Deleted by Tisch. 
— Ver. 13. iaeic] Tisch., following D. and Codd. of the It., reads ἀσθενῶν, ap- 
parently original, but inapproprixte after τῷ τεθεραπευμένῳ in ver, 10; to be 
regarded as a subject added to ver. 7, and besides this too weakly supported. 
— Ver. 15. ἀνήγγειλε] C. L. δὲ, Syr. ὅσσα Copt. Cyr. read εἶπεν; Ὁ. K. U. Ὁ. 
Cursives, Chrys. : dmjyy. The latter reading might easily arise by joining 
ἀνῆγγ. with ἀπῆλθεν ; but this makes the testimonies against εἶπεν, which Tisch. 
adopts, still stronger. — Ver. 16. After ’Iovdaio., Elz. Scholz (bracketed by 
Lachmann), read καὶ ἐζήτουν αὐτὸν ἀποκτεῖναι, against decisive witnesses. A sup- 
~ plement borrowed from ver. 18. — Ver. 20. Tisch. : θαυμάζετε, which is far too 
weakly supported by L. 8. — Ver. 25, ζήσονται) Lachmann and Tisch. : ζήσουσιν, 
following Β. D. L. 8. Cursives, Chrys. Rightly ; the more usual form crept in 
— Ver. 30. After we Elz. has πατρός, an addition opposed by decisive witnesses. 
— Ver, 32. οἱδα] Tisch. οἴδατε, following only D. δὲ, Codd. It. Syr: Arm, — 
Ver. 35. The form ἀγαλλιαθῆναι (Elz., following B.: ἀγαλλιασθῆναι!) has pre- 
ponderating evidence in its favour. 


Ver. 1. Μετὰ ταῦτα] after this stay of Jesus in Galilee ; an approximate 
statement of time, within the range of which the harmonist has to bring much 
that is contained in the Synoptics. The distinction made by Liicke between 
this and μετὰ τοῦτο, Which makes the former denote indirect, and the latter 
immediate sequence, is incapable of proof : μετὰ ταῦτα is the more usual in 
John ; comp. ver. 14, iii. 22, vi. 1, vii. 1. — ἑορτὴ τῶν ᾿Τουδαίων] a feast of 
the Jews ; John does not describe it more definitely. But what feast is 
meant appears with certainty from iv. 35 ; comp. vi. 4. For in iv. 35 Jesus 
spoke in December, and it is clear from vi. 4 that the Passover was still ap- 
proaching ; it must therefore’ be a feast occurring in the interval between 
December and the Passover, and this is no other than the feast of Purim,* 
the feast of lots, celebrated on the 14th and 15th of Adar (Esth. ix. 21), con- 
sequently in March, in commemoration of the nation’s deliverance from the 
bloody designs of Haman. So Keppler, d’Outrein, Hug, Olshausen, Wiese- 
ler, Krabbe, Anger, Lange, Maier, Bacumlein, Godet, and most others. 
So also Holtzmann * and Mircker.* In favour of this interpretation is the 
fact that, as this feast was by no means a great one, but of less importance 
and less known to Hellenistic readers, the indefinite mention of it on John’s 
part is thoroughly appropriate ; while he names the greater and well-known 
feasts,—not only the Passover, but the σκηνοπηγία in vii. 2, and the ἐγκαίνια 
in x. 22. To suppose, in explanation of the omission of the name, that he 


1Tf this feast itself is taken to be the Pass- 
over, we are obliged, with the most glaring 
arbitrariness, to put a spatium vacuum of a 
year between it and the Passovar of vi. 4, 
of which, however, John (vi. 1-4) has not 
given the slightest hint. On the contrary, 
he lets his narrative present the most unin- 
terrupted sequence. Hengstenberg judges, 


indeed, that the gap can appear strange 
only to those who donot rightly discern the 
relation in which John stands to the Synop- 
tics. But this is nothing more than the 
dictum of harmonistic presuppositions. 

2 O97) 77, Esth. ix. 24 ff., iii, 7. 

3 Judenth. u. Christenth. p. 874. 

4 Uebereinst. d. Matth. u. Joh. 1868, p. 11. 


174 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


had forgotten what feast it was (Schweizer), is compatible neither with the 
accuracy of his recollection in other things, nor with the importance of the 
miracle wrought at this feast. It is arbitrary, however, to suppose that 
John did not wish to lay stress upon the name of the feast, but upon the 
fact that Jesus did not go up to Jerusalem save on occasion of a feast (Lu- 
thardt, Lichtenstein) ; indeed, the giving of the name after "Iovdaiwv (comp. 
vii. 2) would in no way have interfered with that imaginary design. It is 
objected that the feast of Purim, which was not a temple feast, required 
no journey to Jerusalem ;? and the high esteem in which it is held in Gem. 
Hier. Megill. i. 8 cannot be shown to refer to the time of Jesus. But might 
not Jesus, even without any legal obligation, have availed Himself of this 
feast for His further labours in Jerusalem ? And are we to suppose that 
the character of the feast—a feast for eating and drinking merely—should 
hinder Him from going to Jerusalem ? The Sabbath (ver. 9), on which ap- 
parently (but see Wieseler, p. 219) the feast could never occur, may have 
been before or after it ; and, lastly, what is related of Jesus (vi. 1 ff.) 
between this festival and the Passover, only a month afterwards, may easily 
have occurred within the space of that month. In fine, it can neither have 
been the Passover,? nor Pentecost,* nor the feast of Tabernacles,* nor the feast 
of the Dedication (a possible surmise of Keppler and Petavius) ; nor can we 
acquiesce in leaving the feast wndeterminable.* Baumgarten Crusius hesi- 
tates between Purim and the Passover, yet inclines to the latter. 

Vv. 2, 3. "Eorc] is the less opposed to the composition of the Gospel after 
the destruction of Jerusalem, as what is mentioned is a bath, whose surround- 
ings might very naturally be ‘represented as still existing. According to 
᾿ Ewald, the charitable uses which the building served might have saved it 
from destruction. Comp. Tobler, Denkblitt. p. 53 ff., who says that the 
porches were still pointed out in the fifth century. — ἐπὶ τῇ προβατικῇ] is wsu- 
ally explained by πύλῃ supplied : hard by the sheep-gate ; see on iv. 6. Con- 
cerning the {837 TP, Neh. iii. 1, 32, xii. 39, so called perhaps because 
sheep for sacrifice were sold there, or brought in there at the Passover, noth- 
ing further is known. It lay north-east of the city, and near the temple. 
Still the word supplied, ‘‘ gate,” cannot be shown to have been in use ; 
nor could it have been self-evident, especially to Gentile Christian readers, 
not minutely acquainted with the localities. I prefer, therefore, following 
Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ammonius, Nonnus, to join κολυμβ. with προβατικῇ, 
and, with Elz. 1633 and Wetstein, to read κολυμβήθρᾳ as a dative (comp. al- 
ready Castalio): ‘+ Now there is in Jerusalem, at the sheep-pool, [ἃ place called] 
Bethesda, so called in the Hebrew tongue.” According to Ammonius, the 
sheep used for sacrifice were washed in the sheep-pool.— ériaey.] ‘‘ this ad- 


1See especially Hengstenberg, Christol. 
Ill. p. 187 f., Liicke, de Wette, Briickner. 

2Cod. A., Irenaeus, Eusebius’ Chron., 
Rupertus, Luther, Calovius, Grotius, Jan- 
sen, Scaliger, Cornelius ἃ Lapide, Lightfoot, 
Lampe, Paulus, Kuinoel, Siisskind, Klee, 
Neander, Ammon, Hengstenberg. 


8 Cyril, Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euthy- 
mius Zigabenus, Erasmus, Melanchthon, 
Beza, Calvin, Maldonatus, Bengel. 

4 Cod. 131, Cocceius, Ebrard, Ewald, Hil- © 
genfeld, Lichtenstein, Krafft, Riggenback. 

5 Liicke, de Wette, Luthardt, Tholuck, 
Briickner. 


CHAP. V., 5-7. 175 


ditional name being given to tt.” * The pool was called Bethesda, a character- 
istic surname which had supplanted some other original name. — Βηϑεσδά] 
NON V3, locus benignitatis, variously written in Codd.,* not occurring else- 
where, not even in Josephus ; not house of pillars,” as Delitzsch supposes. 
It is impossible to decide with certainty which of the present pools * may 
have been that of Bethesda.* To derive, with Eusebius, the healing virtue 
of the, according to him, red-coloured water, which perhaps was mineral, 
from the blood of the sacrifices flowing down from the temple, and 
the name from NWS, effusio® is unwarranted, and contrary to ver. 7. The 
Jive porches served as a shelter for the sick, who are specially described as 
τυφλῶν, etc., and those afflicted with diseases of the nerves and muscles. On 
ξηρῶν, ‘‘ persons with withered and emaciated limbs,” comp. Matt. xii. 10 ; 
Mark iii. 1; Luke vi. 6, 8. Whether the sick man of ver. 5 was one of 
them or of the χωλοῖς is not stated. ᾿ 

Ver. 5. Τριάκοντα, x.7.4.] i.e. “having passed thirty-eight years in his sick- 
ness,”’ so that ἔχων belongs to tp. x. ὀκτὼ ἔτη," and ἐν τ. aod. αὐτ. denotes the 
state in which he spent the thirty-eight years. Against the connection of 
ἔχων with ἐν τ. aot. a. (being in his sickness thirty-eight years ; so Kuinoel 
and most others) ver. 6 is decisive, as also against the perversion of Paulus, 
who puts a comma after ἔχων (‘‘ thirty-eight years old”). The duration of 
the sickness makes the miracle all the more striking ; comp. Luke viii. 48. 
There is no intimation of any reference to the sentence of death pronounced 
upon Israel in the wilderness (Baumgarten, p. 139 f.; comp. Hengsten- 
berg). 

Ver. 6, 7. Τοῦτον. . . . ἔχει] two points which excited the compassion of 
Jesus, where γνούς, however (as in iv. 1), does not denote a supernatural 
knowledge of this external (otherwise in ver. 14) and easily known or ascer- 
tained fact (against Godet and the early expositors). — ἔχει] i.e. ἐν ἀσϑενείᾳ, 
ver. 5. — ϑέλεις, κιτ.λ.} Wilt thou become whole? The self-evident nature of 
this desire made the question an appropriate one to rouse the sufferer’s at- 
tention and expectation, and this was the object Jesus had in view in order to 


1On ἐπιλέγειν, elsewhere usually in the 
sense of selecting, see Plat. Legg. iii. p. 700 
B 


was not the ditch, now pointed out by tra- 
dition as Bethesda, at the north of the tem- 
ple wall. See also Tobler as before, who 
doubts the possibility of discovering the 
pool. As to the meaning of the name 
(House of Mercy), it is possible that the 
arrangement for the purposes of a bath to- 
gether with the porches was intended as 
a charitable foundation (Olshausen, Ewald), 


2 Tisch., following δὲ. 33, Bedgata. 

3 Probably it was the present ebbing and 
flowing “ Fountain of the Virgin Mary,” an 
intermittent spring called by the inhabitants 
“ Mother of Steps.’ See Robinson, II. 148f. 
According to Wieseler, Synopse, p. 260, it may 


have been the pool ᾿Αμύγδαλον mentioned in 
Josephus, Ant. v. 11. 4, as was already sup- 
posed by Lampe and several others, to 
which, however, the difference of name isan 
objection ; it has no claim to be received on 
the ground of etymology, but only of simi- 
larity of sound. Ritter, Hrdk. XVI. pp. 329, 
445 ff., describes the pool asnow choked up, 
while Krafft,'in his Zopogr. Ὁ. 176, thinks it 
was the Struthion of Josephus. It certainly 


or that the divine favour, whose effects 
were here manifested, gave rise to the 
name. This latter is the more probable, 
and perhaps gave occasion to the legend of 
the Angel in the Received Text. 

4 See Robinson, II. 136 f., 158 f. 

5. Calvin, Aretius, Bochart, Michaelis. 

8 viii, 57, xi. 17; Josephus, Arch. vii. 11. 
1; Krebs, p. 150. 


176 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


the commencement of His miraculous work. This question was inappro- 
priate for the purpose of merely beginning a conversation upon the subject (de 
Wette). Paulus falsely supposes that the man might have been a dishonest 
beggar, feigning sickness, and that Jesus asks him with reproving emphasis, 
“Wilt thou be made whole ? art thou in earnest?” So, too, Ammon ; 
while Lange regards him as simply languid in will, and that Christ again 
roused his dormant will ; but there is nothing of this in the text, and just 
as little of Luthardt’s notion, that the question was meant for all the people 
of whom the sick man is supposed to be the type. 7118 miracle alone fur- 
nishes an example of an wnsolicited interrogation upon Christ’s part (a feature 
which Weisse urges against it); but in the case of the man born blind, chap. 
ix., we have also an unsolicited healing.—dv8porov οὐκ ἔχω] ad morbum 
accedebat inopia, Grotius ; ἄνϑρ. emphatically takes the lead ; the ἔρχομαι ἐγώ 
that follows answers to it. —érav ταραχϑῇ τὸ ὕδωρ] The occasional and in- 
termittent disturbance of the water is not to be understood as a regular oc- 
currence, but as something sudden and quickly passing away. Uence the 
man’s waiting and complaint. — βάλῃ) throw, denoting a hasty conveyance 
before the momentary bubbling was over. — ἔρχομαι) he therefore was obliged 
to help himself along, but slowly. — ἄλλος πρὸ ἐμοῦ] so that the place where 
the bubbling appeared was occupied by another. Observe the sing.; the 
short bubbling is to be regarded as occurring only in one jixed springing-point 
in the pool, so that one person only could secure its influence. The apocry- 
phal ver. 4 has perverted this circumstance, in conformity with a popular 
superstition, which probably reaches as far back as the time of Christ. 

Vv. 8, 9. Comp. Matt. ix. 6; Mark ii. 9, 11. — περιπάτει] walk, go; hith- 
erto he had lain down there, ver. 6. The command implies the man’s faith, 
which had been recognized by Christ. — καὶ ἦρε] simply and emphatically 
told in the very words which Jesus had spoken.—Some (Strauss) quite arbi- 
trarily regard this story as a legendary exaggeration of the healing of the 
paralytic in the Synoptics (Matt. ix.; Mark ii.); time, place, circumstances, 
and what ensues, especially its essential connection with the healing on the 
Sabbath-day, are all original and independent, as is also the whole account, 
so full of life and psychologically true, and very different from that in the 
Synoptics. Notwithstanding, Baur again (p. 243 ff.) would make the story 
in John a composition out of synoptical materials, appealing especially to 
Mark ii. 9,10; and Hilgenfeld, Hvang. 269 f., adopts the same course, 
finding the ‘‘inner peculiarity” of the narrative in the idea that the om- 
nipotence of the Logos cannot be controlled by any earthly law or human 
custom ; whilst Weisse (Hvangelienjr. 268) sees in the man’s lameness the 
helplessness of one morally sick, and attributes the origin of the entire. 
narrative to what was originally a parable. Thus they themselves complete 
the fiction, and then pass it off on the evangelist, while the simplest as well 
as the most distinctive and characteristic historical features are now inter- 
woven into his supposed plans. See, on the contrary, Briickner, in Joe. 

Vv. 10-13. Οἱ Ιουδαῖοι] The Sanhedrim are here meant ; see vy. 15, 33. 
They never once mention the healing ; with hostile coldness they only watch 
for their point of attack ; ‘‘ Quaerunt non quod mirentur, sed quod calum- 


CHAP. V., 14-17. Le 


nientur,” Grotius. — ὁ ποιήσας, etc., and ἐκεῖνος are, in the mouth of the man 
who was healed, an appeal to the authority which, as a matter of fact, his 
Deliverer must possess ; there is something defiant in the words, so natural 
in the first realization of his wonderful cure. — ὁ ἄνϑρωπος] contemptuous.* 
— ἐξένευσεν] He withdrew,’ i.e. when this encounter with the Jews began. 
As He wished to avoid the scene which would occur with the crowd who 
were in the place, He conveyed Himself away (not pluperfect). 

Vv. 14, 15. Μετὰ ταῦτα] whether on the same day does not appear. But 
it is psychologically probable that the new feeling of restored health led 
the man at once into the sanctuary. — μηκέτι duapr.| Jesus therefore knew 
(by direct intuition) that the sickness of this sufferer had been brought 
about (see on Matt. ix. 2, 3) by special sm (of what kind does not appear) ; 
and this particular form of sin is what He refers to, not generally to the 
universal connection between sin and physical evil (Neander, following the 
early expositors), or between sin and sickness (Hengstenberg), which would 
not be in keeping with the character of this private interview, that sought 
the good of the man’s soul. The man’s own conscience would necessarily 
give an individual application to the μεκέτε audpr. Comp. viii. 11. — χεῖρον] 
to be left indefinite ; for if the ἁμαρτάνειν recurred, it might bring with it a 
worse sickness (so Nonnus), and other divine punishment, even the loss of 
eternal salvation. See generally Matt. xii. 45 ; 2 Pet. ii. 20.—Ver. 15. 
ἀνήγγειλε, κιτ..1 The motive was neither malice,* nor gratitude, to bring 
Jesus into notice and recognition among the Jews,* nor obedience to the rulers,° 
under the influence of stupidity (Tholuck) or fear (Lange), but, in keeping 
with ver. 11, and the designation ὁ ποιήσας αὐτὸν ὑγιῆ (comp. ver. 11): the 
supplementary vindication of the authority in obedience to which he had 
acted, though it was the Sabbath (vv. 9, 10), and which he was bound to 
name to the Jews. This authority is with him decidedly higher than that 
of the Sanhedrim ; and he not only employs it for his own acquittal, but 
even defies them with it. Comp. the man born blind, ix. 17, 31 ff. Yet for 
this purpose how easily could he ascertain the name of Jesus ! 

Vy. 16,17. Διὰ τοῦτο] on account of this notice referring to Jesus, and 
then ὅτι, because He that is. See on x. 17. — édiwx.] not judicially, through 
the law,* of which the sequel says nothing, but ina general way: they 
made Him the object of their persecutions. —ravra] these things, such as 
the healing of the paralytic. — ἐποίει] he was doing, not ἐποίησεν. ---- ἀπεκρίνατο] 
In reply to the διώκειν of the Jews, whether this then showed itself in accu- 
sations, reproaches, machinations, or otherwise in overt acts of hostility. 
This Aorist occurs in John only here, ver. 19, and xii. 23.—6 πατήρ pov, 
x.t.2.] My Father is working up to this moment ; I also work. 'This expres- 
sion is not borrowed from Philo (Strauss); Jesus alludes to the unresting ac- 
tivity of God for human salvation” since the creation was finished, notwith- 


1 Ast, Lex. Plat. I. Ὁ. 178. mius Zigabenus, Grotius, and many early 

2 See Dorvill. ad Char. p. 273; Schleusner, writers ; also Maier and Hengstenberg. 
Thes. 11. 298. 5 Bengel, Liicke, de Wette, Luthardt. 

3 Schleiermacher, Paulus, comp. Ammon. 6 Lampe, Rosenmiiller, Kuinoel. 


4 Cyril, Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euthy- 7 Jesus accordingly does not deny that 


178 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
standing the divine rest of the Sabbath (Gen. ii. 1-3) after the six days’ 
work. This distinct reference (not generally ‘‘to the sustaining and gov- 
ernment of the world”) is presented in the activity of Christ answering to 
that of God the Father. As the Father, says Jesus, has not ceased from 
the beginning to work for the world’s salvation, but ever works on even 
to the present moment,’ so of necessity and right, notwithstanding the law 
of the Sabbath, does He also, the Son, who as such (by virtue of His essen- 
tially divine relationship of equality with the Father) cannot in this His 
activity be subject to the sabbatical law, but is Lord of the Sabbath (comp. 
Matt. xii. 8 ; Mark ii. 28). Olshausen and de Wette import into the words : 
‘‘As in God rest and action are united, so in Christ are contemplation and 
activity.” There is no mention whatever of rest and contemplation. Ac- 
cording to Godet, Jesus says, ‘‘ Jusqwd chaque dernier moment ov mon pere 
agit, j’agis aussi ;” the Son can only cease His work when He sees the 
Father cease. But in this case we should have simply ἕως (ix. 4), and not 
ἕως ἄρτι 3 ἕως ἄρτι Means nothing more nor less than wsgue adhue (ii. 10, xvi. 
24; 1 John ii. 9), limiting the now still more definitely than ἕως τοῦ viv 
(Lobeck, ad Phryn. pp. 19, 20). — κἀγὼ ἐργάζομαι] is not to be again supple- 
mented by ἕως ἄρτι. also (do not rest, but) work. ‘The relation of the 
two sentences is not that of imitation (Grotius), or.ezample (Ewald), but of 
necessary equality of willand procedure. The asyndeton (instead of ‘‘ because 
my Father,” etc.) makes the statement more striking. See on 1 Cor. x. 17. 
Ver. 18. Διὰ τοῦτο] because He said this, and ὅτι as in ver. 16. ‘‘ Apo- 
logiam ipsam in majus crimen vertunt,” Bengel. — μᾶλλον] neither potius 
nor amplius (Bengel : ‘‘ modo persequebantur, nunc amplius quaerunt occi- 
dere”) ; but, as its position connects with it necessarily ἐζήτ., magis, 
“‘ they redoubled their endeavours.” Tt has a reference to ἐδίωκον in ver. 16, so 
far as this general expression includes the desire to kill. Comp. for the 
ζητεῖν ἀποκτεῖναι, Vii. 1, 19, 25, vill. 87, 40, xi. 58. --- πατέρα ἴδιον, κ.τ.λ.} pa- 
trem proprium. Comp. Rom, viii. 32. They rightly interpreted ὁ πατήρ μου 
as signifying peculiar and personal fatherhood, and not what is true also 


God rested on the seventh day after the 
six days of creation (against Ammon) ; but 
He affirms that since then He is ever ac- 
tive, even on the Sabbath-days, for man’s 
redemption. Nor does He speak of the 
law concerning the Sabbath as not of divine 
institution (Baur), as of no obligation, or as 
abrogated ; but He as the Son stands above 
it, and is as little bound by it as the Father, 
who ever continues to work, even on the 
Sabbath, This against Hilgenfeld (Lehrbe- 
griff, p. 81; Hvang. p. 270; and in his Zeit- 
schrift 1863, p. 218), who considers that, ac- 
cording to this Gospel, Jesus, passing by 
the O. T. representation of God, rises to the 
absolutely transcendental essence, exalted 
above all contact with the finite, and mani- 
fest only to the Son; and that the evange- 
list, following the Gnosties, refers the his- 
tory of the creation to the Demiurge, as 


distinct from the most high God. This is 
not the ‘‘eagle height” of John’s theology. 
léws ἄρτι carries our view of God’s 
working, which began with the creation, 
onward to the present moment, the moment 
wherein Jesus has to defend Himself on ac- 
count of Sabbath-breaking. In conformity 
with this redemptive work of God the 
Father onwards until now, and which was 
interrupted by no rest, He also works. The 
inference that herein is implied a divine 7és¢ 
at a future period, as Luthardt thinks,— 
who regards the day of Christ’s resurrec- 
tion as the then approaching Sabbath of 
God’s redemptive work,—is quite remote 
from the text. Ἕως ἄρτι includes the sur- 
vey of the entire past down to the moment 
then present, without any intimation of a 
change in the future, which, if intended, 
should appear in the context, as in xvi. 24. 


CHAP.) Vie LO: 1 


with reference to others, ‘‘sed id misere pro blasphemia habuerunt,” Ben- 
gel. Comp. x. 88. --- ἴσον ἑαυτόν, x.7.A.] not an explanation, nor exactly 
(B. Crusius) a proof of what precedes, which the words themselves of Jesus, 
ὁ πατήρ μου, Supply ; but what Jesus says of God’s relation to Him (πατέρα 
ἴδιον), declares at the same time, as to the other side of the relationship, 
what He makes Himself out to be in His relation to God. We must trans- 
late : ‘‘in that He (at the same time) puts Himself on the same level with God,” 
i.e. by that κἀγὼ ἐργάζομαι of ver. 17, wherein He, as the Son, claims for 
Himself equality of right and freedom with the Father. Comp. also Hof- 
mann, Schriftbeweis, I. p. 1383. The thought of claiming equality of essence 
(Phil. ii. 6), however, lies in the background as an indistinct notion in the | 
minds of His opponents. 

Ver. 19 ff. Jesus does not deny what the Jews attributed to Him as the 
capital offence of blasphemous presumption, namely, that He made Himself 
equal with God; but He puts the whole matter in its true light, and this 
from a consideration of His whole present and future work, onward to ver. 
80 ; whereupon, onwards to ver. 47, He gives vent to an earnest denuncia- 
tion of the unbelief of the Jews in the divine witness to Himself. 

Ver. 19. Ov δύναται] denies the possibility, from the point of view of an 
inner necessity, involved in the relationship of the Son to the Father : by 
virtue of this it is impossible for Him to act with an individual sel/-assertion 
independent of the Father, which He could then only do if He were not 
the Son.’ In ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, as the subject of the reflexive is the Son in His re- 
lation to the Father, there does not lie an opposition between the human 
and divine wills (Beyschlag), nor an indistinct and onesided reference to 
the human element in Christ (de Wette) ; but it is the whole theanthropic sub- 
ject,the incarnate Logos, in whom the Aseietas agendi, the self-determination 
of action independently of the Father, cannot find place ; because otherwise 
He must either be absolutely divine only, and therefore without the subor- 
dination involved in ‘the economy of redemption (which is the case also 
with the πνεῦμα, xvi. 13), or absolutely human ; therefore there is here no 
contradicticn with the prologue (Reuss ; comp. on the other side, Godet). 
— ἐὰν μῆ τι, κιτ.}.} refers simply to ποιεῖν οὐδέν, and not also to ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ. 
See on Matt. xii. 4 ; Gal. 11. 16. — βλέπῃ τ. rar. ποιοῦντα] a familiar descrip- 
tion, borrowed from the attention which children give to the conduct of 
their father—of the inner and immediate-intuition which the Son perpetu- 
ally has of the Father’s work, in the perfect consciousness of fellowship of 
life with Him. This relation, not merely of moral and religious, but of meta- 
physical and essential communion, is the necessary and immediate standard 
of the Son’s working. See on ver. 20. — ἃ γὰρ dv ἐκεῖνος, x.r.A.] Proof of the 
negative assertion by means of the positive relationship subsisting. — ὁμοίως] 
similarly, proportionately, qualifying ποιεῖ, indicating again the reciprocity 
or sameness of action already expressed by ταῦτα, and thus more strongly 
confirming the perfect equality of the relationship. It is, logically speak- 
ing, the pariter (Mark iv. 16 ; John xxi. 18; 1 Pet. iii. 1) of the category 
mentioned, 


1 Comp. Bengel, én /oc., and Fritzsche, nova opuse. Ὁ. 297 f. 


180 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN, 

Ver. 20. Moral necessity in God for the aforesaid ἃ γὰρ ἂν ἐκεῖνος, ete. 
Comp. iii. 35. — γάρ refers to the whole of what follows down to ποιεῖ, of 
which καὶ μείζονα, etc., gives the result. — φιλεῖ} ‘‘ qui amat, nil celat,” Ben- 
gel. The distinction between this and ἀγαπᾷ (which D., Origen, Chrysos- 
tom here read), diligit,’ is to be retained also in John, though he uses both 
to denote the same relationship, but with varying definiteness of represen- 
tation. Comp. 111. 35, xxi. 15. Φιλεῖν is always the proper affection of love.? 
But this love has its basis in the metaphysical and eternal relation of the 
Father to the Son, as His μονογενὴς υἱός (i. 14, 18), and does not first begin 
in time. Comp. Luthardt. — πάντα δείκνυσιν] He shows Him all, permits Him 
to see in immediate self-revelation all that He Himself doeth, that the Son 
also may do these things after the pattern of the Father. Description of 
the inner and essential intimacy of the Father with the Son, according to 
which, and by virtue of His love tothe Son, He makes all His own working 
an object of intuition to the Son for His like working (comp. ver. 17),— 
the humanly conditioned continuation of what He had seen in His pre- 
human existence, ili. 11, vi. 46.°—xai μείζονα, x.7.A.] a new sentence, and 
an advance in the discourse, the theme of all that follows down to ver. 30 : 
and greater works than these (the healings of the sick spoken of) will He show 
Him ; He will give Him His example to do them also. —iva] the divine 
purpose of this,—not in the sense of ὥστε (Baeumlein). —ipeic| ye wnbeliev- 
ers. Jesus does not say πιστεύητε ; He means the surprise of shame, viz. at 
the sight * of His works. 

Ver. 21. Jesus now specifies these μείζονα épya, namely, the quickening of 
the dead, and judgment (vv. 21-30) ; ἔργα accordingly is a broader concep- ἡ 
tion than miracle, which, however, is included in the category of the Mes- 
sianic ἔργα. See especially ver. 36. 

Ver. 21. He speaks of the operation of His power in judging and raising 
the dead,. first in an ethical sense down to ver. 27, and then, vv. 28, 29, sub- 
joins the actual and universal awakening of the dead as the completion of 
His entire life-giving and judicial work as the Messiah. Augustine antici- 
pated this view (though illogically apprehending ver. 21 in a moral sense, 
and ver. 22 in a physical), and it is adopted among the older writers, es- 
pecially by Rupertius, Calvin, Jansen, Calovius, Lampe, and more recently 
by Liicke, Tholuck, Olshausen, Maier, de Wette, Lange, Hilgenfeld, 
Lechler,®> Weiss, Godet. Others have extended the ethical interpretation 
even as far as vv. 28, 99,5 which, however, is forbidden by the language and 


1 See Tittmann, Synon. Ὁ. 50. 

2 Comp. xi. 8, 36, xvi. 27, xx. 2, δὲ al. 

3 This intimate relationship is to be re- 
garded asone of uninterrupted continuity, 
and not to be limited merely to occasional 
crises in the life of Jesus (Gess, Pers. Chr. 
p. 237), of which there is not the slightest 
indication in John’s Gospel. Comp. i. 52. 
This very continuous consciousness depends 
upon the continuance of the Zogos con- 
sciousness (viii. 29, 59, xvii. 5, xvi. 32),—a 
view which is to be maintained against 


Weizsicker, who introduces also visions 
(evang. Gesch. p. 485) in explanation of this 
passage, in the face of the known history of 
Jesus. 

4For the astonishment connected with 
the θεᾶσϑαι is implied in the context. See 
Nagelsbach, 2. Zlias, Ὁ. 200, ed. 3. 

5 Apost. Zeitalt. p. 225 f. 

6 So Deysing in the Bibl. Brem.i 6, Ecker- 
mann, Ammon, and many others ; recently, 
Schweizer, B. Crusius, Reuss. 


OHAP. V.s¢ak. 181 


contents of vv. 28, 29 ; see on vv. 28, 29. Further, when Luthardt’ under- 
stands ζωοποιεῖν generally of the impartation of life, he takes beth kinds of 
quickening as the two sides of the life, which appears, however, irreconcilable 
with the right understanding of of¢ ϑέλει, and with the distinct separation 
between the present and the future (the latter from ver. 28 onwards). The 
ζωοποιεῖν of the Messiah during His temporal working concerns the morally 
dead, of whom He morally quickens whom He will; but at a future day, 
at the end of all things, He will call forth the physically dead from their 
graves, etc., vv. 28, 29. The carrying out of the double meaning of ζωοποιεῖν 
onwards to ver. 28 (for vv. 28, 29 even Luthardt himself takes as referring 
only to the jinal future) leads to confusion and forced interpretation (see on 
oi dxoboavrec, ver. 25). Further, most of the Fathers,” most of the older ex- 
positors,* and recently Schott in particular,* Kuinoel, Baumeister,* Weizcl,® 
Kaeuffer,? Baeumlein and Ewald, take the entire passage vv. 21-29 in a Jit- 
eral sense, as referring to the resurrection and the final judgment. Against 
this it is decisive : (a) that iva ὑμεῖς ϑαυμάζητε in ver. 20 represents the 
hearers as continuous witnesses of the works referred to, and these works, 
therefore, as successive developments which they will see along with others ; 
(Ὁ) that οὺς ϑέλει is in keeping only with the ethical reference ; (c) that ive 
πάντες τιμῶσι, ete., ver. 23, expresses a continuing result, taking place in the 
present (in the aidv οὗτος), and as divinely intended ; (d) that in ver. 24, ἐκ 
τοῦ ϑανάτου cannot be explained of physical death ; (6) that in ver. 25, καὶ 
νῦν ἔστιν and οἱ ἀκούσαντες are compatible only with a reference to spiritual 
awakening. To this may be added, (7) that Jesus, where He speaks (vv. 28, 
29) of the literally dead, very distinctly marks out the resurrection of these 
latter from that of the preceding as something greater and as still future, 
and designates the deed not merely with great definiteness as such (πάντες 
οἱ ἐν τοῖς μνημείοις), but also makes their ἀνάστασις ζωῆς conditional, not, as in 
ver. 24, upon faith, but, probably seeing that they for the most part would 
never have heard the gospel, upon having done good,—thus characteristically 
distinguishing this quickening of the dead from that spoken of immediately 
before.— ὥσπερ. . . ζωοποιεῖ] The awakening and reviving of the dead is 
represented as the essential and peculiar business of the Father ;° accordingly 
the Present tense is used, because the statement is general. Comp. Rom. iv. 
17. Observe, however, that Jesus here speaks of the awakening of the dead, 
‘which is peculiar to the Father, still without distinguishing between the 
spiritual and literal dead ; this separation first appears in the following 
reference to the Son. The awakening of both springs from the same divine 
source and basis of life. —éyeipec and ζωοποιεῖ we might expect in reverse 
order (as in Eph. ii. 5, 6) ; but the ζωοποιεῖν is the essential and controlling 
fact, of which the awakening (ἐγείρειν) is popularly conceived as the beginning, 


1 Comp. Tholuck on vv. 21-23, and Heng- 4 Opuse. i. p. 197. 
stenberg on vy. 21-24, also Briickner on ver. 5 Wiirtemb. Stud. ΤΙ. 1. 
91. ® Stud. u. Krit. 1836, p. 636. 
2 Tertullian, Chrysostom and his fol- 7 De ζωῆς αἰων not. p. 115 ff. 
lowers, Nonnus, and others. ® Deut. xxxii. 39; 1 Sam. ii. 6; Tobit xiii. 


3 Erasmus, Beza, Grotius, Bengel, and 2; Wisd. xvi. 19. 
many others. 


182 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


and appearing thus merely as its immediate antecedent, does not recur in the 
apodosis. [See Note XXIII. p. 195.]—od¢ ϑέλει]) for He will πού quicken 
others because they believe not (ver. 24) ; this, and not an absolute decree 
(Calvin, Reuss), is the moral condition of His self-determination, just as also 
His κρίσις (ver. 22) is in like manner morally determined. That this spirit- 
ual resurrection is independent of the descent from Abraham, is evident from 
the fact of its being spiritual ; but this must not be taken as actually stated 
in the οὖς ϑέλει. Many, who take ζωοποιεῖ literally, resort to the historical 
accounts of the raising of individuals from the dead (Lazarus, etc.), for which 
few cases the οὖς ϑέλει is neither appropriate nor adequate. See, besides, ver. 
25. Ewald takes God as the subject of ϑέλει, which is neither logical (on 
account of the καί, which places the two subjects in the same line), nor pos- 
sible according to the plain words, though it is evident that the Son 
acts only in the harmony of His will with that of the Father ; comp. ver. 
30, vi. 40. — ζωοποιεῖ] ethically, of the spiritual quickening to the higher 
moral life, instead of that moral death in which they were held captive in 
their unconverted state of darkness and sin. Without this ζωοποίησις, their 
life would remain ethically a ζωὴ ἄβιος," βίος aBiwroc.? The Present, for He 
does it now, and is occupied with this Cworoeiv, that is, by means of his 
word, which is the life-giving call (vv. 24, 25). The #utwre follows in ver. 28. 

Ver. 22 does not state the ground of the Son’s call to bestow life 
(Luthardt, comp. Tholuck and Hengstenberg), but is a justification of the 
obe 0éAe1,—because the κρίσις refers only to those whom He will not raise to 
life,—in so far as it is implied that the others, whom the Son will not make 
alive, will experience in themselves the judgment of rejection (the anticipa- 
tory analogon of the decisive judgment at the second advent, ver. 29). 
It is given to.no other than the Son to execute this final judgment. The 
κρίνει οὐδένα Should have prevented the substitution of the idea of separation 
for that of judgment (comp. iii. 17, 18). —ovdé yap ὁ π.} for not even the 
Father, to whom, however, by universal acknowledgment, judgment belongs. * 
Consequently it depends only upon the Son, and the οὖς θέλει has its vindi- 
cation, Concerning οὐδέ, which is for the most part neglected by commen- 
tators, comp. vii. 5, viii. 42, xxi. 25. The antithesis ἀλλὰ, x.r.1., tells how 
Jar, though God is the world’s Judge, the Father does not judge, ete. — 
κρίνει] the judgment of condemnation (111. 17, 18, v. 24, 27, 29), whose 
sentence is the opposite of ζωοποιεῖν, the sentence of spiritual death. — τὴν 
κρίσιν πᾶσαν] judgment altogether (here also to be understood on its condem- 
natory side), therefore not only of the last act on the day of judgment (ver. 
27), but of its entirety (see on xvi. 13), and consequently in its progress in 
time, whereby the οὗς θέλει is decided. 

Ver. 23. The divine purpose which is to be attained in the relation of man- 
kind to this judicial action of the Son. Observe the Present Subjunctive. — 
καθώς] just as, for in the Son, who judges, we have the appointed representa- 
tive of the Father, and thus fur (therefore always relatively, xiv. 23) He is to 

1 See on Luke xy. 24; Matt. iv. 16; Eph. 3 Xen. Mem. iv. 8. 8. 


v. 14; Rom. vi. 18; Isa. xxvi. 19. 4 Weiss, Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 185, explains it as if 
2 Jacobs, ad Anthol. VII. p. 182. it ran: οὐδὲ yap κρίνει ὃ πατήρ, etc. 


CHAP. Y., 24, 25. 183 


be honoured as the Father. Comp. what follows. How utterly opposed to 
this divine intention was the procedure of the Jews, ver. 18! But it is 
incorrect to take καθώς with Baeumlein, as causal (see on ΧΙ. 34, xvii. 2), 
because the whole context turns upon the equality of the Father and the 
Son. — ov τιμᾷ τὸν πατέρα] 1.6. by this very fact, that he does not honour 
the Son, who is the Sent of the Father. 

Ver. 24. The ofc θέλει ζωοποιεῖ now receives—and that with increas- 
ing solemnity of discourse—its more minute explanation, both as to the 
subjects whom it specifies (ὁ τὸν λόγον pov ἀκούων, κ.τ.}.), and the 
ζωοποίησις itself (ἔχε: ζωήν). ---- ἀκούων is simply heareth, but is closely connect- 
ed with the following καὶ πιστεύων (comp. Matt. xiii. 19 ff.), and thereby 
receives its definite reference. For the opposite, see xii. 47. — ἔχει ¢. ai.] 
The (woroveiv is accomplished in him ; he das eternal life (iii. 15), z.e. the 
higher spiritual ζωή, which, upon his entrance into the Messiah’s kingdom, 
reaches its consummation in glorious Messianic ζωή. He has, in that he is 
become a believer, passed from spiritual death (see on ver. 21) into eternal 
life (the ζωὴ κατ᾽ ἐξοχῆν), and cometh not into (condemnatory, comp. iii. 18) 
judgment, because he has already attained unto that life.’ The result of this 
is : θάνατον ov μὴ ϑεωρήσῃ, Vili. 51. On the Perfect μεταβέβ., see 111. 18 ; 1 
John 11]. 14. 

Ver. 25. Jesus re-affirms what He had already asserted in ver. 24, but in 
the more concrete form of allegorical expression. — καὶ viv ἐστιν] ἦ.6. in its 
beginning, since Christ’s entrance upon His life-giving ministry. Comp. iv. 
23. The duration of this ὥρα, however, continues till the second advent ; 
already had it begun to be present, but, viewed in its completeness, it still 
belonged to the future. The expositors who take the words to denote the 
literal resurrection (see ver. 25, also Hengst.), refer καὶ viv ἐστιν to the indi- 
vidual instances of raising from the dead which Jesus has wrought ;? but 
this is as inappropriate in general as it is specially un-Johannean, for 
those individuals were not awaked to ζωή in the sense of the context, 
but only to the earthly life, which was still liable to death. Olshausen, who 
illogically explains ver. 25 as referring to the resurrection of the body, 
appeals to Matt. xxvii. 52, 53. —oi νεκροί] the spiritually dead ; Matt. viii. 
22 ; Rev. 11]. 1 ; and see on ver. 21. —rfec φωνῆς] according to the context, 
the resurrection summons (ver. 28), which is here really, in the connection of 
the allegory, the morally life-giving preaching of Christ. The spiritually 
dead, generally, under the category οἱ νεκροί, will hear this voice, but all will 
not awake to its call ; only οἱ ἁκούσαντες, which therefore cannot be taken in 
the same sense as ἀκούσονται, but must signify : those who will have given ear 
thereto. Comp. viii. 43, 47. In Latin: ‘‘ Mortui audient . . . et qui audi- 
entes fuerint,” etc. It is the ἀκούειν καλοῦντος, al., ἀκούειν παραγγέλλοντος, and. 

1 Melanchthon : “ Postquam illuxit fides passages (comp. viii. 51, xi. 26) that our 


seu fiducia Christi in corde, qua agnoscimus evangelist verges closely on the doctrine of 
nos vere a Deo recipi, exaudiri, regi, defen- the Gnosties, 2 Tim. ii. 18. 


di, sequitur pax et laetitia, quae est incho- 2 John xi.; Marz y. 41; Luke vii. 14; 
atio vitae aeternae et tegit peccata, quae Matt. xi. 5. 
adhue in imbecillitate nostra haerent.” 3 Plut. Sert. 11. 


Baur is wrong in concluding from such 


184 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

the like, ἀκούειν τοῦ προστάγματος.' If we understand the words of bodily 
awakening, οἱ ἀκούσαντες with the article is quite inerplicable. Chrysostom : 
φωνῆς ἀκούσαντες ἐπιταττούσης ; Grotius: ‘simul atque audierint.” All such 
renderings, as also the vague explanation of Hengstenberg,? would require 
ἀκούσαντες merely without the article ;° and ζήσουσιν would, in opposition to the 
entire context, signify ‘‘to live” generally, in an indifferent sense. Ols- 
hausen, indeed, supplements axotcavree—which, nevertheless, must of neces- 
sity refer to τῆς gwv7c—by τὸν λόγον from ver. 24: ‘‘ they who in this life 
hear the word of God.” It is just as impossible to hold, with Luthardt (so 
far as he would include the literal resurrection), that οἱ ἀκούσαντες refers to 
those ‘‘ who hear the last call of Jesus differently from others, 1.6. joyfully 
receiving it, and therefore attain to life.” This is an ¢mported meaning, for 
there is no such modal limitation in the teat ; but οἱ ἀκούσαντες alone, in so far 
as it must differ from the general ἀκούσονται, can only designate those who 
give ear, and by this the literal resurrection is excluded. For this double 
meaning of ἀκούειν in one sentence, see Plat. Legg. Ὁ. 712 B: ϑεὸν . . 
καλώμεϑα᾽ ὁ δὲ ἀκούσειέ Te καὶ ἀκούσας (cum exaudiverit) . . . ἔλϑοι, and also 
the proverbial expression ἀκούοντα μὴ ἀκούειν. 

Vv. 26, 27. The life denoted by this ζήσουσιν, seeing the subjects of it 
were dead, must be something which isin process of being imparted to 
them,—a life which comes from the Son, the quickener. But He could not 
impart it if He had not in Himself a divine and independent fountain of life, 
like the Father, which the Father, the absolutely living One (vi. 57), gave Him 
when He sent Him into the world to accomplish His Messianic work ; comp. 
x. 36. The following ἔδωκεν (ver. 27) should itself have prevented the refer- 
ence to the eternal generation.* Besides (therefore ver. 27), if only the ἀκού- 
σαντες (comp. οὖς ϑέλει, ver. 21) are to live, and the other νεκροί not, the Son 
must have received from the Father the warrant and power of judging and of 
deciding who are to live and who not. But this power is given Him by the 
Father because He is the Son of man; for in His incarnation, i.e. in the fact 
that the Son of God (incarnate) is a child of man,° consists the essence of His 
nature as Redeemer, and with this the reason in the history of redemption why 
the Father has equipped Him for the Messianic function of judgment. Had 
the Son of God not become a child of man, He could not have been the 
fulfiller of the Father’s decree of redemption, nor been entrusted with judi- 
cial power. Luthardt® says incorrectly : ‘‘for God desired to judge the 
world by means of a man,” a thought quite too vague for this passage, bor- 
rowed from Acts xvii. 31. Better de Wette, with whom Briickner concurs 
(comp. also Reuss) : ‘‘ It denotes the Logos as a human manifestation,” and in 
this lies the reason why He judges, for the hidden God could not be judge.” 
But this negative and refined definition of the reason given, ‘‘ because He is 


2 
€TL- 


1 Polyb. xi. 19. 5. 

2The article is said to indicate the in- 
separable connection between hearing and 
life. 

3 See Eurip. Hec. 25, 26, and Pflugk there- 
. On. But οἱ ἁκούσαντες with the article is: 
quicunque audiverunt. 


4 Augustine and many others, also Gess. 

5 Comp. Phil. ii. 7; Gal. iv. 4; Rom. i. 3, 
viii. 3. 

ὁ Comp. Hofmann, Schrifibew. Il. 1, Ὁ. 78. 

7 Or the relative humanity of Him who is 
God’s Son. The expression is therefore 
different from: ‘‘ because He is man.” 


OHAPEH Vey 26, 20: 185 
the Son of man,” is inappropriately read between the lines, since it savours 
of Philonic speculation, and since the view of the Deity as a Judge was 
current among the Jews. So, following Augustine, Luther, Castalio, Jansen, 
and most others, B. Crusius (comp. also Wetstein, who adduces Heb. iv. 
15): ‘because executing judgment requires direct operation upon man- 
kind.” ? Others : ‘‘vide avdp. is He who is announced in Dan. vii. and in the 
book of Enoch as the Messiah” (see on Matt. viii. 20), where the thought 
itself is variously set forth ; Liicke (so also Baeumlein) : ‘‘ because He is the 
Messiah, and judgment essentially belongs to the work of the Messiah” 
(comp. Ewald). TTholuck comes nearest to the right sense : ‘‘ because He is 
become man, i.e. is the Redeemer, but with this redemption itself the κρίσις 
also is given.” Hengstenberg: ‘‘as a reward for taking humanity upon 
Him.” Against the whole explanation from Dan. vii. 13, however, to which 
Beyschlag, Ohristol. p. 29, with his explanation of the ideal man (the per- 
sonal standard of divine judgment), adheres, it is decisive that in the N. T. 
throughout, wherever ‘‘ Son of man” is used to designate the Messiah, both 
words have the article: ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ avd pérov 3° υἱὸς ἀνϑρώπου without the ar- 
ticle* occurs in Rev. i. 13, xiv. 14, but it does not denote the Messiah. 
Thus the prophecy in Daniel does not enter into consideration here ; but 
ἐς son of a human being” is correlative to ‘‘ son of God” (of the Father, vv. 25, 
26), although it must frankly be acknowledged that the expression does not 
necessarily presuppose birth from a virgin.® The Peshito, Armenian version, 
Theophylact, Euthymius Zigabenus, Paulus, connect the words—rightly 
taking υἱὸς avdp. to mean man—with what follows : ‘‘ Marvel not that He is 


aman.” 


the ordinary connection. — ζωὴν ἔχειν ἐν ἑαυτῷ] in Himself. 
vitam habere in sese, i.e. alio modo quam creaturae, angeli 
Comp. i. 4, xiv. 6.° 


in hoe dicto : 
et homines,’”’ Melanchthon. 


1 Comp. also Baur in Hilgenfeld’s Zettschr. 
f. wiss. Theol. 1860, Ὁ. 276 ff., and WV. T. 
Theol. p. %9 ff.; Holtzmann in the same, 
1865, Ὁ. 284 f. Akin to this interpretation is 
that of Weiss, p. 224: ‘‘so far as He is a 
son of man, and can in human form bring 
near to men the life-giving revelation of God.” 
Even thus, however, what is said to be the 
point of the reason given has to be sup- 
plied. This holds also against Godet, who 
confounds things that differ: ‘‘On one 
side judgment must proceed from the 
womb of humanity as an ‘ hommage a Dieu,’ 
and on the other it is entrusted by God’s 
love as a purification of humanity to Him 
who voluntarily became man.” Groos (in 
the Stud. κι. Kit. 1868, p. 260) substantially 
agrees with Beyschlag. 

2 Grotius, Lampe, Kuinoel, Liicke, Ols- 
hausen, Maier, Baeumlein, Ewald, and most 
others, now also Tholuck. 

3 Τὴ Joon i- 52, iil. 13, 14, vi. 27, 52, 62, viii, 
28, xii. 23, 34, xiii. 31. 


This is not in keeping with the context, while τοῦτο witnesses for 


‘Est emphasis 


The words καὶ viv ἐστιν are 


4 Weizsicker (Unters. vib. d. evang. Gesch. 
p. 431) cuts away this objection by the state- 
ment, without proof, that vids ἀνϑρ. with- 
out the article belongs to the explanatory 
exposition of the fourth Gospel. Baeumlein 
and Beyschlag, to account for the absence 
of the article, content themselves with say- 
ing that υἱὸς avdp. is the predicate, and 
therefore (comp. Holtzmann) the point 
would turn on the meaning of the con- 
ception. But the formal and unchanging 
title, ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ avdp., would not agree with 
that ; and, moreover, in this way the omis- 
sion only of the first article, and not of the 
second (rod), would be explained; υἱὸς 
ἀνθρώπου can only méan son of ἃ man. 
Comp. Barnabas, Zp. xii. (Dressel). 

5 He who is Son of God is son of a man— 
the latter κατὰ σάρκα, i. 14; the former κατὰ 
πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης, Rom. ix. 5, i. 3. 

ὁ Quite in opposition to the ἐν ἑαυτῷ, 
Weizsicker, in the Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol. 
1857, p. 179, understands the possession of 


186 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

certainly decisive against Gess,’ who ascribes the gift of life by the Father 
to the Son as referring only to His pre-existent glory and His state of exalta- 
tion, which he considers to have been ‘‘ suspended” during His earthly life. 
The prayer at the grave of Lazarus only proves that Christ exercised the 
power of life, which was bestowed upon Him as His own, in accordance 
with the Father’s will. See on ver. 21. 

Vv. 28-30. Marvel not at this (comp. 111. 7), viz. at what I have asserted 
concerning my life-giving and judicial power ; for? the last and greatest 
stage of this my Messianic quickening work (not the work of the λόγος as 
the absolute ζωΐ, to whom Baur refers the whole passage, vv. 20 ff. ; see, on 
the contrary, Briickner) is yet to come, namely, the raising of the actually 
dead out of their graves, and the final judgment.* Against the interpreta- 
tion of this verse (see on ver. 21) in a figurative sense (comp. Isa. xxvi. 19 ; 
Ex. xxxvii. 12; Dan. xii. 2), it is decisive that οἱ ἐν τοῖς μνημείοις Would have 
to mean merely the spiritually dead, which would be quite out of keeping 
Jesus Himself intimates by the words oi ἐν τοῖς 
μνημείοις that He here is passing from the spiritually dead, who thus far have 
been spoken of, to the literally dead. — ὅτι] argumentum a majori ; the wonder 
at the less disappears before the greater, which is declared to be that which 
is one day to be accomplished. We are not to supply, with Luthardt, the 
condition of a believing estimate of the latter, for the auditors were unbe- 
lieving and hostile ; but the far more wonderful fact that is told does away 
with the wonder which the lesser had aroused, transcends, and, as it were, 
overwhelms it. — ἔρχεται ὥρα] Observe that no καὶ viv ἐστιν, as in ver. 25, 
could be added here. — πάντεσ] Here it is as little said that all shall be raised 
at the same time, as in ver. 25 that all the spiritually dead shall be quickened 
simultaneously. The τάγματα, which Paul distinguishes at the resurrection, 
1 Cor. xv. 23, 24, and which are in harmony with the teaching of Judaism 
and of Christ Himself regarding a twofold resurrection (Bertholdt, Christol. 
pp. 176 ff., 208 ff. ; and see on Luke xiv. 14), find room likewise in the ὥρα, 
which is capable of prophetic extension. — oi τὰ ἀγαϑὰ ποιήσαντες, κ.τ.λ.} that 
is, the first resurrection, that of the just, who are regarded by Jesus in a 
purely ethical aspect, and apart from all national particularism. See on Luke 
xiv. 14, and comp. John vi. 39. It was far from His object here to dwell 
upon the necessity of His redemption being appropriated by faith on the 
part of the dead here spoken of ; He gives expression simply to the abstract 
moral normal condition (comp. Rom. ii. 7, 18 ; Matt. vii. 21). This neces- 
sity, however, whereby they must belong to the οἱ τοῦ Χριστοῦ (1 Cor. xv. 


with οἱ τὰ ἀγαϑὰ ποιήσαντες. 


life as brought about ‘‘dby transference or 
communication from the Father.” Chap. vi. 
57 likewise indicates life as an essential pos- 
session, brought with Him (i. 4) from His 
pre-existent state in His mission from the 
Father, and according to the Father's will 
and appointment, Col. i. 19, ii. 10. 

1 Pers. Chr. p. 301. 

2 Ewald renders ὅτι that; ‘“‘ Marvel not 
at this, that (as Isaid in ver. 1) an hour is 
coming,” etc. But in ver. 25 the thought 


and expression are different from our text. 

8 Τῷ is not right, as is already plain from 
the text and ver. 27, to say that in John the 
judgment is always represented as an inner 
fact (so even Holtzmann, Judenth. u. Chris- 
tenth. p. 422). The saying, “The world’s 
history is the world’s judgment,” only 
partially represents John’s view; in John 
the last day is not without the last judg- 
ment, and this last judgment is with him 
the world-judgment. See on iii. 18. 


CHAP. V., 31, 32. 18% 


23; comp. Matt. xxv. 51 sqq.), implies the descensus Christi ad inferos, — 
εἰς ἀνάστ. ζωῆς] they will come forth (from their graves) into ὦ resurrection of 
life (represented locally), 1.6. to a resurrection, the necessary result of which’ 
is life, life in the Messiah’s kingdom.? — κρίςεως] to which judgment pertains, 
and judgment, according to the context, in a condemnatory sense (to eternal 
death in Gehenna) ; and accordingly ἀνάστασις ζωῆς does not exclude an act 
of judgment, which awards the ζωή. --- As to the distinction between ποιεῖν 
and πράττειν, see on 111. 20, 21. Ver. 30 further adds the guarantee of the recti- 
tude of this κρίσις, and this expressed in a general way, 80 that Jesus describes 
His judgment generally ; hence the Present, denoting continuous action, and 
the general introductory statement of ver. 19, ob δύναμαι, ete. —Kabac ἀκούω] 
i.e. from God, who, by virtue of the continual communion and confidence 
subsisting between Him and Christ, always makes His judgment directly 
and consciously known to Him, in accordance with which Christ gives His 
verdict. Christ’s sentence is simply the declaration of God’s judgment con- 
sequent upon the continuous self-revelation of God in His consciousness, 
whereby the ἀκούειν from the Father, which He possessed in His pre-existent 
state, is continued in time. — ὅτι ob ζητῶ, x.t.A.] “1 cannot therefore deviate 
from the judging as I hear ; and my judgment, seeing it is not that of an 
individual, but divine, must be just.” —rov πέμψ. με; K.T.A.| as it Conse- 
quently accords with this my dependence upon God. 

Ver. 31. Justification of His witness to Himself from ver. 19 ff., inter- 
mingled with denunciation of Jewish unbelief (vv. 31-40), which Jesus con- 
tinues down to ver. 47. — The connection is not that Jesus now passes on to 
the τιμή which is due to Him (ver. 23), and demands faith as its true form 
(Luthardt), for the conception of τιμή does not again become prominent ; 
but ἐπειδὴ τοιαῦτα περὶ ἑαυτοῦ μαρτυρήσας ἔγνω τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἐνθυμουμένους 
ἀντιϑεῖναι καὶ εἰπεῖν᾽ ὅτι ἐὰν σὺ μαρτυρεῖς περὶ σεαυτοῦ, ἡ μαρτυρία σου οὐκ ἔστιν 
ἀληϑής" οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἑαυτῷ μαρτυρῶν ἀξιόπιστος ἐν ἀνϑρώποις Ov ὑποψίαν φιλαυτίας" 
προέλαβε καὶ εἶπεν ὃ ἔμελλον εἱπεῖν ἐκεῖνοι, Euthymius Zigabenus. Comp. Chrys- 
ostom. Thus at the same time is solved the seeming contradiction with 
viii. 14. — ἐγώ] emphatic : if there is only my personal witness concerning 
myself, and with this no attestation from any other. Comp. ἄλλος, ver. 82.— 
οὐκ ἔστιν ἀληϑ.] 1.6. formally speaking, according to the ordinary rule of law.* 
In reality, the relation is different in Christ’s case, see viii. 138-16 ; but He 
does not insist upon this here, and we must not therefore understand His 
words, with Baeumlein, as if He said : εἰ ἐγὼ ἐμαρτύρουν . .. 
ἡ μαρτυρία μον. Chap. viii. 54, 55 also, and 1 Cor. ἵν. 1 ΧΕ Gables, 
are not conceived of in this way. 

Ver. 32. Another is He who bears witness of me. This is understood either 
of John the Baptist* orof God.* The latter is the right reference ; for Jesus 


οὐκ ἂν ἣν ἀληϑὴς 


1 Comp. Winer, p. 177 [E. T. p. 188]. 

2 Comp. 2 Mace. vii. 14: ἀνάστασις εἰς 
ζωὴν ; Dan. xii. 2; Rom. v. 18: δικαίωσις ζωῆς. 

3 Chetub. f. 22. 2: ‘“‘testibus de se ipsis 
non credunt,”’ and see Wetstein. 

4 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Nonnus, Eu- 
thymius Zigabenus, Erasmus, Grotius, 


Paulus, Baumgarten Crusius, de Wette, 
Ewald. 

5 Cyril, Augustine, Bede, Rupertius, Beza, 
Aretius, Cornelius 4 Lapide, Calovius, Ben- 
gel, Kuinoel, Liicke, Tholuck, Olshausen, 
Maier, Luthardt, Lange, Hengstenberg, 
Briickner, Baeumlein, Godet. 


188 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Himself, ver. 34, does not attach importance to John’s witness, but rather 
lays claim, vv. 36, 37, only to the higher, the divine witness. — καὶ oida ὅτι, 
x.7.A.] not a feeble assurance concerning God (de Wette’s objection), but all 
the weightier from its simplicity, to which the very form of the expression 
is adapted (ἡ μαρτυρία, ἣν μαρτυρεῖ περὶ ἐμοῦ), and, moreover, far too solemn 
for the Baptist’s testimony.’ 

Vv. 33, 34. ‘‘ That witness, whose testimony you have yourselves elicited, 
John the Baptist, I do not, since it is a human testimony, accept for myself ; 
I mention him for your salvation (not fer my advantage), because ye have 
not appreciated him according to his high calling (ver. 35) ; the witness 
which I have is greater,” etc. Ver. 36. — ὑμεῖς] you, on your part. — μεμαρτ. 
τῇ ἀληϑ.] 1. 19 ff. ‘All that he said was testimony in favour of the truth ; 
for the state of the case (with reference particularly to what he said of the 
Messiah) was as he testified.” — ἐγὼ δέ] but I on my part. — τὴν μαρτυρίαν] 
the witness in question, which is to tell forme. This I cannot receive from 
any man. [See Note XXIV. p. 195.] Jesus will not avail Himself of any 
human witness in this matter ; He puts it away from Him. Accordingly, 
λαμβ. τ. μαρτυρίαν, just as in 111, 11, 32, is to be taken of the acceptance, not 
indeed believing acceptance, but acceptance as proof, conformably with the 
context. Others, unnecessarily deviating from John’s usage, “1 borrow” 
(Liicke), “1 strive after, or lay hold of” (B. Crusius, comp. Beza, Grotius), 
‘“*T snatch” (de Wette). —iva ὑμεῖς σωϑῆτε)] for your advantage, that you on 
your part (as contrasted with any personal interest) may attain to salva- 
tion. They should take to heart his recalling of the Baptist’s testimony 
(ταῦτα λέγω), and thus be roused to faith, and become partakers of the Mes- 
siah’s redemption ; ‘‘ vestra res agitur,” Bengel. 

_ Ver. 35. What a manifestation he was, yet how lightly ye esteemed him ! 
—jv and ἦϑελ. point to a manifestation already past. —6 λύχνος] not τὸ φῶς, 
i. 8, but less ; hence φῶς in the second clause is used only predicatively. 
The article denotes the appointed lamp which, according to O. T. promise, 
was to appear, and had appeared in John as the forerunner of the Messiah, 
whose vocation it was to inform the people of the Messianic salvation (Luke 
i. 76,77). The reference to the man who lights the way for the approaching 
bridegroom (Luthardt) is too remote. Comp. rather the similar image, 
though not referred to here, of the mission of Elijah, Ecclus. xlviii. 1. The 
comparison with a lamp in similar references was very common (2 Sam. xxi. 
17 ; Rev. xxi. 23; 2 Pet. i. 19). --- καιόμενος καὶ φαίνων) is not to be inter- 
preted of two different properties (burning zeal and light-giving) ; in the 
nature of things they go together. A lamp burns and shines; this it does of 
necessity, and thus it is represented. Comp. Luke xii. 385 ; Rev. iv. 5. — 
ὑμεῖς δέ, K.T.2.] striking description of the frivolous worldliness which would 
gratify its own short-lived excitement and pleasure in this new and grand 
manifestation, instead of making use of it to obtain saving knowledge, and 
allowing its full solemnity to operate upon them. The Jews flocked in 


ΤῸ μαρτυρίαν μαρτυρεῖν, comp. 3 Comp. also Strabo, xiv. p. 642, where 
Isa. iii, 11) xii 25); Plato; ταν p. 399 B; Alexander the rhetorician bears the sur- 
Dem. 1131. 4. name ὁ Λύχνος. 


CHAP. Y., 36, 37. 189 


great crowds to the Baptist (Matt. iii. 5, xi. 7 ff.), as to the messenger of the 
approaching glorious kingdomof the Messiah ; but instead of finding what 
they desired (ἠϑελήσ.), they found all the severity of the spirit of Elijah call- 
ing to repentance, and how soon was the concourse over! In like manner, 
the Athenians hoped to find a new and passing divertissement when the 
Apostle Paul came among them. ‘‘ Johanne utendum erat, non fruendum,” 
Bengel.— πρὸς ὥραν] τοῦ εὐκολίαν αὐτῶν δεικνύντος ἐστὶ καὶ ὅτι ταχέως αὐτοῦ 
ἀπεπήδησαν, Chrysostom. Comp. Gal. ii. 5; Philem. 15. The main feature 
of the perverted desire does not lie in πρὸς ὥραν, which more closely marks 
the ἀγαλλ. in its frivolity, so soon changing into satiety and disgust, but in 
ἀγαλλ.. itself, instead of which μετάνοια should have been the object of their 
pursuit. — ἐν τῷ φωτὶ αὐτοῦ] in, 1.2. encompassed by his light, the radiance 
which shone forth from him. Comp. 1 Pet. i. 6 ; and for χαίρειν ἐν, see on 
ita 18. 

Ver. 36. ᾿Εγὼ δέ] Formal antithesis to ὑμεῖς ἸῺ ver. 35, and referring back 
to the ἐγὼ δέ of ver. 34.—T have my witness, which is greater (not othe 
greater witness ;” see Kiihner, Il. § 493. 1) than John. τοῦ ᾽Τωάννου in the 
sense of τῆς τοῦ Ἰωάν., according to a well-known comparatio compendiaria." 
See on Matt. v. 20. On μείζω, ὁ.6. ‘of weightier evidence,” comp. Isoc. 
Archid. § 32 : μαρτυρίαν μείζω καὶ σαφεστέραν. --- τὰ ἔργα] not simply the miracles 
strictly so called, but the Messianic works generally, the several acts of the 
Messiah’s entire work, the ἔργον of Jesus (iv. 34, xvil. 4). "Ἔργα are always 
deeds, not word and teachings (word and work are distinct conceptions, not 
only in Scripture, but elsewhere likewise) ;? but what the word of Jesus ¢f- 
fected, spiritual quickening (ver. 20), separation, enlightenment, and so on, 
and in like manner the resurrection of the dead and judgment (vv. 28, 29), are 
included in the ἔργα, and constitute His ἔργον as a whole. When miracles 
properly so called are designated by the more general term épya, it is indi- 
cated in the context, as in iii. 2, vii. 8, 21, and often. — ἔδωκε] hath given, 
expressing the divine appointment, and bestowment of power.* — iva τελ, 
αὐτά] Intention of the Father in committing to Him the works : Le was to 
accomplish them (comp. iv. 34, xvii. 4), not to leave them undone or only 
partially accomplished, but fully to carry out the entire task which the 
works divinely entrusted to Him involved for the attainment of the goal of 
Messianic salvation. --- αὐτὰ τὰ ἔργα] the very works, emphatic repetition, * 
where, moreover, the homoeoteleuton (the five times recurring a) must not 
be regarded as a dissonance.® —4 ἐγὼ ποιῶ] ἐγώ with august self-conscious- 
ness. As to how they witness, see xiv. 11. 

Ver. 37. From the works which testified that He was the Sent of God, He 
now passes to the witness of the Sender Himself ; therefore from the indirect 
divine testimony, presented in the works, to the direct testimony in the 
Scriptures. And the Father. who hath sent me, hath Himself borne witness of 


1 The reading adopted by Lachmann, 873. 


μείζων (A. Β. F. G. M, A., Cursives), is 3 Comp. Homer, 71. ε. 428: οὔ τοι, τέκνον 
nothing else than an error of transcription. éudv, δέδοται πολεμήϊα ἔργα. Comp, v. 727. 
2 See, Lobeck, Paralip. pp. 64, 65 ; Ellendt, 4 Iiihner, 11. § 632. 


Lex. Soph. 1. p. 672; Pfilugk, ad Hur. Hec. 5 Lobeck, Paralip. p. 53, 


190 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

me. The subject, placed at the beginning of the sentence, the indepen- 
dence (immediateness) expressed by αὐτός, and the Perfect μεμαρτ., unite to 
prove that there is no longer any reference here to the previous testimony, 
that of the works, by which God had borne testimony.’ Quite arbitrary, 
and in opposition to the account of the baptism given by John, is the view 
which others take, that the divine witness given in the voice at the baptism, 
Matt. iii. 17 (but see rather John i. 33), is here meant.* While Ewald® 
includes together both the baptism and the works, and Hengstenberg adds 
to these two the witness of Scripture, others understand ‘‘the immediate 
divine witness in the believer's heart, by means of which the indirect testimony 
of the works is first apprehended”’* the ‘‘drawing” of the Father, vi. 14, 
comp. vi. 45, vill. 47, but without the slightest indication in the text that 
an outward, perceptible, concrete, and objective witness is meant ; and 
even in the face of the following connection (φωνὴν. εἶδος). The 
only true interpretation in harmony with the context is that which takes it 
to mean the witness which God Himself has given in His word, in the Script- 
ures of the O. 1.5 Inthe O. T. prophecies, God Himself has lifted up His 
voice and revealed His form. —oive φωνήν, x.7.A.] Reproach of want of sus- 
ceptibility for this testimony, all the more emphatie through the absence of 
any antithetic particle. Neither a voice of His have ye ever heard, nor a form 
of His have ye ever seen, With respect-to what God has in the O. T. spoken as 
a testimony to Christ (μεμαρτύρ. περὶ ἐμοῦ), or to His manifesting Himself 
therein, for a like purpose, to spiritual contemplation (He has made known 
his δόξα ; comp. μορφὴ ϑεοῦ, Phil. ii. 6),—to the one ye have been spiritually 
deaf, to the other spiritually Blind. As the first cannot, conformably with 
the context, be taken to mean the revealing voice of God within, vouch- 
safed to the prophets (de Wette), so neither can the second refer merely to 
the Theophanies (in particular, to the appearances of the Angel of the Lord, 
Hengstenberg) and prophetic visions,* but to the entire self-revelation of God 
in the O. T. generally, by virtue of which He lets Himself be seen by him 
who has eyes to see ;—a general and broad interpretation, which corre- 
sponds with the general nature of the expression, and with its logical rela- 
tion to μεμαρτ. x. ἐμοῦ. The Jews could not have heard the voice at the bap- 
tism, nor could they have seen the form of God as the Logos had seen it, i. 
18, iii. 13 ; and for this reason neither the one meaning nor the other can 
be found in the words (Ewald). Every interpretation, moreover, is incor- 
rect which finds in them anything but a reproach, because Jesus speaks 
in the second person, and continues to do so in ver. 38, where the tone of 
censure is still obvious. We must therefore reject the explanation of 
B. Crusius : ‘‘never hitherto has this immediate revelation of God taken 


1 Against Augustine, Grotius, Maldona- 
tus, Olshausen, Raur, and most others. 

2 Chrysostom, Rupertius, Jansen, Bengel, 
Lampe, Paulus, Godet. 

3 Johann. Schr. 1. 216. 

4 De Wette, B. Crusius, Tholuck. 

5 Cyril, Nonnus, Theophylact, Euthymius 
Zigabenus, Beda, Calvin, Kuinoel, Liicke, 


Lange, Maier, Luthardt. 

6 Jesus could not reproach His opponents 
with not having received prophetic revela- 
tions, such as Theophanies and Visions, for 
these were marks of distinction bestowed 
only on individuals. This also against 
Weiss, Lehrbegr. pp. 104, 105. 


CHAP. V., 38-40. 191 
place ;” and that of Tholuck : ‘‘ ye have not received a still more direct 
revelation than did Moses and his contemporaries (Num. xii. 8 ; Deut. iv. 
15, v. 24), but ye have not accepted within you the witness of the revelation 
in the word,”—an artificial connecting of ver. 37 with ver. 38, which the 
words forbid. Paulus and Kuinoel (comp. Euthymius Zigabenus) likewise 
erroneously say that ‘‘ Jesus here concedes, in some degree, to the Jews what 
they had themselves wished to urge in objection, viz. that they had heard no 
divine voice, ete. Comp. Ebrard (in Olshausen), who imports the idea of 
irony into the passage. 

Ver. 38. After ver. 37 we must place only acomma. John might have 
continued : οὔτε τὸν λόγον, x.7.A.; instead of which he attaches the negation 
not to the particle, but to the verb (οὔτε. . . καί, see on iv. 11), and thus the 
new thought comes in more independently: And ye have not His word 
abiding in you ; ye lack an inner and permanent appropriation of it ; comp. 
1 John ii. 14. The λόγος ϑεοῦ is not ‘‘the inner revelation of God in the 
conscience” (Olshausen, Frommann), but, conformably with the context (vv. 
37, 39), what God has spoken in the O. T., and this according to its pur- 
port. Had they given ear to this as, what it is in truth, the word of God 
(but they had no ear for God’s voice, ver. 37), had they discerned therein 
God’s manifestation of Himself (but they had no eye for God’s form, ver. 
37), what God had spoken would have penetrated through the spiritual ear 
and eye into the heart, and become the abiding power in their inner life. — ὅτι 
ὃν ἀπέστειλεν, «.7.A.] Gemonstration of the fact. He who rejects the sené of 
God cannot have that word abiding in him, which witnesses to Him who is 
sent (ver. 37). ‘‘Quomodo mandata regis discet qui legatum excludit ?” 
Grotius. — τούτῳ ὑμεῖς] observe the emphatic conjunction of the words. 

Vv. 39, 40 bring out to view the complete perversity of this unbelief. 
““The Scriptures testify of me, as the Mediator of eternal life ; he, therefore, 
who searches the Scriptures, because in them he thinks he has eternal life, 
will by that witness be referred to me ; ye search the Scriptures, because, 
etc., and yet refuse to follow me according to their guidance.” How in- 
consistent and self-contradictory is this! That épevvare is Indicative,’ and 
not Imperative,* is thus clear from the context, in which the Imperative 
would introduce a foreign element, especially out of keeping with the cor- 
relative καὶ οὐ ϑέλετε.5 [See Note XXV. p. 196.] The searching of the Script- 
ures might certainly be attributed to the Jews, comp. vii. 52 (against B. 
Crusius and Tholuck); but a special significance is wrongly attached to épev- 
vate (a study which penetrates into the subject itself, and attains a truly 
inward possession of the word, Luthardt) ; and the contradiction of ver. 40, 
which forms such a difficulty, is really nothing but the inconsistency which 
Jesus wishes to bring out to view. — ὑμεῖς] emphatic, for you, yeon your part, 


1 Cyril, Erasmus, Casaubon, Beza, Ben- 
gel, and many moderns, also Kuinoel, 
Liicke, Olshausen, Klee, de Wette, Maier, 
Hilgenfeld, Briickner, Godet. 

2 Chrysostom, Augustine, Theophylact, 
Euthymius Zigabenus, Luther, Calvin, Are- 
tius, Maldonatus, Cornelius 4 Lapide, Gro- 


tius, Calovius, Wolf, Wetstein, Paulus, B. 
Crusius, Tholuck, Hofmann, Luthardt, 
Baeumlein, Ewald, Hengstenberg, arguing 
from Isa. xxxiv. 16. 

3 Comp. also Lechler in the Stud, u. Krit. 
1854, p. 195. 


192 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
are the people who think this. Still there lies in δοκεῖτε neither blame,’ nor 
(as Ewald maintains, though ver. 45 is different) a delicate sarcastic refer- 
ence to their exaggerated and scholastic reverence for the letter of Script- 
ure, but certainly a contrast to the actual ἔχειν, which Jesus could not affirm 
concerning them, because they did not believe in Him who was testified of 
in the Scriptures as the Mediator of eternal life.2 Theoretically, they were 
right in their thinking (δοκεῖν), but practically they were wrong, because 
Christ remained hidden from them in the Scriptures. Comp. as to the 
thing itself, 2 Cor. 111, 15, 16 ; and on ἔχειν ζωὴν αἰ., 111. 15. — ἐν αὐταῖς] The 
possession of Messianic life is regarded as contained in the Scriptures, in so 
far as they contain that by which this possession is brought about, that 
which is not given outside the Scriptures, but only in them. — καὶ ἐκεῖναι, 
x.T.4.] Prominence assigned to the identity of the subject, in order to bring 
out the contrast more fully : and they, those very Scriptures which ye 
search, are they which, etc. — καὶ οὐ ϑέλετε)] καί does not mean and yet, but 
simply and. This simplicity is all the more striking, more striking and 
tragic even than the interrogative interpretation (Ewald). On ἐλϑεῖν πρός 
ve, denoting a believing adherence to Christ, comp. vi. 35. They stood 
aloof from Him, and this depended on their will, Matt. xxiii. 87. —iva ζωὴν 
éy.] ‘‘in order that that δοκεῖν of yours may become a reality.” 

Vv. 41-44. ‘“‘I do not utter these reproaches against you from (disap- 
pointed) ambition, but because I have perceived what a want of all right 
feeling towards God lies at the root of your unbelief.” — δόξαν παρὰ ἀνϑρ.] 
These words go together, and stand emphatically at the beginning of the 
sentence, because there is presupposed the possibility of an accusation on 
this very point.*— ov λαμβ.] 1.6. “1 reject it,” as in ver. 34. — ἔγνωκα ὑμάς] 
‘* cognitos vos habeo ; hoc radio penetrat corda auditorum,” Bengel. —r. 
ἀγάπ. τ. ϑεοῦ] If they had love to God in their hearts (this being the 
summary of their law !), they would have felt sympathy towards the Son, 
whom the Father (ver. 43) sent, and would have received and recognized 
Him. The article is generic ; what they lacked was love to God. — ν ἑαυτοῖς] 
in your own hearts ; it was an excellence foreign to them, of which they 
themselves were destitute—a mere theory, evisting outside the range of their 
inner life, —Ver. 48. Actual result of this deficiency with reference to 
their relation towards Jesus, who had come in His Father’s name, 7.e. as His 
appointed representative, and consequently as the true Christ (comp. vii. 
28, viii. 42), but who was unbelievingly despised by them, whereas, on the 
other hand, they would receive a false Messiah. —év τῷ ὀνόματι τῷ ἰδίῳ] in 


1 According to Hilgenfeld, ZLehrbegr. p. 
213 (comp. his Hvang. p. 272, and Zeitschr. 
1863, p. 217), directed against the delusion of 
the Jews, that they possessed the perfect 
source of blessedness in the literal sense 
of the O. T. which proceeded from the 
Demiurge, and was intended by him. Even 
Rothe, in the Stud. u. Arit. 1860, p. 67, 
takes δοκεῖτε in the sense of a delusion, viz. 
that they possessed eternal /ife in a book. 


Such explanations are opposed to the high 
veneration manifested by Jesus towards 
the Holy Seriptures, especially apparent in 
John, though here even Weiss, p. 106, ap- 
proves of the interpretation of an e77oneous 
δοκεῖν. 

3 Comp. Hofmann, Schriftbeweis, I. 671. 

3 Comp. Plato, Phaedr. p. 282 A; see also 
1 Thess. ii. 6. 


CHAP. V., 45-47, 193 
his own name,.i.e. In his own authority and self-representations, not as one 
commissioned of God (which He of course is alleged to be), consequently a 
False Messiah ;* ψευδώνυμος ἀνὴρ ἀντίϑεος, Nonnus. He will be received, 
because he satisfies the opposite of the love of God, viz. self-love (by promis- 
ing earthly glory, indulgence towards sin, etc.). For a definite prophecy 
of false Messiahs, see Matt. xxiv. 24. To suppose a special reference to 
Barkochba (Hilgenfeld), is arbitrarily to take for granted the uncritical 
assumption of the post-apostolic origin of this Gospel. According to 
Schudt ? (in Bengel), sixty-four such deceivers have been counted since the 
time of Christ. — Ver. 44. The reproach of unbelief now rises to its highest 
point, for Jesus in a wrathful question denies to the Jews even the ability 
to believe. — ὑμεῖς] has a deeply emotional emphasis : How is it possible for 
you people to believe ? And the ground of this impossibility is : because ye 
receive honour one of another (δόξαν παρὰ ἀλλ. are taken together), because ye 
reciprocally give and take honour of yourselves. This ungodly desire of 
honour (comp. xii. 43 ; Matt. xxiil. 5 sqq.), and its necessarily accompany- 
ing indifference towards the true honour, which comes from God, must 
so utterly blight and estrange the heart from the divine element of life, 
that it is not even capable of faith. That divine δόξα is indeed the true 
glory of Israel (Luthardt), comp. Rom. 11. 29, but it is not here designated 
as such, as also the δόξαν παρὰ ἀλλ. λαμβ. does not appear as a designation of 
the ““ spurious-Judaism,” which latter isin general a wider conception (Rom. 
li. 17 ff.). — τὴν παρά, x.7.4.] for it consists in this, that one knows himself 
to be recognized and esteemed of God. Comp. as to the thing itself, 
ΧΙ. 43 ; Rom. 11. 29, iii. 28. — παρὰ τοῦ μόνου ϑεοῦ] not ‘from God alone,* 
but from the only (alone, single) God. Cf. xvii. 3; Rom. xvi. 26 ; 1 Tim. 
vi. 15. The adj. shows the exclusive value of this honour. — od ζητεῖτε] The 
transition from the participle to the finite tense gives independence and 
impressiveness to the second clause. 

Vv. 45-47. In concluding, Jesus sweeps away from under their feet the 
entire ground and foundation upon which they based their hope, by repre- 
senting Moses, their supposed saviour, as really their accuser, seeing that 
their unbelief implied unbelief in Moses, and this latter unbelief made it 
impossible for them to believe in Jesus. This last completely annihilating 
stroke at the unbelievers is not only in itself, but also in its implied reference 
to the cause of the hostility of the Jews (ver. 15), ‘‘maxime aptus ad con- 
clusionem,” Bengel. — μὴ δοκεῖτε] as you might perhaps believe from my 
previous denunciation. —xkatyyopyow] not of the final judgment,* where 
certainly Christ is Judge ; but in general, Jesus, by virtue of His permanent 
intercourse with the Father, might at any time have accused them before 
Him. —éorw ὁ κατηγ. bu.) The emphatic ἔστιν : there exists your accuser 


1 This reference of the text to false Mes- (false prophets. Many of the Fathers have 


siahs is not too narrow (Luthardt, Briick- 
ner), because ἔλθῃ corresponds to the 
ἐλήλυϑα;; and this, as the entire context 
shows, indicates that the appearance of 
the Messiah had taken place. This also 
tells against Tholuck’s general reference to 


taken the words to refer to Antichrist. 

2 Nidische Merkwiirdigkeit, vi. 27-30. 

3 Grotius, de Wette, Godet, and most 
others, from an erroneous reference {0 
Matt. iv. 4, 10. 

4 Ewald and early writers. 


194 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Moses—he as the representative of the law (not of the whole of the Ο. T., as 
Ewald thinks); therefore not again the jfutwre, but the present participle 
used as asubstantive, expressing continuous accusation. — ὑμεῖς} has tragic 
emphasis. — ἠλπίκατε] ye have set your hope, and do hope ; comp. iii. 18, and 
see on 2 Cor. i. 10. Asa reward for their zeal for the law, and their obedi- 
ence (Rom, ii. 17 ff., ix. 31 f.), the Jews hoped for the salvation of the 
Messianic kingdom, towards the attainment of which Moses was accordingly 
their patron and mediator. 

Ver. 46. Proof that Moses was their accuser. Moses wrote of Christ, 
referring to Deut. xviii. 15, and generally to all the Messianic types (comp. 
iii. 14) and promises of the Pentateuch, and to its general Messianic import 
(Luke xxiv. 44 ; Rom. x. 5) ; in this, that they did not believe Christ (i.e. 
that He spoke the truth), is implied that they rejected the truth of what 
Moses had written concerning Him. This unbelief is the subject-matter of 
Moses’ accusation. Well says Bengel : ‘‘Non juvit Judaeos illud : Credi- 
mus vera esse omnia, quae Moses scripsit. Fide explicita opus erat.”” — Ver. 
47. δέ] Further conclusion from the unbelief with regard to Moses, pointed 
out in ver. 46. Thus the discourse ends with a question implying hope- 
lessness. — The antithesis is not between γράμμασιν and ῥήμασι (as if the 
writings were easier of belief than the words), but between ἐκείνου and ἐμοῖς 
(faith in him being the necessary condition of faith in Christ) ; while the 
distinction of Moses having written (comp. ver. 46), and Christ spoken, sim- 
ply presents the historical relation. Were the antithesis between γράμμ. and 
piu., these words would have taken the lead ; were it between both, in γράμ. 
and ῥήμ., and at the same time in ἐκείνου and ἐμοῖς likewise, this twofold re- 
lationship must have been shown, thus perhaps : τοῖς γράμμασι τοῖς ἐκείνου 


«νον τοῖς ῥήμασι τοῖς ἐμοῖς. 


Note.—The discourse, vv. 19-47, so fully embodies in its entire progress 
and contents, allowing for the necessary Johannine colouring in the mode of 
representation, those essential doctrines which Jesus had to advocate in the 
face of the unbelieving Jews, and exhibits, in expression and practical appli- 
cation, so much that is characteristic, great, thoughtful, and striking, that 
even Strauss himself does not venture to deny that it came substantially from 
the Lord, though as to its form he attaches suspicious importance to certain 
resemblances with the first Epistle ; but such a suspicion is all the less weighty, 
the more we are warranted to regard the Johannine idiosyncrasy as developed 
and moulded by a vivid recollection of the Lord’s words, and as under the 
euidance of His Spirit, which preserved and transfigured that recollection. 
The reasons which lead Weisse to see nothing in the discourse but synoptical 
matter, and B. Bauer to regard the whole as a reflection of the later conscious- 
ness of the church, while Gfrérer supposes a real discourse, artificially shaped 
by additions and formal alterations, consist so much of arbitrary judgments 
and erroneous explanations and assumptions, that sober criticism gains 
nothing by them, nor can the discourse which is attacked lose anything. Cer- 
tainly we have in it ‘‘a genuine exposition of Johannine theology” (Hilgenfeld, 
Evang. p. 273), but in such a manner, that it is the theology of Christ Him- 
self, the miracle of healing at Bethesda being historically the occasion of the 


NOTES, 195 


utterance in this manner of its main elements. This miracle itself is indeed 
by Baur regarded as a fictitious pretext, invented for the delivery of the dis- 
course, so much so that ‘‘ every feature in it seems to have been intended for 
this purpose”’ (p. 159); and this in the face of the fact that no reference what- 
ever is made (in ver. 19 ff.) to the point in connection with the miracle at 
which the Jews took offence, viz. the breaking of the Sabbath (ver. 16). Nothing 
whatever is specially said concerning miracles (for ἔργα denotes a far wider con- 
ception), but the whole discourse turns upon that Messianic faith in the person 
of Jesus which the Jews refused to entertain. The fundamental truths, on 
this occasion so triumphantly expressed, ‘‘ were never taught by Him so dis- 
tinctly and definitely as now, when the right opportunity presented itself, at 
the very time when, after the Baptist’s removal, He came fully forth as the 
Messiah, and was called upon, quietly and comprehensively, to explain those 
highest of all relations, the explanation of which was previously demanded.,”’ 
Ewald, Gesch. Chr. p. 298 f. ; comp. his Johann. Schr. I. 206 ff. At this crisis 
of His great mission and work, the references of his discourse to the Baptist, 
and the apologetic appeal to his works of spiritual and literal resurrection and 
the divine witness of Seripture, connect themselves so necessarily with His 
historical position, that it cannot even remotely suffice to suppose, with 
Weizsiicker, p. 282, that the discourse was composed simply with an eye to the 
synoptical statements of Matt. xi. 


Notres BY AMERICAN EDITOR. 


XXIII. ἐγείρει καὶ ζωοποιεῖ. Ver. 21. 


“The ἐγείρει stands first (unlike Eph. ii. 5, 6), because the reference is not to 
a making alive that which has not had life, but to an awakening from death— 
though not so as to require us, with Godet, to connect the object merely with 
ἐγείρειν and take the ζωοποιεῖν absolutely. In the closing clause, therefore, the 
wor. stands alone’’ (Weiss). 

I conceive, however, that Meyer’s reason for the order holds good, that while 
the ζωοποιεῖν expresses the whole essential fact, yet to the popular conception 
the ‘‘ awakening ’’ is its precedent condition. 


XXIV. ‘* But Ido not receive,’ etc. Ver. 34. 


The Common Ver. is here insufficient, in omitting entirely the article with 
μαρτυρίαν (I do not receive testimony). The Rev. Ver. makes it, perhaps, un- 
necessarily prominent, and then, with its very emphatic and somewhat un- 
gainly ‘‘howbeit,”’ gives undue contrastive force to the following clause. The 
following seems to me a better and adequate rendering: ‘‘ But J do not receive 
my testimony from a man; yet I say these things’’ (i.e. I appeal to John as 
voucher for myself and for the truth) ‘‘ that ye may be saved.’’—It is impossi- 
ble often to distinguish in English between the stronger and the more slightly 
adversative Gr. particles δέ and ἀλλά. The rendering of the former fluctuates 
about equally between and and but; the latter is commonly given by but or 
yet ; it is rarely so strongly adversative as our ‘‘ howbeit.” 


196 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ΧΧΥ. ’Epevvdte τὰς γραφάς. Ver. 39. 


Opinions fluctuate between the Ind. and Imper. constructions of épevvdre., 
Weiss follows Meyer (with perhaps the majority of interpreters, including the 
R. V.) in making it Ind., which, in connection with the following clause, seems at 
first view more probable. ΤῸ me, however, the Imperative construction (held 
generally by the Greek interpreters) seems preferable : first, from the position of 
the verb, which favors the Imperative ; secondly, because it seems more nat- 
ural that Jesus should have so appealed to the Jews (‘‘ search the Scriptures’’) 
than have declared them as doing that which was at this time probably true of 
but very few of them ; and thirdly, because of the following dyeic, which, follow- 
ing the Ind, (‘* Ye search the Scriptures because ye think,’’ etc.) seems wholly 
unaccountable ; but, on the other hand, taking the verb as Imper. and the follow- 
ing clause as justifying His exhortation, seems entirely in order: ‘‘Scarch the 
Scriptures ; and I may well bid you do this, because ye deem that in these ye 
have eternal life. I may properly refer you to them, as beingin your own judg- 
ment the arbiters of spiritual truth and destiny.’’ Having assigned this justifi- 
cation of His referring them to their Scriptures, He then declares in two brief 
sentences the essential reason of the reference—their testimony to Him, and the 
Jewish inconsistency in nevertheless rejecting Him. Both the following xai’s are 
pregnantly weighty. The first attaches itself to the preceding clause, ‘‘ and (while 
this is the case) these are they,’’ etc.; the second succeeds to this with nearly the 
force of and yet—perhaps a very emphatic and. - Weiss explains the ὑμεῖς 
(against Meyer) by making it imply the Saviour’s dissent trom the Jewish opin- 
ion that they had in the Scriptures eternal life. But in this he is surely mis- 
taken. The language does not apply to actual individual posssesion, but to the 
ideal character of the Scriptures. They were the fountain of eternal life. The 
Jewish estimate of their character was correct, and on this ground the Saviour 
presses home the obligation to examine them and accept their testimony. It 
is unwarrantable to force into His language a reference to their efficacy on the 
persons whom He was addressing. 


CHAP. VI. 197 


“ 


CHAPTER: VI. 


Ver. 2. ἑώρων] Lachm. and Tisch. : ἐθεώρουν, after A. B.D. L. δὲ. Cursives, 
Cyr. The origin of this reading betrays itself through A., which has ἐθεώρων, 
judging from which ἑώρων must have been the original reading. The ἐθεώρ. 
was all the more easily received, however, because John invariably uses the 
Perfect only of épaév.—After this Elz. has αὐτοῦ, against decisive testimonies. — 
Ver. 5. dyapdoopuev] Scholz, Lachm., Tisch., read ἀγοράσωμεν, in favour of which 
the great majority of the testimonies decide. — Ver, 9. ἕν] is wanting in B. D. 
L. δὲ, Cursives, Or. Cyr. Chrys. and some Verss. Rejected by Schulz after 
Gersd., bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. But how easily might it have 
been overlooked, because superfluous, and coming after the syllable ON !—For 
6 Lachm. and Tisch. read ὅς, following decisive witnesses ; transcribers were 
easily led to make changes according to the grammatical gender. — Ver. 11. 
After διέδωκε Elz. has τοῖς μαθηταῖς, οἱ δὲ μαθηταί, words which are wanting in 
A. Β. L. &.* Cursives, Fathers, and almost all Versions. An enlargement in 
imitation of Matt. xiv. 19 and parallels. — Ver. 15. Lachm. and Tisch. have 
rightly deleted αὐτόν after rojo. ; an addition wanting in A. B. L. δὲ, Cursives, 
Or. Cyr. — Ver. 17. οὐκ] B. D, L. 8. Cursives, Versions (not Vulgate), and 
Fathers read οὔπω. So Lachm. and Tisch. A gloss introduced for the sake of 
more minute definition. — Ver. 22. ἰδών] Lachm reads εἶδον, after A, B. Chrys. 
Verss. (L. ἐδον) ; D. δὲ, Verss. read oidev. The finite tense was introduced to 
make the construction easier. — After ἕν Elz. Scholz have ἐκεῖνο εἰς ὃ ἐνέβησαν οἱ 
μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ, against very important authorities. An explanatory addition, 
with many variations in detail. — πλοῖον] Elz. : πλοιάριον against decisive wit- 
nesses. Mechanical and careless (vv. 17, 21) repetition borrowed from what 
precedes. — Ver, 24. αὐτοί] Elz. καὶ αὐτοί, against decisive witnesses. — Ver. 36. 
pe is bracketed by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. The authorities against it are 
insufficient (only A. δὲ. among the Codices), and it might easily have been left 
out after TE. — Ver. 39. After we Elz. has πατρός, the omission of which is over- 
whelmingly attested. Anaddition. — Ver. 40. τοῦ πατρός μου] So also Lachm, and 
Tisch. The Textus Receptus is τοῦ πέμψαντός we. Preponderance of testimony is 
in favour of the former ; the latter is a repetition from ver. 39, whence also, in- 
stead of yap, the Received reading dé was inserted. — τῇ écy. ἡμ.1 According to 
A. D. K. L., ete., ἐν τ. toy. nu. is to be restored, as in ver. 39, where ἐν, indeed, is 
wanting in many witnesses ; but that it was the original reading is indicated by 
the reading αὐτόν (instead of αὐτό). In ver. 54, also, ἐν is sufficiently confirmed, 
and (against Tisch.) is to be in like manner restored, — Ver, 42. The second οὗτος 
has against it B. C. D. L. T. Cursives, Verss. Cyr. Chrys.; bracketed by Lachm. 
But it might easily have been overlooked as being unnecessary, and because 
the similar OT! follows.— Ver. 45. ἀκούσας] ἀκούων, which Griesbach received and 
Scholz adopted, has important authority, but this is outweighed by the testi- 
monies for the Received reading. It is nevertheless to be preferred ; for, con- 
sidering the following μαθών, the Aorist would easily occur to the transcribers 


198 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


who did not consider the difference of sense. οὖν before ὁ ἀκούων is to be struck 
out (with Lachm. and Tisch.) upon sufficient counter testimony, as being a 
connective addition. In vy. 51, 54, 57, 58, the form ζήσει is, upon strong evi- 
dence, to be uniformly restored. — Concerning the omission of the words, ἣν 
ἐγὼ δώσω in ver. 51, see the exegetical notes. — Ver. 55. For ἀληθῶς Lachm. and 
Tisch. have both times ἀληθης, which is strongly confirmed by B.C. K. L. T. 
Cursives, Versions (yet not the Vulgate), and Fathers (even Clement and Ori- 
gen). The genuine ἀληθής, as seeming inappropriate, would be glossed and 
supplanted now by ἀληθῶς and now by ἀληθινή (already in Origen once). — Ver. 
58.. After πατέρες, Elz. Scholz have ὑμῶν τὸ μάννα, Lachm. simply τὸ μάννα, both 
against very important testimony. An enlargement. — Ver. 63. λελάληκα] Elz. 
λαλῶ, against decisive witnesses. Altered because the reference of the Perfect 
was not understood. Comp. xiv. 10. — Ver. 69. ὁ Χριστὸς ὁ υἱὸς τ. θεοῦ] The 
reading ὁ ἅγιος τ. θεοῦ is confirmed by B. C.* D. L. &. Nonn. Cosm., and adopt- 
ed by Griesb. Lachm. Tisch. The Received reading is from Matt. xvi. 16, 
whence also came the addition τοῦ ζῶντος in the Elz. — Ver. 71. ᾿Ισκαριώτην 
Lachm. and Tisch. read ᾿Ισκαριώτου, after B. C. G. L. 33, and Verss. So, after 
the same witnesses in part, in xiii. 26. But as in xiv. 22 ᾿Ισκαριώτης occurs 
critically confirmed as the name of Judas himself (not of his father), and as the 
genitive might easily be introduced as explanatory of the name (ἀπὸ Καριώτου, 
as δὲ, and many Cursives actually read here), the Received reading is to be re- 
tained. Had John regarded the name as designating the father of Judas, it 
would not be apparent why he did not use the genitive in xiv. 22 also. See, 
besides, the exegetical notes. 


Ver. 1. The account of the Feeding is the same with that given in Matt. 
xiv. 13 ff., Mark vi. 30 ff., Luke ix. 10 ff., and serves as the basis of the 
discourse which follows, though Schweizer denies that vv. 1-26 proceed 
from John. The discrepancies in matters of detail are immaterial, and bear 
witness to the independence of John’s account. The author of this narra- 
tive, according to Baur, must have appropriated synoptical material for the 
purpose of his own exposition, and of elevating into a higher sphere the 
miracle itself, which in the Synoptics did not go beyond the supply of tem- 
poral needs. The historical connection with what precedes is not the same 
in John and in the Synoptics, and this must be simply acknowledged. To 
introduce more or less synoptical history into the the space implied in μετὰ 
ταῦτα (Ebrard, Lange, Lichtenstein, and many), is not requisite in John, and 
involves much uncertainty in detail, especially as Matthew does not agree 
with Mark and Luke ; for he puts the mission of the disciples earlier, and 
does ποῦ connect their return with the Miraculous Feeding. To interpolate 
their mission and return into John’s narrative, inserting the former at chap. 
v. 1, and the latter at vi. 1, so that the disciples rejoin Jesus at Tiberias, 
is very hazardous ; for John gives no hint of it, and in their silence con- 
cerning it Matthew and John agree (against Wieseler and most expositors). 
According to Ewald, at a very early date, a section, ‘‘ probably a whole 
sheet,” between chap. v. and vi., was altogether lost. But there is no indi- 
cation of this in the text, nor does it form a necessary condition of the suc- 
ceeding portions of the narrative (as vii. 21). — μετὰ ταῦτα] after these trans- 
actions at the feast of Purim, chap. v. — ἀπῆλϑεν] from Jerusalem ; whither ? 


CHAP. VI., 2-4. 199 
πέραν τ. ϑαλ., k.7.A., tells us.’ To suppose some place in Galilee, as the start- 
ing point of the ἀπῆλϑεν, -- Capernaum, for example,—is, after v. 1, quite 
arbitrary. ᾿Απῆλϑε πέραν, x.7.A., rather implies : ἀπολιπὼυ 'Ἱεροσόλυμα ἦλϑε 
πέραν, κιτ.2. Comp. x. 40, xviii. 1. --- τῆς TiBep.] does not imply that He set 
sail from Tiberias (Paulus), as the genitive of itself might indicate,* though 
this use of it does not occur in the N. T. ; it is the chorographical genitive, * 
more closely describing τῆς ϑαλάσσ. τῆς Ταλιλ. (comp. Vulg. and Beza : 
‘(mare Galilaeae, quod est Tiberiadis”). Therefore ‘‘on the other side of the 
Galilaean lake of Tiberias,” thus denoting the southern half of the lake, on 
the western shore of which lay the town built by Antipas, and called after 
the emperor Tiberias. Comp. xxi. 1. In Pausan. v. 7. 3, the entire lake is 
called λίμνη Τιβερίς. In Matthew and Mark we find the name ϑάλασσα τῆς 
Tada. only ; in Luke v. 1 : λίμνη Tevvycapér. Had John intended τῆς Τιβε- 
piddoc not as a more exact description of the locality, but only for the sake of 
foreign readers,® it would have been sufficient to omit τῆς Ταλιλ. (comp. xxi. 
1), which indeed is wanting in G. and a few other witnesses. 

Vv. 2, 3. Ηκολούϑει] on this journey, continuously, — ἑώρων] saw, not had 
seen (against Schweizer, B. Crusius), but saz. He performed them (ἐποίει) 
upon the way. — én? τ. ἀσϑ.] among the sick.® — εἰς τὸ ὄρος] upon the mountain 
which was there. See on Matt. v. 1. The mountain was certainly on the other 
side of the lake, but we cannot determine the locality more nearly. The 
mountain solitudé does not contradict Matt. xiv. 13, nor does the eastern side 
of the lake contradict Luke ix. 10 ff. (see in loc.). 

Ver. 4. ᾿Εγγύς] close at hand. See on vy. 1. Paulus wrongly renders it not 
long since past. See, on the contrary, ii. 13, vii. 2, xi. 55. The statement 
is intended as introductory to ver. 5, explaining how it happened (comp. 
xi. 55) that Jesus, after He had withdrawn to the mountain, was again at- 
tended by a great multitude (ver. 5),—a thing which could not have hap- 
pened had not the Passover been nigh. It was another crowd (not, as is com- 
monly assumed, that named in ver. 2, which had followed Him in His prog- 
ress towards the lake), composed of pilgrims to the feast, who therefore were 
going the opposite way, from the neighbourhood of the lake in the direction 
of Jerusalem.. Thus ver. 4 is not a mere chronological note,” against which 
the analogy of vii. 2 (with the οὖν following, ver. 3), is decisive ; nor does 
it, as every more specific hint to that effect is wanting, refer by anticipation® 
to the following discourse of Jesus concerning eating His flesh and blood as 
the antitype of the Passover.® —7 ἑορτὴ τ. "Iovdaiwr] κατ. ἐξοχήν. There is no 
‘intimation that Jesus Himself went up to this feast (Liicke). See rather 
vii. 1. | 


1 Thue. i. 111. 2, ii. 67.1: πορευϑῆναι en 
τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου ; Plut. Per. 19; 1 Mace. ix. 
34; and comp. ver. 17. 

2 Briickner, Luthardt, Hengstenberg, Go- 
det, and earlier critics. 

3 Kiihner, IT. 160. 

4 Kriiger, xlvii. 5. 5-7. 

5 Liicke, Godet, Ewald, and others. 

6 Dem. 574. 3; Plat. Pol. iii p. 399 A; 
Bernhardy, p. 246. 


7B. Crusius, Maier, Briickner, Ewald. 

8 Comp. also Godet: Jesus must have 
been in the position “ @’un proscrit,”’ and 
could not go to Jerusalem to the Passover ; 
He therefore saw in the approaching 
multitudes a sign from the Father, and 
thought, ‘‘ Ht mot aussi, je célébrerai une 
paque.” This is pure invention. 

9.8. Bauer ; comp. Baur, p. 262, Luthardt, 
Hengstenberg, and already Lampe. 


200 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Vv. 5, 6. According to the reading ἀγοράσωμεν, whence are we to buy? de- 
liberative conjunctive. The fact that Jesus thus takes the initiative (as host, 
Ewald thinks, but this is not enough), and takes action without the prompt- 
ing of any expressed need, however real, is not to be explained merely on 
the supposition that this is an abridgment (Liicke, Neander, Hengstenberg) 
of the synoptical account (Matt. xiv. 15) ; it is a diversity, which, however, 
does not destroy the fact that John was an eye-witness. It is purely arbi- 
trary on Baur’s part to assume the design to be that of directing attention 
more directly to the spiritual purpose of the miracle, or, with Hilgenfeld, to 
regard all here as composed out of synoptical materials to prove the omnipo- 
tence of the Logos. The most simple and obvious course is to explain the 
representation given as flowing from the preponderating idea of the Mes- 
sial’s autonomy. See on Matt. xiv. 15. It is an analogous case when Jesus 
Himself gave occasion to and introduced the miracle at Bethesda, v. 6, It is 
a supplement to the narrative in the Synoptics, that Jesus discussed with 
Philip (i. 44) the question of bread. Why with him? According to Ben- 
gel, because it fell to him to manage the res alimentaria, which is improb- 
able, for Judas was treasurer, xiii. 29. Judging from ver. 6, we might 
say it was because Philip had to be tested in his intellectual capaci- 
ties (xiv. 8 ff.), and convinced of his inability to advise. The πειράζειν 
does not signify the trial of faith (so usually, also Hengstenberg), but, as 
αὐτὸς yap ἤδει Shows, was a test whether he could here suggest any expedient ; 
and the answer of the disciple (ver. 7) conveys only the impression that he 
knew of none. This consciousness, however, was intended also to prepare 
the disciple, who so closely resembled Thomas, and for whom the question, 
therefore, had an educative purpose, the more readily to feel, by the new and 
coming miracle, how the power of faith in the divine agency of his Lord 
transcended all calculations of the intellect. This was too important a 
matter for Jesus with respect to that disciple, to allow us to suppose that 
πειράζων αὐτόν is a mere notion of John’s own, which had its origin among 
the transfiguring recollections of a later time (Ewald). 
τοὺς μάλιστα δεομένους πλείονος διδασκαλίας, Theodore of Mopsuestia ; in which 
there is nothing to suggest our attributing to Philip a ‘‘ simplicité naive,” 
Godet. — αὐτός] Himself, without having any need to resort to the advice of 
another. 

Vv. 7-9. For 200 denarii (about 80 Rhenish Guldens, nearly £7) we can- 
not get bread enough for them, etc. This amount is not named as the con- 
tents of the purse, but generally as a large swm, which nevertheless was inad- 
equate for the need. Different in Mark vi. 37. — Vv. 8, 9. A special trait 
of originality. — εἷς ἐκ τ. μαϑητ. αὐτοῦ] may seem strange, for Philip was him- 
self a disciple, and it is explained by Wassenbach as a gloss. It has, how- 


Hider τῶν μαϑητῶν 


1 Amid such minor circumstances, the 
idea might certainly supplant the more 
exact historical recollection even in a John. 
We have no right, however, on that ac- 
count, to compare Jesus, according to 
John’s representation, to a housewife, 


who, when she sees the guests coming in 
the distance, thinks in the first place of 
what she can set before them, as Hase 
(Ttibing. Schule, p. 4) very inappropriately 
has done. 


CHAP. VI., 10-13. 201 
ever, this significance ; Philip had been specially asked, and after he had 
answered so helplessly, another from the circle of the disciples, viz. Andrew, 
directed a communication to the Lord, which, though made with a like 
consciousness of helplessness, was made the instrument for the further pro- 
cedure of 6588. --- παιδάριον ἕν] who had these victuals for sale as a market 
boy, not a servant of the company, B. Crusius. It may be read one single 
lad (Matt. xi. 16), or even one single young slave.’ Comp. the German ein 
Biirschchen (a lad), as also the manner in which παιδιόν is used (Aristoph. 
Ran. 37 ; Nub. 131). In which of the two senses it stands here we cannot 
decide. In neither case can ἔν stand for τὲ, but ἕν, as well as the diminutive 
παιδίον, helps to describe the meagreness of the resource, the emphasis, how- 
ever, being on the latter ; and hence ἕν follows, which is not to be taken as 
an argument against its genuineness (Gersd. Ὁ. 420; Liicke, and most 
others), though in all other places, when John uses εἷς with a substantive 
(vii. 21, viii. 41, x. 16, xi. 50, xviii. 14, xx. 7), the numeral has the empha- 
sis, and therefore takes the lead. But here : ‘‘one single /ad,” a mere boy, 
who can carry little enough ! — ἄρτους κριϑίνους] comp. Xen. Anab. iv. 5. 
31; Luc. Macrob. 5. Barley bread was eaten mainly by the poorer classes ; 
Judg. vii. 18, and Studer, in loc. ; Liv. xxvii. 18 ; Sen. ep. xvill. 8 ; see 
also Wetstein and Kypke, I. p. 368. — ὀψάριον] generally a small relish, but 
in particular used, as here (comp. xxi. 9, 13), of fish. It belongs to later 
Greek. See Wetstein. — εἰς τοσούτους] ‘for so many. Comp. Xen. Anab. i. 
1. 10 : εἰς δισχιλίοις μισϑόν. 

Vv. 10-18. Οἱ ἄνδρες They were men only who formally sat down to the 
meal, as may be explained from the subordinate position of the women and 
children ; but the feeding of these latter, whose presence we must assume 
from ver. 4, is not, as taking place indirectly, excluded. —rov ἀριϑμόν] Ac- 
cusative of closer definition.? — Ver. 11. evyap.] The grace before meat said 
by the host. See on Matt. xiv. 19. There is no indication that it con- , 
tained a special petition (‘‘ that God would let this little portion feed so 
many,” Luthardt, comp. Tholuck). —6cédoxe] He distributed the bread (by 
the disciples) collectively to those who were sitting ; and of the fishes as 
much as they desired.*— Ver. 12. It is not given as a command of Jesus in 
the synoptical account. As to the miracle itself,’ and the methods of ex- 
plaining it away, wholly or in part, see on Matt. xiv. 20, 21, note, and on 


1 See Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 240; Schleus- 
ner, 7hes. III. p. 160. 

2 See Lobeck, Paralip. p. 528. 

3 Luther’s translation, ‘‘as much as He 
would,’ rests upon an unsupported reading 
in Erasmus, edd. 1 and 2. 

4 By Ewald (Gesch. Chr. p. 442 sq. ed. 3) 
apprehended ideally, like the turning of the 
water into wine at Cana, as a legend, upon 
the formation of which great influence was 
excited by the holy feeling of higher satis- 
faction, which resulted from the participa- 
tion in the bread of life partaken of by the 
disciples after Christ’s resurrection. This 


is incompatible with the personal recollec- 
tion and testimony of John, whom Hase, 
indeed, supposes by some accident to have 
been absent from the scene. With equally 
laboured and mistaken logic, Schleier- 
macher (Z. J. 234) endeavours to show that 
ver. 26 excludes this event from the cate- 
gory of σημεῖα. Weizsicker leaves the fact, 
which is here the symbol of the blessing of 
Jesus, in perfect uncertainty; but the 
description by an eye-witness of the work 
effected in its miraculous character, which 
only leaves the how unexplained, does not 
admit of such an evasion. 


202 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Luke ix. 17, and observe besides on ver. 13, that according to John the 
twelve baskets were filled with fragments of bread only (otherwise in Mark © 
vi. 43). — Luthardt, without sanction from the text, assumes a typical ref- 
erence in the baskets to the twelve tribes of Israel. Jesus will have nothing 
wasted, and each apostle fills his travelling wallet with the surplus. John 
indicates nothing further, not even that the Lord wished to provide iva μὴ 
δόξῃ φαντασία τις τὸ yevduevor,* that the occurrence might not seem a sort of il- 
lusion. 

Vv. 14, 15. Ὁ προφήτης, x.7.4.] the Prophet who (according to the promise 
in Deut. xviii. 15) cometh into the world, i.e. the Messiah. — ἁρπάζειν] come 
and carry him away by force,” i.e. to Jerusalem, as the seat of the theocracy, 
whither they were journcying to the feast. —ddw] comp. ver. 8. He had 
come down from the mountain on account of the feeding, ver. 11. —ciric 
μόνος] as in xii. 24.°— The enthusiasm of the people, being of so sensuous a 
kind, does not contradict ver. 26.—The solitude which Jesus sought. was, 
according to Matt. xiv. 23, Mark vi. 46, that of prayer, and this does not 
contradict John’s account ; the two accounts supplement each other. 

Vv. 16-21. Comp. Matt. xiv. 22 ff., Mark vi. 45 ff., which do not refer 
to a different walking on the sea (Chrysostom, Liicke). — ὡς δὲ ὀψία ἐγένετο] 
According to ver. 17, the time meant is late in the evening, i.e. the so-called, 
second evening, asin Matt. xiv. 24, from the twelfth hour until the dark- 
ness, ver.17. See on Matt. xiv. 15. — εἰς τὸ πλοῖον] into the ship, in which they 
had crossed over (ver. 1). In it they now return to the western side of the 
lake. So Luthardt rightly. But it does not follow that Jerusalem could 
not have been the place of departure in ver. 1 ; from ver. 1 we rather infer 
that they had travelled from Jerusalem to the western shore of the lake, and 
have crossed over from thence. — ἤρχοντο] They were upon their return jour- 
ney, coming across, but the coming was not yet completed. Lampe and 
Paulus erroneously speak of their actual arrival, what follows being taken 
as supplementary. In Mark vi. 45 Bethsaida is named (on the western 
shore). An immaterial discrepancy. See on Matt. xiv. 22, 23. — καὶ σκοτία 

. διηγείρετο] describing how little they could have expected that Jesus 
would come after them. — Ver. 19. ὡς σταδίους. . . τριάκοντα] indicative of 
an eye-witness, and nearly agreeing with μέσον in Matt. xiv. 24, for the lake 
was forty stadia or one geographical mile wide.* — ϑεωροῦσι and ἐφοβήϑ.] 
Correlatives ; discountenancing the naturalistic interpretation, which makes 
ἐπὶ τ. ϑαλ. mean not on the sea, but towards the sea (so Paulus, Gfrérer, and 
many, even B. Crusius ; but see, on the contrary, note on Matt. xiv. 25). 
—Ver. 21. ἤϑελον, x.7.4.] comp. i. 44 ; but observe the Imperfect here. 
After Jesus had reassured them by His call, they wish to take Him into the 
ship, and straightway (while entertaining this ἐϑέλειν) the ship is at the land, 
z.e. by the wonder-working power of Jesus, both with respect to the dis- 
tance from the shore, which was still far off, and the fury of the sea, which 


1Euthymius Zigabenus, Erasmus, and 3See Toup. ad Longin. Ὁ. 526; Weisk. : 
several others. Heind. ad Charm. p. @2. 
2 Acts viii. 89; 2 Cor. xii. 2; 1 Thess. 4 Josephus, Bell, iii. 10. 7. 


Ve 11. 


CHAP. VI., 22-24. 208 
had just been raging, but was now suddenly calmed. The idea that Jesus, 
to whom the disciples had stretched out their hands, had just come on board 
the ship, introduces a foreign element (against Luthardt and Godet), for 
the sake of bringing the account into harmony with Matthew and Mark. 
The discrepancy with Matthew and Mark, according to whom Christ was 
actually received into the ship, must not be explained away, especially as in 
John a more wonderful point, peculiar to his account, is introduced by the 
καὶ εὐθέως, ete., which makes the actual reception superfluous (Hengstenberg, 
following Bengel, regards it as implied). [See Note XXVI. p. 226.] Anun- 
happy attempt at harmonizing renders it, ‘they willingly received Him,” " 
which cannot be supported by a supposed contrast of previous unwillingness 
(Ebrard, Tholuck), but would be admissible only if the text represented the 
will and the deed as undoubtedly simultaneous.* John would in that case 
have written ἐϑέλοντες οὖν ἔλαβον. --- εἰς ἣν ὑπῆγον] to which they were intend- 
ing by this journey to remove.—The miracle itself cannot be resolved into a 
natural occurrence,’ nor be regarded asa story invented to serve Docetic 
views (Hilgenfeld) ; see on Matt. xiv. 24, 25. The latter opinion appears 
most erroneous, especially in the case of John,‘ not only generally because 
his Gospel, from i. 14 to its close, excludes all Docetism, but also because he 
only introduces, with all brevity, the narrative before us by way of transi- 
tion to what follows, without laying emphasis upon the miraculous, and 
without adding any remark or comment, and consequently without any 
special doctrinal purpose ; and thus the attribution to the occurrence of any 
symbolical design, e.g. prophetically to shadow forth the meetings of the 
risen Lord with His disciples (Luthardt), or the restless sea of the world upon 
which Christ draws nigh to His people after long delay (Hengstenberg), 
is utterly remote from a true exegesis. Weizsiicker’s narrowing of the event, 
moreover, —abstracting from the history its miraculous element,—into an 
intervention of the Lord to render help, does such violence to the text, and 
to the plain meaning of the evangelist, that the main substance of the nar- 
rative is explained away. But the purpose assigned to it by Baur, viz. to 
set forth the greedy importunity of the people, only to experience the cold 
hand of denial, and bring out the spiritual side of the miracle of the feed- 
ing, did not require for its realization this miraculous voyage. 

Vv. 22-24. The complicated sentence (so rare in John ; comp. xiii. 1 ff, 
1 John i. 1 ff.) here proceeds in such a manner that the ὁ ὄχλος standing, 
without further government, at the head as the subject of the whole, is 
resumed ὃ in ver. 24 by ὅτε οὖν εἶδεν ὁ ὄχλος, While ver. 23 is a parenthesis, 
preparing the way for the passing over of the people in the following clause. 


1 Beza, Grotius, Kuinoel, Ammon, ete. ; 
see, on the contrary, Winer, p. 436 [E. T. 
p. 467] ; Buttmann, WV. 7. Gk. p. 821 [E. T. 
p. 375]. 

2See the passages given in Sturz, Lea. 
Xen. ; Ast, Lex. Plat. I. 596. 

3 Ewald probably comes to that con- 
clusion, for he takes ϑεωροῦσι, ver. 19, to 
denote a mere vision (phantasmagoria ?), 


and ἐφοβήϑησαν to signify disquietude of 
conscience; “He finds them not pure in 
spirit.” 

4 Who, moreover, in the deviations from 
Matthew and Mark, possesses the deciding 
authority (against Marcker, p. 14). 

5 On the usual resumptive οὖν, see Winer, 
p. 414 [E. T. 444]; Baeumlein, PartiX. p. 177. 


204 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

The participial clause, ἰδὼν ὅτε... ἀπῆλϑον, is subordinate to the ἑστηκὼς 
πέραν τ. ϑαλ., and explains why the people expected Jesus on the next day 
still on the east side of the lake. John’s narrative. therefore runs thus : 
“* The next day, the people who were on the other side of the lake, because (on the 
previous evening, ver. 16 f.) they had seen that no other ship was there save 
only the one, and that Jesus did not enter into the ship with His disciples, but that 
᾿ His disciples sailed away alone [but other ships came from Tiberias near to the 
place, etc.],—ahen now the people saw that Jesus was not there, nor His disci- 
ples,* finding themselves mistaken in their expectation of meeting Him 
still on the eastern shore, they themselves embarked in the ships,” etc. [See 
Note XXVII. p. 227]. As to details, observe further, (1) that πέραν τ. Sad. in 
ver. 22 indeed, means the eastern side of the lake in ver. 1, but in ver. 25 the 
western ; (2) that ἰδών is spoken with reference to the previous day, when the 
multitude had noticed the departure of the disciples in the evening, so that 
the conjecture of εἰδώς (Ewald) is unnecessary ; that, on the contrary, ὅτε 
οὖν εἶδεν. ver, 24, indicates that they became aware to-day,—a difference which 
is the point in the cumbrously constructed sentence that most easily mis- 
leads the reader ; (3) that the arrival of the ships from Tiberias, ver. 23, 
occurred while the people were still on the eastern shore, and gave them a 
convenient opportunity, when undeceived in their expectation, of looking 
for Jesus on the western shore ; (4) that αὐτοί, ipsi, indicates that, instead of 
waiting longer for Jesus to come to them, they themselves set out, and em- 
braced the opportunity of seeking Jesus on the other side, by embarking in 
the ships, and sailing across to Capernaum, the well-known place of our 
Lord’s abode ; (5) that the circumstantial character of the description 
throughout indicates the vivid communication of an eye-witness, which John 
had received, and does not permit our taking the transit of the people 
(which, however, must not be pressed as including the whole 5000) as 
invented to confirm the story of the walking on the sea (Strauss). 

Vv. 25, 26.7 Πέραν τ. ϑαλάσσ.] in the synagogue at Capernaum, ver. 59. 
But πέραν τ. ai. has importance pragmatically, as showing that it formed a 
subject of amazement to them to find Him already on the western shore. — 
πότε] when? for it must have been, at the earliest, after the arrival of the 
disciples (ver. 22) ; and in this lay the incomprehensible how ? no other boat 
having crossed, and the journey round by land being too far. They have 
a dim impression of something miraculous ; ‘‘quaestio de tempore includit 
quaestionem de modo,” Bengel. Jesus does not answer their question, nor 
gratify their curiosity, but immediately charges them with the unspiritual 
motive that prompted them to seek Him, in order to point them to higher 
spiritual food. For γέγονας, venisti, see on i. 15.— οὐχ. . . ἀλλ.} not “‘non 
tam... quam” (Kuinoel, etc.) ; the ὅτι εἴδετε σημ. is absolutely denied.* In 


1 Jesus was not there, because, though the ἄλλοις πλοιαρίοις, for these latter came 


they did not think of His going away, He 
did not show Himself anywhere; the dis- 
ciples were not, because they could not 
have remained unobserved if they had 
come back again from the other side ; and 
such a return could not have taken place in 


not from Capernaum, but from Tiberias. 

2 See, concerning all the occurrences, 
ver. 26 ff., Harless, Luther. Zeitschrift, 1867, 
p. 116 ff. 

3 Comp. Fritzsche, ad Mare. 
773. 


Fite, Ii. sp. 


CHAP. VI., 27-29. 205 


the miraculous feeding they should have seena divinely significant reference 
to the higher Messianic bread of life, and this ought to have led them to 
seek Jesus; but it was only the material satisfaction derived from the 
miraculous feeding that brought them to Him, as they hoped that He would 
further satisfy their carnal Messianic notions. —onusia] They had seen the 
outward miracle, the mere event itself, but not its spiritual significance,— 
that wherein the real essence of the σημεῖον, in the true conception of it, con- 
sisted. The plural is not intended to include the healings of the sick, ver. 2 
(Bengel, Liicke, and most others), against which see ver. 4, but refers only 
to the feeding, as the antithesis ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι shows, and is to be taken generi- 
cally, as the plural of category. 

Ver. 27. ‘Strive to obtain, not the food which perisheth, but the food which 
endureth unto life eternal.” The activity and labour of acquiring implied in 
ἐργάζεσθαι, laborando sibi comparare,’ consists, when applied to the everlast- 
ing food, in striving and struggling after it, without which effort Jesus 
does not bestow it. We must come believingly to Him, must follow Him, 
must deny ourselves, and so on. Then we receive from Him, in ever- 
increasing measure, divine grace and truth, by a spiritual appropriation of 
Himself ; and this is the abiding food, which forever quickens and feeds the 
inner man; in substance not essentially different from the water, which 
forever quenches thirst (iv. 14). Under this view, the thought con- 
veyed in ἐργάζεσθαι, as thus contrasted with that of δώσει on the other side, 
cannot be regarded as strange (against de Wette) ; the two conceptions are 
necessary correlatives. Phil. ii. 12, 18.— τὴν ἀπολλυμ.] not merely in its 
power, but in its very nature ; it is digested and ceases to be (Matt. xv. 17 ; 
1 Cor. vi. 13). On the contrast, τ. μένουσ. εἰς ζ. ai., comp. iv. 14, xii. 25, — 
ἐσφραγ.] sealed, 4.c. authenticated (see on 111. 33), namely, as the appointed 
Giver of this food ; in what way? see vv. 36-39. — ὁ θεός] emphatically 
added at the end to give greater prominence to the highest authority. 

Vv. 28, 29. The people perceive that a moral requirement is signified by 
τὴν βρῶσιν τ. μένουσαν, ete. ; they do not understand what, but they think 
that Jesus means works, which God requires to be done.® Hence the question, 
‘‘ What are we to do, to work the works required by God?” (which thou 
seemest to mean). ᾿Εργάζεσθαι ἔργα, ‘‘ to perform works,” very common in the 
Greek (see on iii. 21) ; ἐργάζ. here, therefore, is not to be taken as in ver. 
27, — Ver. 29. Sce Luthardt in the Stud. ει. Krit. 1852, p. 333 ff. Instead 
of the many ἔργα θεοῦ which they, agreeably to their legal standing-point, had 
in view, Jesus mentions only one ἔργον, in which, however, all that God 
requires of them is contained—the work (the moral act) of faith. Of this 
one divinely appointed and all embracing work—the fundamental virtue 
required by God—the manifold ἔργα τοῦ θεοῦ are only different manifestations. 
— In the purpose expressed by τοῦτο. . . ἵνα there lies the idea : ‘‘ This is the 


1 Comp. ἐργάς. τὰ ἐπιτήδεια, Dem. 1358. 12; vios τροφή in Philo, de profug. Ὁ. 749; Allegor. 
ἐργάς. βρῶμα, Palaeph. xxi. 2; ἐργάς. ϑησαυ- p. 92. 
povs, Theodot. Prov. xxi. 6; see especially 3 ἔργα τ. ϑεοῦ, comp. Matt. vi. 33; Rev. 
Stephan. Thes. Hd. Hase, II. p. 1968. ii. 26; Baruch ii. 9; Jer. xlviii. 10. 

2 See on βρῶσις, iv. 32, also, and the οὐρά- 


206 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


work which God wills, ye must believe.” ' And this fundamental requirement 
repeatedly recurs in the following discourses, vv. 35, 36, 40, 47, etc. 

Vy. 30, 31. οὖν] What doest thou, therefore, as a sign? for they knew well 
enough that by ὃν ἀπέστ. ἐκεῖνος He meant Himself, and that, too, as Messiah, 
Hence also the emphatic σύ, thou, on thy part. The question itself does not 
imply that it is asked by those who had not seen the miraculous feeding the 
day before (Grotius), or by prominent Jews in the synagogue (Kuinoel, Klee). 
Moreover, this demand for a sign after the miracle of the feeding must not 
be regarded as contradictory and unhistorical,? nor as proof of the non- 
Johannine origin (Schweizer), or non-miraculous procedure (Schenkel), in the 
account of the feeding. For the questioners, in their ἀναίσθησις (Chrysostom), 
indicate at once (ver. 31), that having been miraculously fed with earthly 
food, they, in their desire for miracles, require something higher to warrant 
their putting the required faith in Him, and expect a sign from heaven, 
heavenly bread, such as God had given by Moses. Thus they explain their 
own question, which would be strange only if ver. 31 did not immediately 
follow. Their eagerness for Messianic miraculous attestation (vv. 14, 15) had 
grown during the night. This also against de Wette, who, with Weisse, 
concludes that this discourse was not originally connected with the mirac- 
ulous feeding ; see, on the contrary, Briickner. — τέ ἐργάζῃ] a pointed retort- 
ing of the form of the requirement given, vv. 27, 29. Not to be explained 
as if it were τί σὺ épy. (de Wette), but what (as σημεῖον) dost thou perform ὃ 
— γεγραμμ.} a free quotation of Ps. Ixxviii. 24 ; comp. cv. 40, Ex. xvi. 4, 
where the subject of ἔδωκεν is God, but by the medium of Moses, this being 
taken for granted as known (ver. 32). The Jews regarded the dispensing of 
the manna as the greatest miracle (see Lampe). As they now regarded Moses 
as in general a type of Christ,* they also hoped in particular, ‘‘ Redemtor 
prior descendere fecit pro iis manna ; sic et redemtor posterior descendere 
faciet manna.” * 

Vv. 32, 33. Jesus does not mean to deny the miraculous and heavenly 
origin of the manna in itself (Paulus), nor to argue polemically concerning 
the O. T. manna (Schenkel), but He denies its origin as heavenly in the 
higher ideal sense (comp. τὸν ἀληθινόν). The antithesis is not between the 
ἀήρ and the κυρίως οὐρανός," but between the type and the antitype in its full 
realization.— ὑμῖν] your nation. — ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ) here and in the second half 
of the verse to be joined to δέδωκεν (and didworr) : *‘ It is not Moses who dis- 
pensed to you the bread from heaven, but it is my Father who dispenseth 
to you from heaven that bread which is the true bread.” In ver. 31, too, 
ἐκ Tov οὐρανοῦ is to be joined with ἔδωκεν ; and observe also, that in Ex. xvi. 
4 DWT 1) belongs not to Dn), but to YOPD. The expression ἐκ τοῦ οὐρ. is 
taken from Ex. xvi. 4 ; for, if we follow Ps. Ixxviii. 24, cv. 40 (where DOW 
is an attribute of bread), we should have ἄρτον οὐρανοῦ. Comp. Targ. Jonath. 
Deut. xxxiv. 6 : ‘‘ Deus fecit descendere filiis Israel panem de coelo.” — 


1Comp. v. 50, xv. 8, 12, xvii. 3; 1 John 4 Midrash Coheleth, f. 86. 4. 

iv. 17, v.3. See on Phil. i. 9. 5 Chrysostom, Euthymius Zigabenus, 
2 Kern, B. Bauer, Weisse. Grotius, and most others. 
3 Schoettgen, Hor. II. p. 475. 


CHAP. VI., 34. 207 


δίδωσιν] continuously ; for Jesus means Himself and His work. — τὸν ἀληθινόν] 
corresponding in reality to the idea. See on i. 9.1 This defining word, 
placed emphatically at the end, explains at the same time the negative state- 
ment at the beginning of the verse. — Ver. 33. Proof that it is the Mather 
who gives, etc. (ver. 32) ; for it is none other than the bread which is being 
bestowed by God, that comes down from heaven and giveth lifeto the world. The 
argument proceeds ab effectu (ὁ καταβ. . . . κόσμῳ) ad causam (ὁ ἄρτος τοῦ θεοῦ). 
— 6 καταβαίνων, «.t.A.] refers to 6 ἄρτος, and states its specifie property, both as 
to its origin and working, both being essentially connected ; it does not 
refer to Jesus (‘‘ He who cometh down,” etc.), though, in the personal appli- 
cation of the general affirmation, Jesus, by the bread, represents, and must 
represent, Himself ; and hence the expression ‘‘ cometh down.” The direct 
reference to Jesus would anticipate the subsequent advance of the discourse 
(ver. 35), and would require 6 καταβάς (ver. 41 ; comp. ver. 48). See on ver. 
50. —Cufv] life. Without this bread, humanity (ὁ κόσμοσ) is dead in the 
view of Jesus—dead spiritually (ver. 35) and eternally (vv. 89, 40). 

Ver. 34 ff. ἸΤάντοτε] emphatically takes the lead.—The request is like that 
in iv. 15, but here, too, without irony,* which would have implied unbelief 
in His power to give such bread. To explain the words as prompted by a 
dim presentiment concerning the higher gift (Liicke, B. Crusius, and most 
other expositors), is not in keeping with the stiffmecked antagonism of the 
Jews in the course of the following conversation. There is no trace of a 
further development of the supposed presentiment, nor of any approval 
and encouragement of it on the part of Jesus. The Jews, on the contrary, 
with their carnal minds, are quite indifferent whether anything supersensu- 
ous, and if so, what, is meant by that bread. They neither thought of an 
outward glory, which they ask for (Luthardt),—for they could only under- 
stand, from the words of Jesus, something analogous to the manna, though 
of a higher kind, perhaps ‘‘a magic food or means of life from heaven” 
(Tholuck),—nor had their thoughts risen to the spiritual nature of this 
mysterious bread. But, at any rate, they think that the higher manna, of 
which He speaks, would be a welcome gift to them, which they could 
always use. And they could easily suppose that He was capable of a still 
more miraculous distribution, who had even now so miraculously fed them 
with ordinary bread. Their unbelief (ver. 36) referred to Jesus Himself as 
that personal bread of life, to whom, indeed, as such, their carnal nature 
was closed. — Vv. 35, 86. Explanation and censure. — ἐγώ] with powerful 
emphasis. Comp. iv. 90. --- ὁ ἄρτος τ. ζωῆς] ζωὴν διδοὺς τῷ κόσμῳ, Ver. 99. 
Comp. ver. 68. —6 ἐρχόμ. πρός με] of a believing coming (v. 40); comp. vv. 
47, 44, 45, 65. For épy6. and πιστεύων, as also their correlatives οὐ μὴ mew. 
and οὐ μὴ dup., do not differ as antecedent and consequent (Weiss), but are 
only formally kept apart by means of the parallelism. This parallelism of 
the discourse, now become more excited, has caused the addition of the οὐ 


1’Eketvos yap ὃ ἄρτος τυπικὸς ἣν, προτυπῶν, sen, Fritzsche in his WVovis opusc. p. 221, Go- 
φησὶν͵ ἐμέ τὸν αὐτοαλήϑειαν ὄντα, Euthymius det, and others. 
Zigabenus. 3 Against Calvin, Bengel, Lampe. 

2 Against Grotius, Day. Schulz, Olshau- 


208 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

μὴ διψήσῃ, which is out of keeping with the metaphor hitherto employed, 
and anticipates the subsequent turn which the discourse takes to the eating 
of the flesh and drinking of the blood. We must not imagine that this is 
intended to express a superiority to the manna as being able to satisfy hunger 
only (Liicke); for both οὐ μὴ rev. and οὐ μὴ dup. signify the same thing—the 
everlasting satisfaction of the higher spiritual need. Comp. Isa. xlix. 10. 
ἀλλ᾽ εἶπον ὑμῖν) But I meant to say to you that, ete. Notice, therefore, that 
ὅτι éwpak., k.T.A., does not refer to a previous declaration, as there is not such 
a one (Beza, Grotius, Bengel, Olshausen, B. Crusius, Luthardt, Hengsten- 
berg, Baeumlein, Godet, and most others : to ver. 26; Liicke, de Wette : 
to vv. 87-40 ; Euthymius Zigabenus : to an unwritten statement ; Ewald : 
to one ἴῃ ἃ supposed fragment, now lost, which preceded chap. vi.; Briick- 
ner: to a reproof which runs through the whole Gospel); on the contrary, 
the statement is itself announced by εἶπον (dictum velim).* In like manner 
xi. 42. In classical Greek, very common in the Tragedians.* — καὶ ἑωράκ. pe 
κ. ov mot. | ye have also seen me (not simply heard of me, but even are eye- 
witnesses of my Messianic activity), and believe not.* 

Vv. 37 ff. Through this culpable non-belicving, they were quite different 
from those whom the Father gave Him. How entirely different were all 
these latter ; and how blessed through me, according to the Father's will, 
is their lot !— sav] Neuter, of persons as in 111. 6, xvili. 2; 1 Cor. 1. 
27. It designates them as a ‘‘totam quasi massam,” Bengel. — ὁ did. μοι ὁ 
πατ.] viz. by the efficacious influence of His grace (vv. 44, 45), whereby He 
inclines them to come, and draws them to me ; οὐ τὸ τυχὸν πρᾶγμα ἡ πίστις ἡ 
εὶς ἐμέ. ἀλλὰ τῆς ἄνωθευ δεῖται ῥοπῆς, Chrysostom. Moral self-determination 
(v. 40, vii. 17 ; Matt. xxiii. 97) may obey this influence (ver. 40), and may 
withstand it ; he who withstands it is not given Him by the Father, Phil. 
ii. 13. ‘‘There is implied here a humble, simple, hungering and thirsting 
soul,” Luther. Explanations resting on dogmatic preconceptions are: of 
the absolute election of grace (Augustine, Beza, and most others *), of the 
natural pietatis studiwm (Grotius), and others. —pdc ἐμέ] afterwards πρός 
pe. But guéisemphatic. The ἥξει is not more (arrivera jusqwda moi, Godet) 
than ἐλεύσεται, as ver. 35 already shows ; comp. the following κ. τ. ἐρχόμενον, 
with which ἥξω is again resumed. — ov μὴ ἐκβάλω ἐξω] I certainly will not cast 


1 See, for this use of the word, Bern- (comp. vv. 44, 45), an opposition to the 


hardy, Ὁ. 3881; Ktihner, 11. § 443. 1. 

2 See especially Herm. ad Viger. p. 746. 

3On the first καί, comp. ix. 37, and see 
generally Kihner, ad Xen. Mem. i. 3. 1; 
Baeumlein, Partik. p. 149 ff. 

4 See, on the contrary, Weiss, Lehrbegr. 
p. 142 ff.—Schleiermacher rationalizes the 
divine gift and drawing into a divine 
arrangement of circumstances; see L. J. 
p. 802 ff. Thus it would be resolved into 
the general government of the world. — 
According to Beyschlag, p. 162, there 
would be in this action of the Father, pre- 
paring the way for a cleaving to Christ 


light-giving action of the Logos (vv. 4, 5, 9), 
if the Logos be a personality identical with 
the Son. But the difference in person be- 
tween the Father and the Son does not ex- 
clude the harmonious action of both for 
each other. Enlightening is not a monop- 
oly of the Son, excluding the Father ; but 
the Father draws men to the Son, and the 
Son is the way to the Father, Weiss has 
rightly rejected as unjohannean (p. 248 f.) 
the idea of a hidden God, as absolutely 
raised above the world, who has no im- 
mediate connection with the finite. 


CHAP. VI., 40-42. 209 


him out, z.e. will not exclude him from my kingdom on its establishment ; 
comp. vv. 39, 40, xv. 6; also Matt. viii. 12, xxii. 18. The negative ex- 
pression is a loving litotes; Nonnus adds: ἀλλὰ νόῳ χαίροντι δεδέξομαι. 
— Vv. 38, 39. ‘‘How could I cast them out, seeing that I am come only 
to fulfil the divine will? and this requires of me, not the rejection of any 
one, but the blessed opposite.” —ovy iva, x.r.A.] Comp. v. 90. --- τοῦτο δὲ 
. . . πέμψ. μὲ] impressive repetition of the same words. —-rav ὁ δέδωκε, 
x.7.2. | Nominative absolute, unconnected with the following, and significantly 
put first. Here the Perfect δέδωκε, because spoken from the standing-point 
of the future. — μὴ aod. ἐξ αὐτοῦ] 86. τι ; see Fritzsche, Conject. p. 86. The 
conception of losing (i.e. of letting fall down to eternal death ; see the con- 
trastive ἀλλά, etc.) is correlative to that of the δέδωκέ μοι. Comp. xvii. 12. 
-- ἀναστήσω, x.t.A.| of the actual resurrection at the last day (comp. v. 29, 
xi. 24, xii. 48), which, as a matter of course, includes the transformation of 
those still living. The designation of the thing is a potiori. It is the jirst 
resurrection that is meant,? that to the everlasting life of the Messianic 
kingdom. See on v. 29. Bengel well says: ‘‘ hic finis est, ultra quem pe- 
riculum nullum.” Comp. the recurrence of this blessed refrain, vv. 40, 44, 
54, which, in the face of this solemn recurrence, Scholten regards as a 
gloss. 

Ver. 40. Explanation, and consequently assigning of the reason for the 
statement of God’s will, ver. 39 ; the words τοῦτο, etc., being an impressive 
anaphora, and τοῦ πατρός μου taking the place of τοῦ πέμψ. με, because 
Jesus wishes at the close still to describe Himself, with specific defi- 
niteness, as the Son. —6 θεωρ. τὸν υἱὸν x. πιστ. εἰς αὖτ. characterizes those 
meant by the ὃ δέδωκέ μοι. There is implied in θεωρ. the attenta contemplatio 
(τοῖς ὀφϑαλμοῖς τῆς ψυχῆς, Euthymius Zigabenus), the result of which is faith. 
Observe the carefully chosen word.* The Jews have seen Him, and have not 
believed, ver. 36. One must contemplate Him, and believe. — ἔχῃ and ἀνασ- 
tow are both dependent upon iva. There is nothing decisive against the 
rendering of καὶ avacr. independently (Vulgate, Luther, Luthardt, Hengsten- 
berg), but the analogy of ver. 39 does not favour it. Observe the change 
of tenses. The,believer is said to have eternal Messianic life already in 
its temporal development (see on iii. 15), but its perfect completion* at the last 
day through the resurrection ; therefore ἀναστήσω after the ἔχειν of the 
ζωὴ αἱών.---- ἐγώ] from the consciousness of Messianic power. Comp. vv. 
44, 54. 

Vv. 41, 42. “ They murmured, and this per’ ἀλλήλων, ver. 48, against Him 
with reference to what He had said, viz. that,” etc. Upon all the rest they 
reflect no further, but this assertion of Jesus impresses them all the more of- 
fensively, and among themselves they give expression half aloud to their 
dissatisfaction. This last thought is not contained in the word itself (comp. 


1 Comp. viii. 38, xv. 2, xvii. 2; and see on 3 Tittmann, Synon. Ὁ. 121; Grotius, in loc. 
Matt. vii. 24, x. 14, 32, xii. 36; Buttmann, 4 Nothing is further from John than the 
N. T. Gr. Ὁ. 325 [E. T. p. 379]. Gnostic opinion, 2 Tim. ii. 18, upon which, 


2See on Luke xiy. 14, xx. 34; Phil. iii. according to Baur, he is said very closely 
tf 3.1 Cor: xv. 23. to border. 


210 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

vil. 82, 12 ; according to Pollux, v. 89, it was also used of the cooing of 

doves), but in the context (οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι). Weare not therefore, with de Wette, 

to think of it merely as a whispering. Comp. rather ver. 61; Matt. xx. 11; 

Luke v. 305. 1 Cor.x.. 10; Num. xi..1, xiv. 27; Ecclus.*x. 24: Judith v: 

22.'— oi "Iovdaioc] The opposition party among the Jews were therefore 
among the ὄχλος (vv. 5, 22, 24). Even in the congregation of the synagogue 
itself (ver. 59), though it included many followers of Jesus (ver. 60), there 
may have been present members of the spiritual aristocracy (see on i. 19). 

The assumption that the ὄχλος itself is here called οἱ ᾿Τουδαῖοι, on account of 
its refusal to recognize Jesus,? is more far-fetched, for hitherto the ὄγλοσ᾽ 
had shown itself sensuously eager indeed after miracles, but not hostile. — 
ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ ἀρτος K.t.A.] Compiled from vv. 33, 35, 38. — οὗτος] on both occa- 
sions, contemptuously. — ἡμεῖς] we on our part. — οἴδαμεν τ. mat. K. T. μητ.] 

This human descent which they knew (comp. Matt. xiii. 55) seemed to them 
in contradiction with that assertion, and to exclude the possibility of its 
truth. Heb. vil. 3 (ἀπάτωρ ἀμήτωρ) does not apply here, because it is not a 
question of the Messiahship of Jesus, but of His coming down from heaven. 

— τὸν πατέρα κ. τὴν unt. | The words, on the face of them, convey the impres- 
sion that both were still alive ; the usual opinion that Joseph (whom subse- 
quent tradition represents as already an old man at the time of his espousal 
with Mary)® was already dead, cannot, to say the least, be certainly proved, * 

though in John also he is entirely withdrawn from the history. 

Vv. 43, 44. Jesus does not enter upon a solution of this difficulty, but ad- 
monishes them not to trouble themselves with it ; they should not dwell 
upon such questions, but upon something far higher; the ‘‘ drawing” of 
the Father is the condition of participating in His salvation. — The ἑλκύεεν is 
not simply a strengthening of the διδόναι in vv. 37, 38, but specifies the 
method of it, an inner drawing and leading to Christ through the working of 
divine grace (comp. LXX. Jer. xxxi. 3), which, however, does not annul 
human freedom, but which, by means of the enlightening, animating, and 
impelling influence, and of the instruction appropriated by the man, wins 
him over, Comp. xii. 89. ἙἙλκύειν (ver. 45) includes the Father's teaching 
by His witness to Christ (Weiss), but this is not all that it comprehends ; 
it denotes rather the whole of that divine influence whcreby hearts are won 
to the Son. In the consciousness of those who are thus won, this represents 
itself as.a holy necessity, to which they have yielded. Comp. Wisd. xix. 4, 
where the opposite, the attraction of evil, appears as a necessity which draws 
them along, yet without destroying freedom.® Augustine already compares 
from the Latin the ‘‘ trahit sua quemque voluptas” of Virgil. The word " in 
itself may denote what involves force, and is involuntary,’ which is always ex- 


1 Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 358. and the like. 


2De Wette, Tholuck, Baur, Briickner, 
Hengstenberg, Godet, and most others. 

3 See Philo, ad Cod. Apocr. I. p. 861. 

4 Comp. also Keim, Gesch. J. I. 426. 

5 See Grimm, Hand. p. 292f. Comp. also 
the classical ἕλκομαι ἦτορ (Pind. Nem. iv. 56), 
ἕλκει TO τῆς φύσεως βάρβαρον (Dem. 568, 14), 


6 The Attics also prefer the Aorist form 
of ἑλκύω to that of ἕλκω, but they form 
the future ἕλξω rather than ἑλκύσω (xii, 32). 
See Lobeck, Paral. p. 35 f. 

7 Acts xvi. 19; ὃ Mace. iv. 7; 4 Macc. 
xi. 9; Homer, Z/. xi. 258; xxiv. 52, 4175 
Soph. O. C. 932; Aristoph. Hy. 710; Plato, 


CHAP. VI., 45, 46. 211 


pressed in σύρειν : but the context itself shows that this is not meant here 
(in the classics it may even stand for invitare).? Accordingly it is not, as 
Calvin judges, false and impious to say: ‘‘non nisi volentes trahi ;” and 
Beza’s ‘‘ Volumus, quia datum est, ut velimus,” is true and pious only in 
the sense of Phil. ii. 18. Comp. Augustine: ‘‘non ut homines, quod fieri 
non potest, nolentes credant, sed ut volentes ex nolentibus fiant.” — ὁ πέμψ. 
με] a specific relation with which the saving act of the ἑλκύειν essentially 
corresponds. — καὶ ἐγὼ ἀναστήσω, x.7.2.| the same solemn promise which we 
have already, vv. 39, 40, but with the ἐγώ of Messianic authority and power, 
as in ver. 54. 

Vv. 45, 46 serve more fully to explain ἑλκύειν. --- ἐν τοῖς tpog.] in volumine 
prophetarum, Acts vii. 42, xiii. 40 ; Rom. ix. 34. The passage is Isa. liv. 
18 (a free quotation from the LXX.), which treats of the divine and univer- 
sal enlightenment of Israel in the time of the Messiah (comp. Joel iti. 1 ff. ; 
Jer. xxxi. 88, 84): ‘‘and they shall be wholly taught of God.” The main 
idea does not lie in πάντες, which, moreover, in the connection of the pas- 
sage refers to all believers, but in διδακτοὶ θεοῦ, which denotes the divine 
drawing viewed as enlightening and influencing. The διδακτὸν θεοῦ εἶναι is 
the state of him who hears and has learned of the Father ; see what follows. 
— πᾶς ὁ ἀκούων, κ.τ.2.1] The spurious οὖν rightly indicates the connection 
(against Olshausen) ; for it follows from that promise, that every one who 
hears and is taught of the Father comes to the Son, and no others ; because, 
were it not so, the community of believers would not be unmixedly the 
διδακτοὶ θεοῦ. ᾿Ακούειν παρὰ τοῦ πατρός is the spiritual perception of divine in- 
struction ; the subject-matter of which, as the whole context clearly shows, 
is the Son and His work. The communication of this revelation is, however, 
continuous (hence ἀκούων), and the ‘‘ having learned” is its actual result, by 
the attainment of which through personal exertion the ἔρχεται πρός με is Con- 
ditioned. One hears and has learned of the Father ; in no other way is one 
in the condition which internally necessitates a believing union with the 
Son. Comp. Matt. xi. 25 ff. — Ver. 46. By this hearing and having learned 
of the Father, I do not mean an immediate and intuitive fellowship with 
Him, which, indeed, would render the coming to the Son unnecessary ; no ; 
no one save the Son only has had the vision of God (comp. i. 18, iii. 13, viii. 
38) ; therefore all they who are διδακτοὶ θεοῦ have to find in the Son alone all 
further initiation into God’s grace and truth. —oi« ὅτι] οὐκ ἐρῶ, ὅτι. It 
serves to obviate a misunderstanding. — εἰ μῆ, «.7.2.] except He who is from 
God, He hath scen the Father (that is, in His pre-existent state).° Comp. 


Rep. iv. p. 539 B, and often; see Ast, Lex, 
Plat. I p. 682. 

1 Comp. Tittm. Syn. p. 56 ff. 

2 See Jacobs, ad Anthol. TX 142. 

3 A Deo edocti ; as to the genitive, see on 
1 Cor. ii. 13, and Kiihner, 11. § 516, ὃ. 

4See Hartung, 11. 154; Buttmann, W. 7. 
Gr. Ὁ. 318 ff. [E. T. p. 372]. 

5 This clear and direct reference to His 
pre-human state in God (comp. vy. 41, 42), 


and consequently the agreement of Christ’s 
witness to Himself with the view taken by 
the evangelist, should not have been re- 
garded as doubtful by Weizsaicker. The 
divine life which was manifested in Christ 
upon earth was the personal life of His 
pre-existent state, as the prologue teaches, 
otherwise John had not given the original 
sense of the declaration of the Lord re- 
garding Himself (to which conclusion 


212 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
Gal. i. 7. —6 ὧν rapa τ. 0.] for He is come from the Father, with whom He 
was (i. 1). See oni. 14, viii. 42, vii. 29, xvi. 27. 

Vv. 47, 48. Jesus had given His answer to the murmurings of the Jews in 
vv. 43-46. He now returns to the subject which He had left, and first re- 
peats in solemn asseveration what He had said in ver. 40 ; then He again 
brings forward the metaphor of the bread of life, which sets forth the same 
thought, 

Vv. 49, 50. Οἱ πατέρες, x.7.A.] ‘‘regeruntur Judaeis verba ipsorum ver. 
31,” Bengel. —aréfavov . . . ἀποθάνῃ] a diversity in the reference which is 
full of meaning : loss of earthly life, loss of eternal life, whose development, 
already begun in time (see on iii. 15), the death of the body does not inter- 
rupt (xi. 90). ---- οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἄρτος, x.t.A.] of this nature is the bread which 
cometh down from heaven : one (ric) must eat thereof, and (in consequence 
of this eating) not die. This representation is contained in οὗτος. . . iva 3 
see on ver, 29. The expression, however, is not conditional (ἐάν ric), because 
the telic reference (iva) does not belong to the last part merely. The present 
participle shows that Jesus does not mean by οὗτος His own concrete Person- 
ality, which is not named till ver. 51, but intends to set forth and exhibit 
the true bread from heaven generally, according to 105 real nature (comp. 
ver. 58).’ 

Ver. 51. Continuation of the exposition concerning the bread of life, 
which He is. “1 am not only the life-giving bread (ὁ ἄρτος τ. ζωῆς, ver. 
48); Iam also the living bread ; he who eats thereof shall live forever,” 
because the life of this bread is imparted to the partaker of it. Comp. v. 
26, xiv. 19. Observe the threefold advance : (1) ὁ dproo τ. ζωῆς, ver. 48, 
and ὁ ἄρτος ὁ ζῶν, ver. 51 ; (2) the continuous καταβαίνων, ver. 50, and the his- 
torically concrete καταβάς, ver. 51 ; (3) the negative μὴ ἀποθάνῃ, ver. 50, and 
the positive ζήσεται εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα, ver. 51. — καὶ ὁ ἄρτος dé ὃν ἐγὼ δώσω] Christ 
is the bread, and He will also give it (consequently give Himself); how this 
is to take place, He now explains. The advance lies in ὃν ἐγὼ δώσω ; hence 
‘also the καὶ δέ which carries on the discourse, and the emphatic repetition of 
the thought, ἣν ἐγὼ δώσω. Translate : ‘‘and the bread also which I ( on my 
part, ἐγώ) will give [instead now of saying : ἐ8 myself, He expresses what He 


Weizsicker comes in the Jahrb. 7. D. Th. 
1862, p. 674), which, however, is inconceiy- 
able in so great and ever-recurring a lead- 
ing point. It is the transcendent recollec- 
tion in His temporal self-consciousness of 
that earlier divine condition, which makes 
itself known in such declarations (comp. 
lii. 11). See on viii. 88, xvii. 5. His certi- 
tude concerning the perfect revelation 
does not first begin with the baptism, but 
stretches back with its roots into His 
pre-human existence See, against Weiz- 
sicker, Beyschlag also, p. 79 ff., who, 
however (comp. p. 97 f.), in referring it to 
the sinless birth, and further to the pre- 
existent state of Jesus, as the very image 


of God, is not just to the Johannean view 
in the prologue, and in the first epistle, as 
well as here, and in the analogous testi- 
monies of Jesus regarding Himself. See 
on ver. 62. Beyschlag renders: ‘‘ because He 
is of God, He has seen God in His historical 
existence.” The far-fetched thought is here 
brought in, that only the pure in heart can 
see God. Comp. rather i. 18, iii. 13, 31, 32, 
Vili. 26,38. See, against this view of the 
continuous historical intimacy with God, 
Pfleiderer in Hilgenfeld’s Zeitsch». 1866, 
p. 247 ff. ; Scholten, p. 116 ff. 

1On tis, one, comp. Dem. Phil. i. 8, and 
Bremi, p. 118; Ellendt, Zea. Soph. 11. 883; 
Nagelsbach on the liad, p. 299, ed. 8, 


CHAP: ΤΟ od. ple 
means more definitely] is my flesh,” etc.’ It often introduces, as in this 
case, something specially important.” Observe, moreover, that what Christ 
promises to give is not external to His own Person.* —7 σάρξ μού ἐστιν] He 
promises to give His flesh, i.e. by His bloody death, to which He here, as 
already in ii. 19, and to Nicodemus, iii. 14, 15, prophetically points. Σάρξ 
is the diving corporeal substance ; this His living corporeity Christ will give, 
give up, that it may be slain (ἣν ἐγὼ δώσω), in order that thereby, as by the of- 
fering of the propitiatory sacrifice,* He may be the means of procuring eter- 
nal life for mankind, ὁ.6. ὑπὲρ (for the sake, on behalf of) τῆς τοῦ κόσμου ζωῆς; 
comp. 1 John iv. 10, 14. But as the atoning efficacy which this giving up of 
His flesh has, must be inwardly appropriated by faith, Christ’s σάρξ, according 
to the figure of the bread of life, inasmuch as He means to give it up to death, 
appears as the bread which He will give to be partaken of (ὃν ἐγὼ δώσω). In 
the repeated give there lies the voluntariness of the surrender (Euthymius 
Zigabenus). But observe the differing reference, that of the first δώσω to the 
giving up jor eating, and that of the second to the giving up to death.® 
This eating is the spiritual manducatio,* the inward, real appropriation of 
Christ which, by means of an ever-continuing faith that brings about this 
appropriation, and makes our life the life of Christ within us (Gal. ii. 20; 
Eph. iii. 17), takes place with regard to all the benefits which Christ ‘‘ carne 
sua pro nobis in mortem tradita et sanguine suo pro nobis effuso promeruit.” 
Forma Concordiae, Ὁ. 744. On the idea of the life of Christ in believers, 
see on Phil. i. 8. On σάρξ, so far as it was put to death in Christ by His 
crucifixion, comp. 1 Pet. iii. 18; Eph. ii. 14; Col. i. 20 ff.; Heb. x. 20. 
This explanation, which refers the words to Christ’s propitiatory death, is 


1 Concerning kai... δέ, atgue etiam, καί 
being and, and δέ on the other hand, see in 
particular Kriiger, and Kiihner, ad Xen. 
Mem. i. 1.3; Baeumlein, Partik. p. 149. 

2 See Bremi, ad Dem. Ol. 11. p. 173. 

3 Against Kling in the Stud. u. Krit. 1836, 
p. 142 f. 

4Not that by the death of Jesus the 
barrier of the independent individuality 
existing between the Logos and the human 
being is destroyed. See against this ex- 
planation (Késtlin, Reuss), so foreign to 
John, Weiss, Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 65 ff. 

5. The words ἣν ἐγὼ δώσω are wanting 
in BC DLT, a few ecursives, several 
versions (following Vulg. It.), and Fathers 
(even Origen twice), and are rejected by 
Lachm., Ewald, Tisch., Baeumlein, Harless. 
The preponderance of testimony is cer- 
tainly against them ; and in omitting them 
we should not, with Kling, take ἡ σάρξ μου 
as in apposition with ὁ ἄρτος (see, on the con- 
trary, Riickert, Abendm. p. 259), but simply 
render it: ‘“‘the bread which 7 shall give is 
my flesh for the life of the world” (the former 
is the /atter for the life of the world). But 
this short pregnant mode of expression is 
80 little like John, and the repetition of ἣν 


ἐγὼ δώσω is so completely Johannean, that 
I feel compelled to retain the words as 
genuine, and to regard their omission 
as a very early error, occasioned by the 
occurrence of the same words a little be- 
fore. Following ἐξ, Tischendorf now reads, 
after «. ὁ apt. δὲ Ov ἐγὼ δώσω ὑπὲρ τῆς 
τοῦ κόσμου ζωῆς, ἡ σάρξ μου «ἐστίν. 
This is manifestly an arrangement resorted 
to in order to assign to the words ὑπ. τ. τ. k. 
ζωῆς the place which, in the absence of 
nv ἐγὼ δώσω, seemed to belong to them. 
Baeumlein supposes that ὑπ. τ. τ. kK. ζωῆς 
is an ancient gloss. 

6 Hence the expression ‘“‘ resurrection of 
the flesh” cannot be justified from John vi., 
as Delitzsch, Psychol. p.460 [E. T. p. 541], 
supposes. If it cannot be justified by any- 
thing in St. Paul, which Delitzsch admits, 
it can least of all by anything in St. John. 
When, indeed, Delitzsch says (Ὁ. 839), “ The 
flesh of Christ becomes in us a fincture of 
immortality, which, in spite of corruption, 
sustains the essence of our flesh, in order one 
day at the resurrection to assimilate also 
His manifestation to itself,’ we can only 
oppose to such fancies, ‘' Ne ulira quod 
scriptum est.” 


214 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

that of Augustine, Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, Beza, Aretius, Grotius, 
Calovius, Wetstein, Lampe, and most others, also of Kuinoel, Liicke, 
Tholuck, Ammon, Neander, J. Miiller,* Lange, Ebrard,* Keim,* Weiss ; 
comp. also Ewald, Kahnis,* Godet.* Others, following Clement of Alex- 
andria, Origen, Basil, have understood by ‘‘ flesh” the entire human manifesta- 
tion of the Logos, which He offered up for the world’s salvation, including 
therein His death. Not only is the future will give opposed to this view, 
but the drinking of the blood in ver. 53 still more distinctly points to 
Christ’s death as exclusively meant ; because it is not apparent why Jesus, 
had He intended generally that collective dedication of Himself, should 
have used expressions to describe the appropriation of it, which necessarily 
and directly point to and presuppose His death. That general consecra- 
tion was already aflirmed in ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ ἄρτος, x.7.4.; the advance from being 
and giving now demands something else, a concrete act, viz. His atoning 
death and the shedding of His blood. This tells also against the pro- 
founder development of the self-communication of Jesus. supposed to 
be meant here, and adopted by Hengstenberg and Hofmann,’ following 
Luther ;° viz. that faith in the human nature of Jesus eats and drinks the 
life of God, or that His life-giving power is bound up in His flesh, 7.e. in 
His actual human manifestation (Briickner). Others, again, have explained 
it of the Lord’s Supper; viz. Chrysostom, Cyril, Theophylact, Euthymius 
Zigabenus, most of the Fathers (among the Latin Fathers, Cyprian, Hilary, 
perhaps also Augustine, etc.) and Catholic writers, also Klee and Maier, 
further, Calixtus too, strongly opposed by Calovius ; and among moderns, 
Scheibel, Olshausen, Kling,® Lindner, Késtlin, Delitzsch in Rudelbach’s 
Zeitschrift, 1845, 11. p. 29; Kaeuffer,” Kahnis, Abendm. p. 104 ff.; Lu- 
thardt ; Richter ;" further, while also calling in question the genuineness of 
the discourse, Bretschneider, Strauss, Weisse, Baur, Hilgenfeld, and many 
others. Thus, as iii. 5 refers to baptism, we have now, it is said, a refer- 
ence to the second sacrament. Gen explanation ” has already this against 


1p comp. Schleiermacher, Z. J. p. 345, and 
2 Dogma v. Abendm. I. p. 78 ff. Reuss. 


3 Jahrb. f. d. Theol. 1859, p. 109 ff. 

4 Doymat. 1. Ὁ. 624. 

5 Who, however, attaches great impor- 
tance to the corporeal side of the real fel- 
lowship of believers with Christ, by virtue 
of which they will become at the resurrec- 
tion the reproduction of the glorified 
Christ, referring to Eph. v. 30. The eating 
and drinking alone are figurative, while the 
not merely spiritual, but also bodily appro- 
priation, must, according to him, be taken 
literally. This, however, is not required by 
the ἀναστήσω αὐτόν, «.7.A., ver. 54, which we 
already had in ver. 39,and is not even ad- 
missible by ver. 63. 

6 So in modern times, in particular, Pau- 
lus, Ὁ. Schulz, Lehre vom Abendm., B. Cru- 
sius, Frommann, de Wette, Baeumlein; 


7 Schriftbew. Il. 2, p. 245 ff. 

8“ Therefore one eats and drinks the 
Godhead in His human nature.—This flesh 
does not carnalize, but will deify thee, z.e. 
give the divine power, virtue, and work, 
and will take away sins,” and so on (Pred. 
Dom. Oculi). 

® Stud. u. Krit. 1836, p. 140 ff. : 

10 Sdichs. Stud. 1846, p. 70 ff. 

11 Stud. u. Krit. 1863, p. 250. 

12 A view which Luther decidedly oppos- 
ed previous to the controversy regarding 
the Lord’s Supper. In the heading or gloss 
he says: ‘“‘ This chapter does not speak of 
the sacrament of the bread and wine, but 
of spiritual eating, 2.e. of the belief that 
Christ, both God and man, hath shed Ilis 
blood for us.” 


CHAP, -VI.,51. 215 
it, that the eating and drinking is regarded as continuous (ver. 56); and, 
moreover, it can be maintained only by surrendering the authenticity of 
John. But if this be assumed, and the discourse be regarded as historical, 
Jesus could not Himself speak, as He speaks in this passage, of the 
Lord’s Supper. Had this been His reference, He would have spoken inap- 
propriately, and in terms which differ essentially from His own mode of ex- 
pression at the institution of the holy meal, irrespectively of the fact that a 
discourse upon the Lord’s Supper at this time would have been utterly in- 
comprehensible to His hearers, especially to the Ιουδαίοις who were ad- 
dressed. Moreover, there nowhere occurs in the Gospels a hint given be- 
JSorehand of the Supper which was to be instituted ; and therefore, that this 
institution was not now already in the thoughts of Jesus (as Godet, follow- 
ing Bengel and others, maintains), but was the product of the hour of the 
Supper itself, appears all the more likely, seeing how utterly groundless is 
the assumption based on ver. 4, that Jesus, in the feeding of the multitude, 
improvised a paschal feast. To this it must be added, that the promise of 
life which is attached to the eating and.drinking could apply only to the 
case of those who worthily partake. We should therefore have to assume 
that the reporter John * put this discourse concerning the Lord’s Supper into 
the mouth of Christ ; and against this it tells in general, that thus there would 
be on John’s part a misconception, or rather an arbitrariness, which, grant- 
ing the genuineness of the Gospel, cannot be attributed to this most trusted 
disciple and his vivid recollections ; and in particular, that the drinking of 
the blood, if it were, as in the Lord’s Supper, a special and essential part, 
would not have been left unmentioned precisely at the end of the discourse, 
vv. 57, 58; and that, again, the evangelist would make Jesus speak of the 
Lord’s Supper in terms which lie quite beyond the range of the N. T., and 
which belong to the mode of representation and language of the apostolic 
Fathers and still later times.* This is specially true of the word flesh, for 
which all passages in the N. T. referring to the Lord’s Supper,® have body ; 
so that here accordingly there ought to have been stated the identity, not 
of the bread and the flesh (which Baur in particular urges), but of the bread 
and the body ; while with reference to the blood, the identical element (the 
wine) ought also to have been mentioned. Further, the passage thus taken 
would speak of the literal ‘‘eating and drinking” of the flesh and blood, 
which is a much later materializing of the N. T. κοινωνία in the Lord’s 
Supper ; and lastly, the absolute necessity of this ordinance,* which ver. 
53 ff. would thus assert, is not once mentioned thus directly by the Fathers 
of the first centuries ; while the N. T., and John in particular, make faith 
alone the absolutely necessary condition of salvation. Had John been 


1See especially Kaeuffer, J.c.; comp. 
also Weisse, B. Crusius, Késtlin, etc. 

2 See the passages in Kaeuffer, p. 77 ff:; 
Riickert, p. 274 f.; Hilgenfeld, Zvang. p. 
278. Hiigenfeld calls the passages in Justin, 
Apol, i. 66; Ignatius, ad Smyrn. 7%. ad Rom. 
τ, an admirable commentary upon our 
text. They would, indeed, be so if our 


evangelist himself were a post-apostolic 
writer belonging to the second century. 

83 Matt. xxvi. 26 ff.; Mark xjy, 22 ff.; Luke 
xxiv. 24 ff.; 1 Cor. xi. 23 ff. 

4Its limitation to the Contemtus sacra- 
menti (Richter) is a dogmatic subterfuge 
which has no foundation in the text. 


216 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. ‘ 


speaking of the Lord’s Supper, he must have spoken in harmony with the 
N. T. view and mode of expression, and must have made Jesus speak of it 
in the same way. But the discourse, as it lies before us, if taken as referring 
to the Lord’s Supper, would be an unexampled and utterly inconceivable 
ὕστερον πρότερον ; and therefore even the assumption that at least the same 
idea which lay at the root of the Lord’s Supper, and out of which it 
sprang, is here expressed,’ is admissible only so far as the appropriation of 
Christ’s life, brought about by faith in His death, which here is enjoined 
with such concrete vividness as absolutely necessary,’ likewise constitutes 
the sacred and fundamental basis presupposed in the institution of the 
Supper, and forms the condition of its blessedness ; and therefore the 
application of the passage to the Lord’s Supper (but at the same time to 
baptism and to the efficacy of the word) justly, nay necessarily, arises. 
Comp. the admirable remarks of Harless, p. 190 ff. — According to Riickert,® 
the discourse is not intended by Jesus to refer to the Supper, but is so in- 
tended by John, through whose erroneous and crude method of apprehen- 
sion the readers are to be taught, whether they themselves have believed in 
an actual eating of the flesh and drinking of the blood, or whether this has 
been a stumbling-block to them. An interpretation this which is neither 
indicated by the text nor has any historical basis. — Upon the history of 
the interpretation of our text, see Liicke, ed. 2, App. 2; Lindner, vom 
Abendm. p. 241 ff.; Tischendorf, De Christo pane vitae, 1839, p. 15 ff. ; 
Mack, Quartalschr. 1832, I. p. 52 ff.; Kahnis, p. 114 ff.; Riickert, p. 978 ff. 
The exposition which takes it to refer to faith in the atoning death forms 
the basis of Zwingle’s doctrine of the Eucharist.* 

Vv. 52, 53. The Jews rightly add φαγεῖν, borrowing it from the preceding 
context ; but the meaning and reference of the expression, which they cer- 
tainly recognized as somehow to be taken figuratively, are to them so indis- 
tinct, that they fall into a dispute with each other (‘‘non jam solum mur- 
murabant uti ver. 41,” Bengel) upon the question : ‘‘ How can this man give 
us his flesh (τὴν σάρκα also without the αὐτοῦ, a glossin Lachm.) to eat?” Not 
as if they had missed hearing something (Luthardt : ‘‘the futwrity expressed 
in ver. 51”): they have not understood the enigmatical statement. In- 
stead now of explaining the how of their question, Jesus sets before them 
the absolute necessity of their partaking, and pushes to an extreme the seem- 
ingly paradoxical requirement; for He nows adds the drinking of His blood, in 
order thus to bring more prominently into view the reference to His death, 
and its life-giving power to be experienced by believing appropriation. 
- τοῦ υἱοῦ τ. avp.| This prophetic and Messianic self-designation (i. 52, iii. 
13, 14), which could now less easily escape the notice of His hearers than in 
ver. 27, serves asa still more solemn expression in place of μου, without, 


1 Olshausen, Kling, Lange, Tholuck, ete. ; of anything that was not before their eyes ; 
comp. Kahnis, Keim, Luthardt, Hengsten- but that He was speaking of Himself.”— 
berg, Ewald, Godet. LUTHER. 

2‘*We makes it so that it could not be 3 Abendm. p. 291 f. 
plainer, in order that they might not think 4 See Dieckhoff, evangel. Abendmahislehre, 


that he was speaking of something else, or __ I. p. 440. 


CHAP. VI., 54-57. 217 


however, affecting the meaning of the eating and drinking. — οὐκ ἔχετε ζωὴν 
ἐν éavt.| ‘‘ye have have not life in yourselves,” ‘life is foreign to and remote 
from your own inner nature,” —death is the power that ye have in you, spirit- 
ual and eternal death ; life must first, by that eating and drinking, be inward- 
ly united with your own selves. In that appropriation of the flesh and blood 
of Jesus, this life flows forth from His life (vv. 56, 57, v. 26) ; and it is at- 
tached to faith only, not to the use of any outward element (comp. Harless, 
p. 124). 

Vv. 54, 55. He now more fully explains Himself, onwards to ver. 58, with 
regard to the saving efficacy of this spiritual eating and drinking : ‘‘ He 
who eateth my flesh,” etc. — ὁ τρώγων] Previously the word was φάγητε, but 
the change implies no special intention to use a stronger term (to chew, to 
crunch), as the repetition of πίνων shows.’— Cwiv αἰών. Fuller definition of 
the general ζωή which precedes ; it signifies the eternal Messianic life, but 
the development of this in time as spiritual life is included in the thought ; 
therefore ἔχει (iii. 15), and the result of the possession of this life : ἀναστήσω, 
κτλ. Comp. ver. 40. — Ver. 55. Proof of the assertion éyec . . . ἡμέρᾳ 5 
for if the flesh of Jesus were not true food (something which in very deed has 
nourishing power), etc., the effect named in ver. 54 could not ensue. It is 
self-evident that food for the inner man is meant ; but ἀληθής (see the criti- 
cal notes) is not the same as ἀληθινή (this would mean genuine food, food 
that realizes its own ideal). It denotes the opposite of that which is merely 
apparent or so called, and therefore expresses the actual fact (1 John ii. 27 ; 
Acts xii. 9), which the Jews could not understand, since they asked πῶς 
δύναται, K.T.A., Ver. 52. 

Vv. 56, 57. A statement parallel with what precedes, concerning him 
‘‘ who eats,” etc., and explaining how that comes to pass which is said of him 
in ver. 54. —év ἐμοὶ μένει κἀγὼ ἐν αὐτῷ] an expression distinctively Johan- 
nean of abiding, inner, and mutual fellowship (xv. 4 ff., xvii., 23; 1 John 
iii. 24, iv. 16), by virtue of which we live and move continually in Christ, 
and Christ works and rules in our minds, so that thus Christ’s life is the 
centre and circumference, 7.e. the all-determining power of our life. — Ver. 
57. Consequence of this spiritua] union: life, i.e. true imperishable life, as pro- 
ceeding from the Father to the Son, so from the Son to believers. Observe 
(1) that the consequent clause does not begin with κἀγώ (Chrysostom and 
his followers); but, as ver. 56 requires, with κ. ὁ tpdy. με, so also he that eat- 
eth me; (2) that in the antecedent clause the emphasis is on ζῶν and ζῶ 
(therefore ἀπέστειλε does not introduce any strange or unnatural thought, as 
Riickert supposes), while in the consequent it is upon the subject, which 
accordingly is made prominent by κἀκεῖνος, he also. —6 ζῶν πατήρ] the living 
Father ; (comp. ver. 26), the Living One absolutely, in whose nature there is 
no element of death, but all is life. — κἀγὼ ζῶ διὰ τ. πατ.] and [—by virtue 
of my community of essence with the Father—am alive because of the Father. 
διὰ with the accus. does not denote the cause,* per patrem ; nor for the 

1 Comp. Dem. 402. 21: τρώγειν καὶ πίνειν. 2 Castalio, Beza, de Wette, Gess, Riickert, 


Plut. Mor. p. 618 B; Polyb. xxxii. 9. 9. and several. 
Comp. also xiii. 18; Matt. xxiv. 38. 


218 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Father ;’ but, according to the context, the reason : because of the Father, 7.e. 
because my Father is the Living One.*— ὁ τρώγων με] This sufficed to denote 
the relation, and is in keeping with the transition to ver. 58; whereas, if 
the discourse referred to the Lord’s Supper, the eating and drinking of the 
flesh and blood should again have been mentioned, as in vv. 538-56. Note 
also that ὁ τρώγων μὲ expresses a permanent, continuous relation, not one 
taking place from time to time, as in the Lord’s Supper. — ζήσει] in contrast 
with spiritual and eternal death. — dv ἐμέ] on account of me, because he thus 
takes up my life into himself. 

Vv. 58, 59. A concluding summary, repeating the figure from which the 
whole discourse arose, ver. 32. —ovtoc] of this nature, as explained in vv. 
32-57. Comp. ver. 50; not: ‘‘this, which gives life to him who partakes 
of it” (Liicke) ; nor: this, i.e. my flesh and blood” (de Wette) ; what follows 
requires in οὗτος the idea of modality. — οὐ καθώς, x.7.2.] It is the bread 
that came down from heaven, but not in the same way and manner that the 
fathers did eat heavenly bread. It is quite different in the case of this 
bread. — Ver. 59 is simply an historical observation, without any further 
significance (Chrysostom : in order to impress us with the great guilt of the 
people of Capernaum). That ταῦτα means simply the discourse from ver. 41 
onwards, and that what precedes down to ver. 40 was not spoken in the 
synagogue, but elsewhere, upon the first meeting with the people, vv. 24, 
25 (Ewald), would need to have been more distinctly indicated, Taking 
John’s words as they stand, ἐν συναγωγῇ, etc., isa more definite (according 
to Schenkel, indeed, mistaken) supplementary explanation of the vague 
πέραν τ. θαλάσσης of ver. 25. — ἐν συναγωγῇ, without the Art. as in xviii. 20: 
in a synagogue ; then follows the still more detailed designation of the 
locality, ‘‘ while teaching in Capernaum.” 

Ver. 60. Πολλοὶ οὖν] Many therefore, for in Capernaum He had many 
adherents (μαθηταί is here used in the wider sense, not of the apostles ; see 
ver. 67). — σκληρός] hard, harsh, the opposite of μαλακός ;* —in a moral sense, 
Matt. xxv. 24 ; Ecclus, iii. 24; 3 Esdr. ii. 27; ‘—of speeches,® Gen. xlii. 7, 
xxi. 11, Aq. ; Prov. xv. 1. It here denotes what causes offence (σκανδαλίζει, 
ver. 61), does not comply with preconceived views, but is directly antag- 
onistic, the relation in which the assurances and demands of Jesus from ver. 
51 stood to the wishes and hopes of His disciples. He had, indeed, from 
ver. 51 onwards, required that they should eat His flesh (which was to be 
slain), and drink His blood (which was to be shed), in order to have life. 
By this—whether they rightly understood it or not—they felt sorely per- 
plexed and wounded. The bloody death, which was certainly the condition 


1 Paulus, Lange. 

2See on xv. 3; Plat. Conv. p. 203 E: 
ἀναβιώσκεται διὰ THY τοῦ πατρὸς φύσιν; and 
see Nagelsbach, JZ/ias, p. 39 ff. ed. 3. 

3 Plat. Legg. x. Ὁ. 892 B; Prot. Ὁ. 331 D. 

4 Soph. Oed. R. 36, Aj. 1840; Plat. Zoer. Ὁ. 
104 C, and often. 

5 Comp. Soph. Qed. C. 778: σκληρὰ μαλθα- 
κῶς λέγων, 


6 Not asif they had understood the eat- 
ing and drinking of the flesh and blood in 
a literal and material sense (hence the ex- 
pression ‘‘manducatio Capernaitica’’), and 
so nonsensical an affirmation had provoked 
them (Augustine, Grotius, Liicke, Keim, 
and many others). The speakers are μαϑη- 
ταί; but not even the ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, ver. 52, SO 
grossly misunderstood Jesus. 

’ 


CHAP. VI., 61, 62. 219 


of the eating and drinking, was an offence to them, just as in that lay the 
lasting offence of the Jews afterwards, ΧΙ 84)" dNCor, 1623): Gal v. Li; 
comp. also Matt. xvi. 21 ff. The explanation ‘difficult to be understood” 
(Chrysostom, Euthymius Zigabenus, Grotius, Olshausen) lies neither in the 
word nor in the context, for τίς δύναται, κιτ.}. affirms : “ὁ it is a thing not to 
be borne, to listen to-the discourse,” such insuperable offence does it excite. 
Tholuck, following early writers, finds the offence to be that Jesus seemed 
arrogant in making life dependent upon participation in His flesh and blood. 
But it was not the arrogant, it was the lowly and suffering, Messiah that 
was ἃ σκάνδαλον to the Jew. As little did the offence consist in the require- 
ment that Christ ‘‘ would be all, and they were to be nothing” (Hengstenberg), 
which, indeed, is only an abstract inference subsequently drawn from His 
discourse. 

Vv. 61, 62. ᾿Εν ἑαυτῷ] In Himself, without communication ; αὐτόματος, 
Nonnus. — yoyyit.] as in ver. 41, — περὶ τούτου] concerning this harshness of 
His discourse. — τοῦτο ty. cxavd.] Question of astonishment : tds, namely, 
which you have found so hard in my discourse (Jesus knew what it was), 
does this offend you? Are you so mistaken in your opinion and feelings 
towards me? Comp. ver. 06. --- ἐὰν οὖν θεωρῆτε, x.7.A.] of, then, ye behold, etc. 
Aposiopesis, which, especially ‘‘in tam infausta re” (Dissen, ad Dem. de cor. 
p. 362), is entirely in place. See on Luke UK Ad CESS ΚΠ tie 
Rom. ix. 22. The completion of it must be derived solely from the 
context, and therefore is not τί ἐρεῖτε or the like (Nonnus, Euthymius 
Zigabenus, Kuinoel, and many) ; but τοῦτο ὑμᾶς οὖ πολλῷ μᾶλλον σκανδαλίσει :* 
ἐς Will not this impending sight offend you still more?” By ἀναβαίνειν 
ὅπου ἦν τὸ πρότερον Jesus indicates His death ; and, indeed, as He—in whom 
Daniel’s prophecy of the Son of man was to be fulfilled (comp. ΧΙ, 23 ; 
Matt, xxvi. 24)—contemplated it in the consciousness of His heavenly 
origin and descent (iii. 13), of which He had already spoken in ver. 58,— 
His death, therefore, so far as it would be to Him, by means of the resur- 
rection and ascension therewith connected, a return to the δόξα which He 
had before His incarnation. Comp. xvii. 5, and the ὑψωθῆναι ἐκ τῆς γῆς. 
xii. 32. To the spectators, who only saw the humiliating and shameful 
outward spectacle of His death, it served only to give the deepest offence. 
The concluding argument a minori ad majus which lies in οὖν, is like that in 
iii. 12. The interpretation of the ancient Church, which referred the 
words to the corporeal ascension in and by itself,? would require us of logical 
necessity to supply, not the supposed énerease of offence (Baeumlein), but a 
question expressing doubt or denial: ‘would ye still take offence then ?” 
Comp. viii. 28. But this import of the aposiopesis, which also Ewald and - 
Briickner adopt, though not explaining the words merely of the ascension, 
has the οὖν itself decidedly against it, instead of which ἀλλά would be logi- 
cally required ; and the reference to the ascension as such, as an event by 
itself, is totally without analogy in the discourses of Jesus, and quite un- 

1Comp. Winer, p. 558 [E. T. ~p. 600]; Ebrard, Kahnis, p. 120, Hilgenfeld, Hof- 


Fritzsche, Conject. pp. 22, 31. mann, Hengstenberg, Baeumlein, Godet, 
2So also Olshausen, Lindner, Maier, Harless. 


220 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Johannean.? So also the θεωρῆτε, in particular, is against this view ; for, 
with the Present participle ἀναβαίνοντα, it would describe the ascension 
expressly as a visible event (in answer to Luthardt’s observations, who explains 
it of the ascension, but with Tholuck regards its visibility as a matter of 
indifference, so far as the present passage is concerned), though its visible 
occurrence is attested by no apostle, while in the non-apostolic accounts 
(Mark xvi. 19 ; Luke xxiv. 51 ; Acts i. 9) only the disciples in the narrower 
sense, the twelve, who are just those not meant by the ‘‘ ye” in our text, are 
represented as the eye-witnesses. On the other hand, the opinion that there 
lies in θεωρ. only the possibility of those present being eye-witnesses (Kahnis, 
Hofmann)? is nothing more than a subtle evasion, unsupported by the ἐάν 
(comp. xii. 32, xiv. 3, xvi. 7), and no better than Hengstenberg’s assertion 
(comp. Tholuck) : ‘‘ those who were present at the ascension were the repre- 
sentatives of the collective body of the disciples.” Parallel with ἀναβαίνειν 
is the designation of the death of Jesus as ὦ going to God, vil. 33, xiii. 3, 
xiv. 12, 28, xvi. 5, 28, xvii. 11,13. That He, in our passage, describes His 
death not in its humble and painful phase, but according to the essence of 
its triumphant consummation as present to His own consciousness, is there- 
fore quite Johannean ; comp. also xvii. 5, xii. 28. The reference to the 
gift of the Spirit, the exaltation being intended as the medium of effecting 
this (Lange), is remote from the context, and is not indicated by any word 
in the sentence ; for nothing is spoken of but the seeing with the eyes the 
future departure. —Upon τὸ πρότερον, see on Gal. iv. 13. It refers to the 
period preceding His present form of being, when as to the divine part of 
His nature, i.e. as the Logos, He was in heaven ;* comp. xvii. 5, 24, 
vili. 58. 


1 Appeal is made, but unreasonably, not dictory of δόξα. The glorified body of 


only to iii. 13, but likewise to xx. 17 (see es- 
pecially Hofmann, Schriftbew. IL. 1, 517, and 
Godet). Jesus there is speaking after His 
death, when that blessed end was still 
future, in reference to which defore His 
death he was wont to describe that event 
as a departure and an ascension to the 
Father. There, accordingly, He could not 
avoid mentioning the ascension alone. 

2‘ Por they would certainly see Him die, 
but they would see Him ascend only if they 
remained His disciples,” Hofmann. The 
former is as incorrect as the latter. For 
Jesus is speaking to His Galilean disciples, 
and, indeed, to His disciples in the wider 
sense (ver. 67), of whom therefore we can- 
not say that they would certainly be pres- 
ent at His death in Jerusalem; while the 
witnesses of the ascension were not those 
who remained faithful to Him generally, 
but the apostles. According to Harless, 
Christ means to say that they must not 
think of His flesh and blood in His state of 
humiliation, but of both in His state of 
glory. But flesh and blood is the contra- 


Christ in the form of jlesh and blood is incon- 
ceivable (1 Cor. xv. 49, 50). 

3The meaning is not that “* we immediately 
substitute another subject’ (Beyschlag, Chris- 
tol. p. 29); but, in harmony with the witness 
of Jesus regarding Himself elsewhere in 
John, we have given us a move definite men- 
tion of the state wherein the Son of man 
had His pre-existence in heaven. That He 
had this as the Son of man, as Beyschlag, p. 
85, explains (understanding it of the eternal 
divine image, whose temporal realization 
Jesus, by an intuition given Him on earth, 
knew Himself to be), the text does not say ; 
it says: ‘‘the Son of man, i.e. the Messiah, 
will ascend up where He was before.” 
There can be no doubt, if we will follow 
John, in what form of existence He previously 
was in heaven. Neither is there any doubt 
if we ask Paul, who speaks of the pre-ex- 
istence of Jesus ἐν μορφῇ θεοῦ. See on Phil. 
ii. 6; comp. 2 Cor. viii. 8,9. He does not 
there mean that He pre-existed as Jesus, but 
as the υἱὸς τ. θεοῦ. For the rest, comp. ver. 
46, viii. 58, xvii. ὅ, 1. 18. If it be true, as 


CHAP. VI., 63, 64. pel: 


Vv. 63, 64. Instead of appending to the foregoing protasis its mournful 
apodosis (see on ver. 62), Jesus at once discloses to His disciples with lively 
emotion (hence also the asyndeton) the growndlessness of the offence that was 
taken. It is not His bodily form, the approaching surrender of which for 
spiritual food (ver. 51) was so offensive * to them, but His spirit that gives 
life ; His corporeal nature was of no use towards giving life. But it was pre- 
cisely His bodily nature to which they ascribed all the value, and on which 
they built all their hope, instead of His life-giving Divine Spirit, i.e. the 
Holy Spirit given Him in all fulness by the Father (ii. 84), who works in 
believers the birth from above (iii. 6), and with it eternal life (comp. Rom. 
viii. 2; 2 Cor. iii. 6). Hence His death, through which His jlesh as such 
would disappear, was to them so offensive a σκάνδαλον. Observe further, 
that He does not say τὸ πνεῦμά μου and ἡ σάρξ μου, but expresses the above 
thought in a general statement, the personal application of which is to be to 
Himself.? Note once again that ἡ σὰρξ οὐκ ὠφελεῖ οὐδέν does not contradict 
what was previously said of the life-giving participation in the flesh of 
Jesus ; for this can take place only by the appropriating of the spirit of 
Christ through faith, and apart from this it cannot take place at all. Rom. 
viii. 2, 6, 9, 11; 1 Cor. vi. 17. Comp. 1 John iii. 24, The flesh, therefore, 
which ‘‘ profiteth nothing,” is the flesh without the Spirit ; the Spirit which 
‘ quickeneth” is the Spirit whose dwelling-place is the flesh, 7.e. the corporeal 
manifestation of Christ, the corporeity which must be offered up in His 
atoning death (ver. 51), in order that believers might experience the full 
power of the quickening Spirit (vii. 39). When Harless, following Luther, 
understands indeed by the flesh which profiteth nothing, the σάρξ of Christ 
in His humiliation, but by the quickening Spirit, ‘‘ the spirit which perfectly 
controls the flesh of the glorified Son of man,” he imports the essential point in 
his interpretation, and this in opposition to the N. T., in which the con- 
ception of σάρξ is utterly alien to the σῶμα τῆς δόξης of the Lord, Phil. iii. 
21; see 1 Cor. xv. 44-50 ; so that the σῶμα πνευματικόν cannot possibly be 
regarded as flesh pervaded by spirit (comp. 2 Cor. iii. 18). In no form is 
flesh ever ascribed to the exalted Lord. The antithesis here is not between 
carnal flesh and glorified flesh, but simply between flesh and spirit. Ac- 
cording to others, τὸ πνεῦμα is the human sowl, which makes the body to have 
life (Beza, Fritzsche in his Nov. Opusc. p. 239). But ζωοποιοῦν must, accord- 
ing to the import of the preceding discourse, be taken in the Messianic 
sense. Others say : τὸ πνεῦμα is the spiritual participation, ἡ σάρξ the ma- 
terial ;? but thus again the peculiar element in the exposition, viz. the par- 
taking of the Lord’s Supper, is foisted in.* Others, interpolating in like 


Keim says (Geschichtl. Chr. p. 102, ed. 3), 
that “ not one particle of the self-conscious- 
ness of Jesus reaches back beyond His tem- 
poral existence,” the fundamental Chris- 
tological view not only of the fourth Gospel 
but of Paul also, is based upon a great il- 
lusion. As to the Synoptics, see on Matt. 
xi. 27, viii. 20. 

1 Godet, according to his rendering of 


ver. 62: “which you will see to vanish at 
my ascension.”’ 

2 Comp. Hofmann, II. 2, p. 252. 

3 Tertullian, Augustine, Rupertius, Cal- 
vin, Grotius, and most others; also Ols- 
hausen, comp. Kling and Richter. 

4 Kahnis (Adendm. p. 122) has explained 
the passage in this sense seemingly in a 
munner most in keeping with the words: 


222. THE GOSPEL OF JON. 

manner, interpret τὸ πνεῦμα as the spiritual, and ἡ σάρξ as the unspiritual, 
sensuous understanding; ' comp. Tholuck. Others differently still.? ‘‘ Quan- 
topere sit hic locus variis expositionibus exagitatus, vix credibile est,” Beza, 
—ré ῥήματα ἃ ἐγώ, x.t.A.] This does not mean that we are to hold to His 
“words instead of to His corporeal flesh (Riickert, Keim), His words which 
remain as a compensation to us after His death (Liicke, de Wette, B. Crusius). 
It stands (seeing that σάρξ has already its full antithesis in what precedes) 
in close connection with the following ἀλλ᾽ Σεἰσὶν ἐξ ὑμῶν τινὲς of ob πιστ., and 
therefore a comma only is to be placed after ζωή ἐστιν. ““ The words which I 
have spoken unto you” (meaning the discourse in the synagogue just ended *), 
‘so far from containing any real ground for σκάνδαλον, are rather spirit and 
Yife, i.e. containing and revealing the divine spirit in me, and the Messianic 
life brought about by me ; but the real guilt of the offence lies with you, 
for among you are many who believe not.” We, namely, who does not believe 
in Him as the true Messiah who secures by His death the life of the world, 
but expects Messianic salvation by His corporeal manifestation alone, as that 
which is not to die, but to triumph and reign—to him who is such a μαθητής 
of Jesus the discourse concerning feeding upon His flesh and blood can only 
be a stumbling-block and an offence. And of such τινές there were πολλοί, 
ver. 60. — ἐγώ and ἐξ ὑμῶν stand in emphatic antithesis. — πνεῦμά ἐστι καὶ 
ζωῇ ἐστιν] The two predicates are thus impressively kept apart, and the des- 
ignation by the substantive is fuller and more exhaustive (comp. 111. 6 ; Rom. 
viii. 10) than would be that by the adjective.*— ἤδει γάρ, x.r.2.] an expla- 
nation added by John himself of the preceding words, ἀλλ᾽ eiciv, k.r.2., 
which imply a higher knowledge ; comp. ii. 24, 25. — οἵ ob πιστεύουσιν] result 
of their wavering ; for they are μαθηταί, who, from an imperfect and incon- 
stant faith, have at last come to surrender faith altogether. They had been 
πρόσκαιροι (Matt. xili. 21). Here we have oi with the relative, then μή with 
the participle accompanied by the article (iii. 18), both quite regular. — 
ἐξ ἀρχῆς) neither ‘‘from the jirst beginning” (Theophylact, Rupertius) ; 
nor ‘‘before this discourse, and not for the first time after the murmur- 


“What imparts the power of everlasting 
life to them who feed upon my flesh, is not 
the flesh as such, but the spirit which per- 
vades it.” According to this view, the 
glorified flesh of Christ, which is eaten in 
the Supper, would be described as the 
vehicle of the Holy Spirit, and the latter, 
not the flesh itself, as that which gives life. 
Comp. also Luthardt. But it isself-evident 
that the thought of glorified flesh has to be 
imported from without. 

1 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euthymius 
Zigabenus, Mosheim, Lampe, Klee, Ammon, 
etc. So also Luther: ‘‘Ye must indeed 
have the Spirit likewise, or obtain a spirit- 
ual understanding, because it is too high 
and inconceivable for the flesh.” See the 
striking remarks of Calovius against this 
interpretation. 


2 Wieseler, on Gal. Ὁ. 446, takes σάρξ in 
the sense of original sin; sinful human 
nature can do nothing for man’s salvation ; 
the Spirit of God produces this. But σάρξ 
must take its stricter definition /vom the 
Soregoing discourse, and if it were intended 
as in iii. 6, οὐκ ὠφελεῖ οὐδέν Would be far too 
little to say of it. This also tells against 
the similar interpretation of Hengstenberg : 
“The πνεῦμα is the Spirit represented 
through Christ, and incarnate in Him, and 
the σάρξ humanity destitute of the Spirit.” 

3 The usual but arbitrarily general ren- 
dering brought with it the reading λαλῶ. 
Tholuek and Ebrard have the right refer- 
ence. Comp. εἴρηκα, ver. 65. 

4 πμευματικὰ καὶ ζωηρά, Euthymius Zigabe- 
nus. 


CHAP. VI., 65-69. Ago 
ing ;”? nor again ‘‘from the beginning of the then existing acquaintance” 
(Grotius, de Wette, B. Crusius, Maier, Hengstenberg, etc. ; comp. Tholuck, 
‘‘from the very time of their call’); but, as the context shows 
(see especially καὶ τίς ἐστιν, x.7.A.), from the beginning, when He began to 
gather disciples around Him (comp. i. 48, 48, 11. 24), consequently from 
the commencement of His Messianic ministry. Comp. xvi. 4, xv. 27. From 
His first coming forth in public, and onwards, He knew which of "those 
who attached themselves to Him as μαθηταί did not believe, and in particu- 
lar who should be His future betrayer. On this last point, 566 the note fol- 
lowing ver. 70. Were we, with Lange and Weiss to render : ‘‘from the 
beginning of their unbelief,” this would apply only to disciples in constant 
intercourse with Him, whom He always could observe with heart-searching 
eye,—a limitation, however, not justified by the text, which rather by the 
very example of Judas, as the sole unbeliever in the immediate circle of His 
disciples, indicates a range beyond that inner circle. 

Ver. 65. See on vv. 37, 44. — διὰ τοῦτο] because many of you believe not ; 
and therefore, though there is in them the outward appearance of disciple- 
ship, they lack the inward divine preparation. —éx τοῦ πατρ. μ.] from my 
Father.* 

Vv. 66, 67. Ἔκ τούτου] not : ‘‘ from this time forwards,” * for a gradual go- 
ing away is not described ; but (so Nonnus, Luthardt) : on this account, 
because of these words of Jesus, ver. 61 ff., which so thoroughly undeceived 
them as regarded their earthly Messianic hopes. So also xix. 12.4— εἰς τὰ 
ὀπίσω] they went away, and went back, so that they no longer accompanied 
Him, but returned to the place whence they had come to Him.’ — τοῖς 
δώδεκα] who and what they were, John takes for granted as well known. — 
μὴ καὶ ὑμεῖς, κιτ.}.} ye too do not wish to go away? Jesus knows His twelve 
too well (comp. xiii. 18) to put the question to them otherwise than with 
the presupposition of a negative answer (at the same time’He knew that He 
must except one). But He wishes for their avowal, and therein lay His com- 
fort. This rendering of the question with μή is no ‘‘ pedanterie grammat- 
icale” (Godet, who wrongly renders ‘‘ vous ne voulez pas ?”), but is alone lin- 
guistically correct.* According to Godet, the thought underlying the 
question is, ‘‘ Jf you wish, you can,” which is a pure invention. 

Vv. 68, 69. Peter, according to the position, for which the foundation is 
already laid in i. 43, makes the confession, and with a resolution how deep 
and conscious !— ἀπελευσόμεθα] Future, at any time. ‘‘ Da nobis alterum 
Te,” Augustine. — ῥήματα ζωής, x.t.2.] Twofold reason for stedfastness : (1) 





1 Chrysostom, Maldonatus, Jansenius, cerning the ἐκ of cause or occasion, Mat- 


Bengel, etc. 

2See Bernhardy, p, 227 f; comp. Plat. 
Lys. p.104B: τοῦτο δέ μοί πως ἐκ ϑεοῦ δέδοται. 
Soph. Philoct. 1301: τὰς μὲν ἐς θεῶν τύχας 
δοϑείσας. Xen. Anab. i. 1.6; Hellen. iii. 1. 6. 

3 So usually, also Liicke, de Wette, Heng- 
stenberg. 

4 Xen. Anad.ii. 6. 4, iii. 8.5, vii. 6. 13. Comp. 
ἐξ οὗ, guapropter, and see generally, con- 


thiae, 11. 1334; Ellendt, Zea. Soph. i. 551, who 
justly remarks: “His etiam subest jontis, 
unde aliquid exoriatur, notio.” 

5 Comp. xviii. 6, xx. 14; 1 Macc. ix. 47; 
Proy. xxv. 9; Gen. xix. 17; Luke xvii. 31; 
Plato, Phaedr. Ὁ. 254 B; Menex. Ὁ. 246 B; 
Polyb. i. 51. 8. 

ὁ Baeumlein, Partik. Ὁ. 302 f. 


224 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ῥήματα. . . ἔχεις, and (2) καὶ ἡμεῖς, κιτ.3. Thou hast words of everlasting life 
(ζωὴν αἰώνιον προξενοῦντα, Euthymius Zigabenus ; more literally : ‘‘ whose 
specific power it is to secure eternal life”) ; an echo of ver. 63. The ῥήματα 
which proceed from the Teacher are represented as belonging to Him, a pos- 
session Which He has at His disposal. Comp. 1 Cor. xiv. 90. --- καὶ ἡμεῖς] 
and we for our part, as contrasted with those who had fallen away. — remor. 
k. éyvon.| ‘‘ the faith and the knowledge to which we have attained, and which 
we possess, is that,” etc. (Perfect). Conversely, xvii. 8; 1 John iv. 16. 
Practical conviction may precede (Phil. iii. 10) and follow (comp. viii. 32) 
the insight which is the product of reason. The former quite corresponds 
to the immediate and overpowering impressions by which the apostles had 
been won over to Jesus, chap. i. Both, therefore, are conformable with 
experience, and mutually include, and do not exclude, each other. — ὁ ἄγεος 
τοῦ θεοῦ (see the critical notes) : He who is consecrated of God to be the Mes- 
siah through the fulness of the Spirit and salvation vouchsafed Him. See 
on x. 86; 1 Johnii. 20 ; comp. Marki. 24 ; Luke iv. 34; Acts iv. 27; Rev. 
iii. 7. —The similar confession, Matt. xvi. 16, is so different in its occasion, 
connection, and circumstances, that the assumption that our passage is only, 
another version of the synoptical account (Weisse and others) is unwarrant- 
able. Who can take exception to the repetition of a confession (of which the 
apostles’ hearts were so full) upon every occasion which presented itself ? But 
it is certainly, according to John (see already i. 42 ff., ii. 19), untenable to 
suppose that in our passage, according to the right reading (see the critical 
notes), we have not yet a complete and unhesitating confession of the Messiah 
(Ewald) ; or that the disciples had only now attained a full faith in Him 
(Weizsiicker). We should have to assume in the earlier passages of (chap. 1.) 
avery awkard ὕστερον πρότερον on the part of the evangelist, —a view in which 
Holtzmann acquiesces.* [See Note XXVIIa., p. 228.] 

Vy. 70, 71. Not a justification of the question in ver. 67, nor in general 
any utterance of reflection, but an outburst of grief at the sad catastrophe 
which He foresaw (ver. 64), in the face of that joyous confession which the 
fiery Peter thought himself warranted in giving in the name of them a//.— 
The question extends only as far as ἐξελεξ. ; then comes with the simple καί 
the mournful contrast which damps the ardour of the confessing disciple. 
Comp. vii. 19.—Observe the arrangement of the words, ἐγώ and ἐξ ὑμῶν impres- 
sively taking the lead : Have not I (even J, and no other) chosen you the 
twelve to myself 2 And of you (these chosen by myself) one is ὦ devil! not the 
devil, but of devilish kind and nature. Comp. θεός, i. 1. In what an awful 
contrast the two stand to each other! The addition of τοὺς δώδεκα to ὑμᾶς 
heightens the contrast, laying stress upon the great significance of the election, 
which nevertheless was to have in the case of one so contradictory a result. — 
διάβολος] not an informer, not an adversary or betrayer,* but, in keeping with 
the deep emotion (comp. Matt. xvi. 23), and the invariable usage of the 
N. T. in all places where διάβ. is a substantive (in John viii. 44, xiii. 2; 1 


1 Judenth. τι, Christenth. p. 376. 3 Kuinoel, Liicke, B. Crusius, and earlier 
2 Theophylact, de Wette, Baeumlein. writers. 


CHAP, Vi. 70,, 71. 225 


John iii. 8, 10) : devil, by which antagonism to Christ is set forth in its 
strongest manner, because in accordance with its demoniacal nature. That 
John would have written υἱός, or τέκνον διαβόλου (vill. 44 ; 1 John iii. 10), is 
an arbitrary objection, and does not adequately estimate the strength of the 
emotion, which the expression employed, never forgotten by John, fully 
does. — Ver. 71. ἔλεγε δὲ τόν, k.7.A.] He spoke of, like ix. 19 ; Mark xiv. 71." 
As to the name "Ioxap.,* man of Karioth, see on Matt. x. 4. Observe the sad 
and solemn emphasis of the full name ’Iotdav Σίμωνος ᾿Ισκαριώτην, as in xiii. 
22. Ἰσκαριώτην itself is used quite as a name, as forming with ’Ioid. Σίμωνος 
one expression. Bengel, therefore, without reason desiderates the article 
τόν before Ἴσκαρ., and prefers on that account the reading ’Ioxapidrov (see the 
critical notes). — ἤμελλεν, κ.τ.}.} traditurus erat, not as if he was already 
revolving it in his mind (see, on the contrary, xiii. 2), but suggesting 
the idea of the divine destiny. Comp. vii. 39, xi. 51, xii. 4, 33, xvili. 32 ; 
Wisd. xviii. 4 : dv ὧν ἤμελλε. . . δίδοσθαι ; Judith x. 12. Kern has errone- 
ously lowered the expression to the idea of possibility. — εἰς ὧν ὦ, x.7.2.] 
although he, etc. Still ὧν is critically doubtful (omitted by Lachmann), and 
without it the tragic contrast is all the stronger. 


Vole 1.—With respect to the psychological difficulty of Jesus having chosen 
and retained Judas as an apostle, we may remark: 1. That we cannot get rid 
of the difficulty by saying that Jesus did not make or intend a definite election 
of disciples (Schleiermacher, L. J. p. 370 ff.), for this would be at variance 
with all the Gospels, and in particular with ver. 70. 2. Jesus cannot have 
received Judas into the company of the apostles with the foreknowledge 
that He was choosing His betrayer (Hengstenberg ; comp. Augustine in Ps. 
ly.: electi undecim ad opus probationis, electus unus ad opus tentationis) ; this 
would be psychologically and morally inconceivable. He must have had 
confidence that each one of the twelve, when He selected them according 
to the variety of their gifts, temperaments, characters, etce., would become 
under His influence an effective supporter of His work ; and, at any rate, the 
remark in ver. 64 is only a retrospective inference from the inconceivableness 
of so hideous an act in the case of one selected by the Lord Himself. The 
view in question also goes too far in this respect, that it attributes the crime 
not to the dangerous disposition of Judas, but to the knowledge of Christ from 
the outset, which would logically lead to the outrageous and inadmissible 
thought of Daub, that He purposely chose Judas, in order that he might betray 
Him. Comp. Neander, Liicke, Kern, Ullmann (Siindlosigk.), Tholuck, de 
Wette, Ewald, and many others. 3. Although the bent of the man, and his 
‘inclination towards an unhallowed development,— which, however, did not 
lead to a complete rupture until late (xiii. 2),must have been known to Christ, 
the reader of all hearts, yet it may have been accompanied with the hope that 
this tendency might be overcome by the presence of some other apostolic quali- 
fication possessed by Judas, perhaps a very special gift for external adminis- 
tration (xii. 6, xiii. 28). 4. As it became gradually evident that this hope was 


1 See Stallb. ad Plat. Rep. p. 363 B. xix.5; the Greek form itself already for- 
2 Not equivalent to DPW WN, manof _ bids this. ; 
lies, as Hengstenberg maintains, after Prov. 3 Ellendt, Lea. Soph. 11. Ὁ. 72. 


226 THE GOSPEL oF JOHN. 


to be disappointed when the care of the money affairs became a special temp- 
tation to the unhappy man, it was the consciousness of the divine destiny 
herein manifesting itself (vv. 70, 71; Acts iv. 28) which prevented Jesus from 
dismissing Judas, and so disturbing the further progress of the divine pur- 
pose ; while on the part of the Lord, we must, in conformity with His calling, 
suppose a continual moral influence bearing upon Judas, though this to the 
last remained without effect, and turned out to his condemnation,—a tragie 
destiny truly, whose details, finally, in the want of sufficient historical infor- 
mation concerning him before the commission of his bloody deed, are too far 
withdrawn from our critical judgment to lend any support to the difficulties 
arising from them as to the genuineness of vy. 70, 71 (Weisse, Strauss, B. 
Bauer), or to warrant the assumption of any modification of the statement, 
which John, in accordance with his later view, might have given to it (Liicke, 
Ullmann, and others). 

Jote 2.—The aim of Jesus in the discourse vv. 26 ff. was to set before the 
people, who came to Him under the influence of a carnal belief in His mira- 
cles, the duty of seeking a true and saving faith instead, which would secure 
a deep living reception of and fellowship with Christ's personal life, and that 
with a decision which, with an ever-advancing fulness, lays open this true 
work of faith in the appropriation of Himself to the innermost depth and the 
highest point of its contents and necessity. Baur’s opinion, that the discourse 
sets forth the critical process of the self-dissolution of a merely apparent faith, 
so that the latter must acknowledge itself as unbelief, has no such confession 
in the text to support it, especially as the ὄχλος and the ’Iovdaios are not iden- 
tical. See, besides, Briickner, p. 143 ff. Regarding the difficully of understand- 
ing this discourse, which Strauss urges, it may partly be attributed to the Johan- 
nean idiosyncrasy in reproducing and elaborating his abundant recollections of 
the words of Jesus. The difficulty, however, is partly exaggerated (see Hauff 
in the Stud. u. Krit. 1846, p. 595 ff.) ; and partly it is overlooked that Jesus, in 
all references to His death and its design, had to reckon on the light which 
the future would impart to these utterances, and sowing, as He generally did, 
for the future in the bosom of the present, He was obliged to give expression 
to much that was mysterious, but which would furnish material for, and sup- 
port to, the further development and purification of faith and knowledge. 
The wisdom thus displayed in His teaching is justified by the history. 


Notes By AMERICAN EDITOR. 


XXVI. Ἤθελον οὖν λαβεῖν. Ver. 21. 


Whether or not Jesus actually came on board the ship, John’s language seems 
to leave undecided. If it intends to affirm that he did not, we might expect 
ἤθελον μὲν οὖν λαβεῖν. . . εὐθέως δὲ ἐγένετο (they wished indeed, therefore— 
but immediately), orless classically ἤθελον οὖν λαβεῖν. . . ἀλλ᾽ εὐθέως, or some- 
thing similar. For the other view we might expect ἐθέλοντες, or ἄσμενοι οὖν 
ἔλαβον, or the like. Still, the more natural inference from the entire passage 
seems to be, even apart from the Synoptics, that he was taken into the ship, and 
that in consequence of, or at least wpon this reception, the ship came immediately 
by miracle toits destination. The verb seems specially chosen. It is not ἐπεθύμουν, 
or ἐβούλοντο (expressing mere desire), but ἤθελον, willed, would, which often makes 


NOTES. Rail 


the willing and doing coincident : a usage that seems rather a favourite with 
John (John i. 44, vii. 17, viii. 44; Rev. ii. 21, all which passages imply the 
doing, and emphasize the willing). Thus, ‘‘ they willed to, would receive him, 
and,’’ as a consequence, ‘‘ were immediately,’’ etc. Buttmann admits the pos- 
sibility of the construction, but objects that the ἐθέλοντες is inconsistent with 
ἐφοβήθησαν. But it is just as inconsistent, if they did not suceed, as if they 
did. De W. also declares it in itself admissible, but inconsistent with the 
context. It is difficult to see why: the following «ai suggests and almost re- 
quires it. 

Such being the state of the question in our Gospel, the Synoptical narra- 
tive, it should seem, must decide it. That declares positively that Jesus was 
received on board ; and this fact must have been an integral part of the narra- 
tive and of the current tradition. Matthew and Mark affirm the reception ; 
John does not expressly affirm, or clearly imply, the contrary. The affirmative 
view, then, is not ‘an unhappy attempt at harmonizing,’’ but a legitimate 
application of the principle which explains the uncertain from the certain, and 
avoids forcing into reputable writers unnecessary discrepancies. Further, the 
different accounts supplement each other. The Synoptics record the incident 
with Peter, and the lulling of the wind ; John records the sudden coming of 
the ship to land. 


XXVII. « The next day, when the people,’ etc, Vv. 22-24. 


The main difficulty of this somewhat cumbrous passage is occasioned, I think, 
by the substitution of εἶδεν or εἶδον of the leading uncials (δὲ, A B) for the parti- 
ciple ἰδών of the Received text. True, εἶδεν (or εἶδον) gives a more regular con- 
struction, is at first view seemingly easier, and is, therefore, such a change as 
would commend itself to a superficial copyist. On the other hand, it obscures 
the thought, introducing as main objects of their seeing what would naturally be 
mentioned incidentally, and that as actually seen on the morrow which had oc- 
curred the day before. With Meyer, I think ἰδών to be decidedly preferable ; 
and though the consent of the three great uncials is weighty, yet they sometimes 
concur in readings admitted by all to be erroneous. The resumption (ver. 24) 
of ἰδών by bre οὖν εἶδον, though apparently, is not really, difficult. The verb 
which would have been awkward above becomes now natural as it presents the 
added feature of the present situation; and the construction, seemingly so harsh, 
makes rather an elegant anacolouthon, by no means out of harmony with the 
easy carelessness of Greek construction, and is really among the many proofs 
which this Gospel furnishes of the freedom which the Apostle’s Ephesian resi- 
dence had given him in his use of the Greek language. The ἦν and εἰσῆλθεν of 
ver, 22 must with either reading (ἰδών or εἶδεν) be rendered as Plup. (which with 
the participle it very easily can be, and with the verb, possibly). To the render- 
ing of the Revised Ver., ‘On the morrow they saw—that Jesus entered not with 
His disciples,” etc., it is difficult to attach any intelligible meaning. They surely 
had seen it on the day before. We may render ἰδών either seeing or having seen, and 
render the following verbs accordingly. The passage will run about as follows : 
«¢Onthe morrow the multitude, who were standing on the other side of the sea, 
seeing that there was no other ship there except one, and that Jesus had not 
entered into the ship with His disciples, but that His disciples had gone away 
alone—but there came ships from Tiberias near to the place where they ate the 


228 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


bread after the Lord had given thanks—when therefore the multitude saw 
that Jesus was not there, nor His disciples, they themselves entered into the 
ships, and came into Capernaum, seeking for Jesus.”’ 

We may add (after Weiss) that the fact of the multitude seeking for Jesus at 
Capernaum harmonizes incidentally with the Synoptical statement that He 
had made Capernaum His residence, and makes it probable (against Meyer) that 
the ἀπῆλθεν (He went away) of vi. 1 has its point of departure not from Jerusa- 
lem, but from Capernaum, in connection with which the expression is far more 
natural. From the starting point of Jerusalem the words ‘‘ went away beyond 
the sea of Galilee” seem unnatural and abrupt. 


XXVIla. ‘‘ Thou art the Holy One of God.” Ver. 69. 


Weiss (ed. Meyer) maintains that the usual opinion held by Meyer, Ewald, 
etc., that this confession of Peter is a different one from that recorded by 
Matt. xxi. 16, Mark viii. 29, is entirely untenable, and that in all probability 
the two must be considered identical. No argument, he urges, can be drawn 
against this identification from difference of place, for to the scene of this 
confession John assigns no locality. There is no certainty, nor scarcely proba- 
bility, that it was in Capernaum, where the previously recorded conversation 
had taken place ; for the defection which followed that conversation he holds 
(against Meyer) to have been gradual, and our Lord had in the mean time 
probably left Capernaum, and may now have’been in the neighbourhood of 
Hermon. In time, too, the confessions substantially coincide, as they both follow 
on the miraculous feeding and the demand of the Jews for a sign; and in both 
cases they are partly followed, partly preceded, by those open disclosures of 
Christ’s impending death which He had hitherto made only by obscure intima- 
tions. Whether there is ground for a confident decision on the point may be 
doubtful. Certainly the essence of the two confessions is the same ; they agree 
nearly enough in time and place ; while yet the different attending circum- 
stances and the difference of colouring may well justify doubt. And if 
Nathanael, so early as in John i., could make the declaration there recorded, it 
could not surprise us if, at this later period, the ardent spirit of Peter should 
prompt him to more than one'such utterance as the Evangelists have recorded. 


CHAP. VII. : 229 


CHAPTER VIL. 


Ver. 1. μετὰ ταῦτα] B. C. Ὁ. G. K. L. X. 8. Cursives, Verss. Cyr. Chrys. have 
these words before repiet. So Scholz, Lachm. Tisch. Considering the pre- 
ponderance of testimonies, this arrangement is to be preferred. Were it an 
alteration in imitation of iii. 12, v. 1, vi. 1, the καὶ deleted by Tisch. would 
be omitted to a greater extent, but it is wanting only in C.** D. 8. and a few 
Cursives and Versions. — Ver. 8. The first ταύτην is wanting in B. Ὁ. K. L. T. 
X. N.** Cursives, Verss. Cyr. Chrys. Rejected by Schulz and Rink, deleted by 
Lachm. and Tisch. ; a mechanical addition, in imitation of what follows. — οὐκ] 
Elz. Lachm. read οὔπω, according to the preponderance of Codd, indeed (only 
D. K. M. 8. and three Cursives have οὐκὺ, but against the preponderance of 
Versions (even Vulg. It.), most of which have οὐκ. Of the Fathers, Epiph. Cyr. 
Chrys. Augustine, Jerome have οὐκ, Porphyry, in Jerome, 6. Pelag. ii. 17, al- 
ready found οὐκ, and inferred from it the accusation of vacillation, Just on 
account of this objection, οὔπω was introduced. — Ver. 9. αὐτοῖς] Tisch. αὐτός, 
following D.* K. L. T. X. &. Cursives, Cyr. Augustine, and several Versions. 
Testimony preponderates in favour of the Received Text, and this all the more, 
that αὐτός might have been easily written on the margin as a gloss from ver. 10. 
—Ver. 12. After ἄλλοι, Elz. Lachm, have δέ, which has many important wit- 
ness against it, and is an interpolation. —- Ver. 15. Instead of καὶ ἐθαύμαζ. we 
must, with Lachm. and Tisch., read ἐθαύμ. οὖν, and still more decisively is 0 v 
confirmed after ἀπεκρ., ver. 16 (which Elz. has not). — Ver. 26. After ἐστιν Elz. 
has again ἀληθῶς, against decisive testimony. An interpolation (which dis- 
placed the first ἀληθ. in some witnesses) ; comp. iv. 42, vi. 14, vii. 40. — Ver. 
31. The arrangement ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου δὲ πολλοὶ ἐπ. is, With Lachm., to be prefer- 
red. Tisch., following D. &., has πολλ. δὲ ἐπ. ἐκ τ. 6. — ὅτι] wanting indeed in 
B. D. L. T. U. X. Νὰ. Cursives, Verss. Cyr., and deleted by Lachm. and Tisch. 
But it was greatly exposed to the danger of being overlooked between ON and 
O, as well as because it was unnecessary.—For μήτι we must, with Lachm. 
Tisch., following decisive testimonies, read μή. In like manner, τούτων after 
onu. is, with Lachm. Tisch., to be deleted. An addition to explain the geni- 
tive ὧν. For ἐποίησεν, ποιεῖ (Tisch.) is too weakly attested. — Ver. 33. After οὖν 
Elz. has αὐτοῖς, against decisive testimony. — Ver. 39, πιστεύοντες} Lachm. πισ- 
τεύσαντες, upon too weak and (in part) doubtful authority.—After πνεῦμα, Elz. 
Scholz have ἅγιον, Lachm. δεδομένον (B. and a few Verss. and Fathers). Both 
additions are glosses ; instead of δεδομ. there occur also δοθέν or acceptum, or ἐπ’ 
αὐτούς or ἐπ᾽ abroic. — Ver. 40. πολλοὶ οὖν ἐκ τ, ὄχλον] Lachm. Tisch.: ἐκ τοῦ 
ὄχλον οὖν, following B. D. L. T. X. δ. Verss. Origen. Rightly ; the Received 
reading is an interpretation. — τὸν λόγον͵ Lachm. Tisch.: τῶν λόγων τούτων, ac- 
cording to preponderating witnesses. The genitive and plural were certainly 
more strange to the transcribers. — Ver. 41. ἄλλοι dé] Lachm. οἱ δέ, following 
B. L. T. X. Cursives, Verss. Origen, Cyril ; Tisch. also, following weighty wit- 
messes (even Ὁ. E. 8.): ἄλλοι. The original reading is οἱ δέ, instead of which 


230 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

ἄλλοι Was mechanically repeated from what precedes, sometimes with, some- 
times without dé.— Ver. 46. οὕτως ἐλάλ. avOp. ὡς οὗτος ὁ ἄνθρ. Lachm. has 
merely : éAaA, οὕτως ἅνθρ., following B. Τὸ. T. two Cursives, Copt. Origen, Cyr. 
Chrys. Aug. But how superfluous would have been the addition, and how 
easily might their omission have occurred in looking from the first ἄνθρ. at 
once to the second! The order, however, ἐλάλ. οὕτως (Tisch.), is attested by 
preponderating evidence. — Ver. 49, ἐπικατάρατοι] Lachm. Tisch. : ἐπάρατοι, 
after B. T. 8. 1, 33, Or. Cyr. Chrys. Rightly ; the Received text is from the 
familiar passage, Gal. ili. 10, 19. -- Ver. 50. ὁ &A0. νυκτὸς πρὸς αὐτ. Lachm.: 
ὁ ἐλθ. π. a. πρότερον (after Β. L. T. &. αἰ.). Νυκτὸς is certainly an explanatory 
addition (comp. xix. 39), which also has various positions in the Codd.; but 
πρότερον is so decisively attested, and so necessary, that Lachmann’s reading 15 
to be regarded as the original one, although the whole ὁ éA6. . . . αὐτόν is not 
to be deleted, with Tisch. (so S.*). —Ver. 52. ἐγήγερται] Lachm. Tisch. ; 
ἐγείρεται, following B. D. K. 8. (in the margin) T. T. A. δὲ. Cursives, Vulg. It. 
Syr. Goth. Aeth. Or. An early emendation of the historical error. Copt. 
Sahid. have the Future. — Ver. 53, see on viii. 1. 


Vv. 1, 2.’ “Μετὰ ταῦτα] after these transactions, chap. vi. — ob yap ἤθελεν ἐν 
τ. ᾿Ιουδ. περιπ.} whither He would already have gone for the approaching 
Passover (vi. 4), but for this consideration (comp. v. 16, 18). We must 
not assume from this, with B. Crusius, that John regards Judea as the 
proper seat of the ministry of Jesus; nor, with Schweizer, make use 
of the passage to impugn the genuineness of vi. 1-26 ; nor, with Briick- 
ner, say that John here resumes the theme of the hostility of the Jews, 
because this had not been dropped in what precedes (vi. 11, 52), where 
so late as in vv. 60, 61 even, a division among the disciples is mentioned, 
and does not immediately become prominent in what follows.—To this 
sojourn in Galilee, to describe which was beyond the plan of John’s Gospel, 
most of the narrative in Matt. xiv. 34—-xviil. belongs. It lasted from a 
little before the Passover (vi. 4), which Jesus did not attend in Jerusalem, 
onward to the next feast of Tabernacles (ver. 2) ; hence also the Imperfects. 
— dé] passing over to what, nevertheless, afterwards induced Him to go to 
Jerusalem. — ἡ σκηνοπηγία] MIDI AN, beginning on the 15th Tisri (in Octo- 
ber), and observed with special sacredness and rejoicing.” 

Ver. 8. The brothers (ii. 12 ; their names are given, Matt. xiii. 55, Mark 
vi. 3) were still unbelievers (ver. 5), because biassed by the prevailing Messi- 
anic views ;* yet, allowing to themselves, because of the miracles, the possi- 


1 As to Baur’s assaults on the historical 
character of the contents of chap. vii., see 
Hauff in the Stud. u. Krit. 1849, p. 124 ff. 
According to Baur, the object of chap. vii. 
is to show how the reasoning on which un- 
belief ventures to enter only becomes its 
own logical refutation. 

2 Lev. xxiii. 33; Josephus, Andé. 111. 10. 4, 
al.; Plutarch, Symp. iv.6. 2; Ewald, Alierth. 
p. 481 f.; Keil, Archaeol. I. ὃ 85. 

3 Hengstenberg is not deterred even by 
this passage from recognizing in these 


brothers of Jesus His cousins (the sons, he 
thinks, of Cleopas and Mary ; but see on 
xix. 25), and from maintaining, with all the 
arbitrariness and violence of exegetical 
impossibilities, that three of them, James, 
Simon, and Judas, were apostles, in spite 
of vy. 3,5, 7 (comp. xv. 19). Against every 
attempt to explain away the literal broth- 
ers and sisters of Jesus, see on Matt. i. 25, 
xii. 46; 1 Cor. ix.5; also Laurentius, WV. 7’. 
Stud. p. 153 ff. ; comp. Pressensé, Jesus Chr. 
Ῥ. 287. 


CHAP. VII., 4. 231 


bility of His being the Messiah, they are anxious—partly, perhaps, for the 
sake of their-own family—for the decision of the matter, which they thought 
might most appropriately take place at the great joyous feast of the nation, 
and which certainly must occur, if at all, in Jerusalem, the seat of the the- 
ocracy. A malicious and treacherous intention ὦ is imputed to them without 
foundation. They are of cold Jewish natures, and the higher nature 
belonging to their Brother is as yet hidden from them. The light of faith 
seems not to have dawned upon them until after His resurrection, and by 
means of that event (1 Cor. xv. 7; Acts i. 14). This long-continued unbe- 
lief of His own earthly brothers (comp. Mark iii. 21) is important in esti- 
mating the genuineness of the accounts given in Matthew and Luke of the 
miraculous birth and early childhood of Jesus. — καὶ oi μαϑηταί σου] This ex- 
pression entirely corresponds with the position of the brothers as outside the 
fellowship of Jesus. It does not say, ‘‘thy disciples there also” (so usually ; 
even Baur, who takes it to refer to those who are first to be won over in 
Judea), for the word there does not occur, nor ‘‘ thy disciples collectively,” 
but simply, ‘‘thy disciples also.” They would be gathered together from 
all parts at the feast in Jerusalem, and He should let Himself and His works 
be seen by them also. It does not, indeed, clearly appear from this that 
coldness began to be exhibited towards Him within the circle of His disci- 
ples (Weizsiicker), but rather perhaps that Jesus had gone about in Galilee 
and worked miracles very much in secret, without attracting observation, 
and not attended by any great following, but perhaps only by the trusted 
twelve, which silent manner of working He was perhaps led to adopt by the 
lying in wait of the Jews (ver. 1). Comp. ver. 4: ἐν κρυπτῷ: According 
to B. Crusius, the brothers speak as if nothing miraculous had been done 
by Him in Galilee. Contrary to the narrative ; and therefore ἃ ποιεῖς cannot 
mean ‘‘what thou art reported to have done” (B. Crusius), but ‘‘ what thou 
doest,” 1.6. during thy present sojourn in Galilee, although ἐν κρυπτῷ, ver. 4. 
According to Briickner (comp. Ebrard, and substantially also Godet), the 
brothers express themselves as if Jesus had made and retained no disciples 
in Galilee, and, indeed, with malicious and ironical allusion to the fact 
stated vi. 66, and to the report (iv. 1) which they did not believe. But, 
considering the long interval which elapsed between chap. vi. and vii. 2, 
such allusions, without more precise indication of them in the text, are not 
to be assumed. Luthardt attributes to the brothers the notion that in 
Galilee it was only the multitudes that followed Him, and that there was no 
such personal adherence to Him as had taken place in Judea (in conse- 
quence of His baptizing). But it is incredible that they should entertain a 
notion so obviously erroneous, because the events which they were contin- 
ually witnessing in Galilee, as well as those which they witnessed in Judea 
on occasion of their journeys to the feast, must have been better known to 
them. 

Ver. 4. ‘‘ For no one does anything in secret, and along with this seeks to 
be personally of bold and open disposition ; i.e. no one withdraws himself with 


1 ἵνα avatped mapa τῶν ζητούντων ἀποκτεῖναι αὐτόν, Euthymius Zigabenus, also Luther. 


232 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

his works into silence and seclusion, and yet strives frankly to assert his 
personal position (as thou must doif thou art the Messiah). The two things 
are, indeed, contradictory ἢ On ἐν rappyo. comp. xi. 54 ; Wisd. v. 1 ; and 
Grimm, Hzeg. Handb. p. 110 f.; Eph. vi. 19; Phil. i. 20; Col. ii. 15. 
The word does not signify ‘‘ manifest” or ‘‘ known” (de Wette, Godet, and 
most others), but it means the opposite of a shy and timid nature which 
shrinks from playing the part of a fearless and frank character. [See Note 
XXVIII. p. 253. ]—7i] is the simple aliquid, not magnum quid (Kuinoel and 
others) ; and καί does not stand for ὅς, making αὐτός superfluous (Grotius, 
Kuinoel), but is the simple ‘‘and,” while αὐτός 15. ipse, thus putting the 
person attributively over-against the work and not merely resuming the sub- 
ject (Liicke, Tholuck), as also it must not be taken in Matt. xii. 50. — As 
to εἶναι ἐν, versari in,* thus designating the adverbial predicate as permanent, 
see Buttmann, WV. 7. Gr. p. 284 [E. T. p. 330]. —e ταῦτα ποιεῖς] answers to 
the τὰ ἔργα σου ἃ ποιεῖς, ver. Ὁ, and to οὐδεὶς. . . ποιεῖ, ver. 4, and therefore, 
according to the context (comp. also the consequent clause, which corre- 
sponds with kai ζητεῖ αὐτός, x.7.A.), refers to the miracles which Jesus did in 
Galilee. Ταῦτα has the emphasis : ‘‘If thou doest these things, i.e. if thy 
work consists in such wonderful deeds as thou art performing here in Galilee, 
do not foolishly confine thyself with such works within so narrow and 
obscure a range, but present thyself openly before the world, as thou must do 
in Judea, which during the feast is the theatrum mundi.” Σεαυτόν, like the 
preceding αὐτός, gives prominence to His person, as opposed to His work. 
But the εἰ is not expressive of doubt,* as if we were to supply, if it be really 
as we hear ; comp. also Briickner, who considers that it is intended to inti- 
mate ina ἜΣ τς manner that the fact was doubtful), it is logical ; the 
brothers know that His works are of an extraordinary kind, as was evident 
to them in Galilee ;° and they consider it absurd that He should withdraw 
Himself personally from the place whither all the world was flocking. 

Vv. 5, 6. For not even His brothers, whom we might have expected to have 
been foremost, ete. ; otherwise they would not have urged Him to the test 
of a public appearance. They urged this upon Him all the more, because 
He had absented Himself from the previous Passover at Jerusalem,—a fact 
which could not have been unknown to them. — ἐπίστ. εἰς αὐτ.} in the ordi- 
nary sense ; they did not believe in Him as the Messiah. To take the words 
to mean only the perfect self-surrender of faith, which they: had not yet 
attained to (Lange, Hengstenberg), is an inference necessitated by the mis- 
taken notion that these brothers were πού literally brothers.* Nonnusadmir- 


1The reading αὐτό (Lachm. following 
B. D.*) is only an error in transcription. 
Ebrard, who maintains its genuineness, 
yet marvellously renders: ‘‘ du¢ he strives, 
that it may take place openly.” Kaz, 
meaning ‘‘ but,” is said to be Johannean ; 
it is really neither Johannean nor Greek at 
all, but simply wrong. The frequent Greek 
use of it in John in the sense of ‘and yet”’ 
is something quite different ; see on yer. 29. 


2 Herm. ad Vig. p. 735; Fritzsche ad Rom. 
Il. p. 5 

3 Bernhardy, p. 210. 

4Euthymius Zigabenus: εἰ ταῦτα σημεῖα 
ποιεῖς καὶ οὐ φαντάζεις : Liicke, de Wette, 
and most. 

5 ποιεῖς denotes a permanent course of 
action ; Bernhardy, p. 370. 

6 See on Matt. xii. 46; Acts i.14; Mark 
lii. 31; 1 Cor. ix. 5. 


CHAP." VIL.,¥, 8. 2393 
ably says: ἀπειθέες οἱάπερ ἄλλοι, Χριστοῦ παμμεδέοντος ἀδελφειοί περ ἐόντες. See 
ver. ἢ. -- ὁ καιρὸς ὁ ἐμός] cannot mean the time to make the journey to the feast ;* 
the antithesis ὁ καιρὸς ὁ ὑμ. demands a deeper reference. It is, according to 
the context, the time to manifest myself’ to the world, ver. 4, by which Jesus 
certainly understood the divinely appointed yet still expected moment of 
public decision concerning Him (comp. ii. 4), which did come historically at 
the very next Passover, but which He now felt in a general way was not 
yet come. Thus the explanation of Chrysostom, Euthymius Zigabenus, 
Lampe, and most others, who refer the words to the time of His passion, is 
not wrong, only that this is not actually expressed, but was historically the 
fulfilment of what is here said. The corresponding ὁ καιρὸς ὁ ὑμέτερος in like 
manner means the time for showing themselves openly to the world, which the | 
brothers might do at any time, because they stood in no opposition to the 
world (ver. 7, xv. 19). 

Vv. 7, 8. οὐ δύναται] ‘psychologically ἐδ cannot, because you are in perfect 
accord with it.” ‘One knave agrees with another, for one crow does not 
scratch out the eye of another crow,” Luther.? — ὁ κόσμος] not as in ver. 4, 
but with a moral significance (the unbelieving world). Comp. here 1 John 
ν. 19. --- ἐγὼ οὐκ ἀναβαίνω, «.7.A.] not an indefinite answer, leaving the matter 
spoken of uncertain (Hengstenberg), but, as the Present shows, a direct and 
categorical refusal: I, for my part, do not go up. [See Note XXIX. p. 253.] 
Afterward He changed (ver. 10) His intention not to go up to the feast, and 
went up to it after all, though as secretly as possible. Porphyry’s reproach 
(in Jerome) of inconstantia is based upon a correct interpretation, but is not 
in itself just ; for Jesus might alter His intention without being fickle, es- 
pecially as the particular motive that prompted the change does not appear. 
In the case of the Canaanitish woman also, Matt. xv. 26 ff., He changed His 
intention. The result of this change was that once more, and for some 
length of time before the last decision, He prosecuted His work by way of 
refutation and instruction at the great capital of the theocracy. The attempt 
to put into οὐκ the sense of οὔπω, or to find this sense in the context, is as 
unnecessary as it is erroneous. Hither the Present ἀνα β. has been emphasized, 
and ἃ νῦν introduced,’ or ἀναβ. has been taken to denote* the manner of 
travelling, viz. with the caravan of pilgrims, or the like ; or the meaning. of 
ἑορτήν has been narrowed,° as, besides Hofmann, Weissag. τ. Erf. Il. p. 118, 
and Lange,° Ebrard’s expedient of understanding the feast “ in the legally 
prescribed sense” Aoes ; or οὐκ has been regarded as limited by the following 
οὔπω (de Wette, Maier, and many), which is quite wrong, for οὔπω denies the 





1 Luther, Jansen, Cornelius ἃ Lapide,and Messiah.” As if one had only to foist in 


most expositors. 

27d ὅμοιον τῷ ὁμοίῳ ἀνάγκη ἀεὶ φίλον εἶναι, 
Plato, Lys. p.214B; comp. Gorg. p. 510 Β. 

8 Chrysostom, Bengel, Storr, Liicke, Ols- 
hausen, Tholuck. 

4Comp. Bengel, Luthardt (who would 
supply ‘as ye think”), Baumgarten, p. 228 ; 
Baeumlein; in like manner Godet, who 
explains ἀναβαίνω, “1 go not up as King 


such interpolations ! 

5 Apol.: ov μετὰ ἱλαρότητος; Cyril: οὐχ 
οὕτως ἑορτάζων. 

ὁ See his Leben Jesu, ΤΙ. 927: He did not 
actually visit the feast, but He went up in 
the second half of the week of the feast, and 
not before. Jesus never resorted to any 
such subtleties, 


‘ 


234 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


fulfilment of the καιρός in the present generally (including the whole time of 
the feast). So little does the true interpretation of the οὐκ justify the objec- 
tion of modern criticism against the evangelist (B. Bauer: ‘‘ Jesuitism ;” 
Baur : ‘‘ the seeming independence of Jesus is supposed thus to be preserved ;” 
comp. also Hilgenfeld), that, on the contrary, it brings into view a 
striking trait of originality in the history. — Observe in the second half of 
the verse the simple and emphatic repetition of the same words, into which 
ταύτην, however, is introduced (see the critical notes), because Jesus has in 
view a visit to a future feast. Observe also the repetition of the reason 
already given in ver. 6, in which, instead of πάρεστιν, occurs the weightier 
πεπλήρωται. 

Ver. 10. Ὡς δὲ avéB.] Aor. pluperfect.’— ὡς ἐν κρυπτῷ] He went not openly,? 
but so to speak secretly (incognito), not in the company of a caravan of 
pilgrims, or in any other way with outward observation, but so that His 
journey to that feast is represented as made in secrecy, and consequently 
quite differently from His last entry at the feast of the Passover.* The 
context does not intimate whether Jesus took a different road (through 
Samaria, for instance, as Hengstenberg with Wieseler, according to Luke 
ix. 51 ff., supposes), de Wette, Krabbe, and early writers, but shows only 
that He was without companions (except His disciples, ix. 2). Baur (also 
Hilgenfeld (finds in οὐ gav., ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐν κρυπτῷ, something Docetic, or at least * 
bordering upon Gnosticism (besides vill. 59, x. 89, vi. 16), which it is easy 
enough to find anywhere if such texts are supposed to be indications. See, 
on the contrary, Briickner. — This journey finally takes Jesus away from 
Galilee (}.6. until after His death), and thus far it is parallel with that in 
Matt. xix. 1, but only thus far. In other respects it occurs in quite a differ- 
ent historical connection, and is undertaken witha different object (the 
Passover). The journey, again mentioned in Luke ix. 51 ff., is im other 
respects quite different. The assumption that Jesus returned to Galilee 
between the feast of Tabernacles and the feast of the Dedication (Ammon, 
Lange ; see on x. 22), is the result of a forced attempt at harmonizing, 
which exceeds its limits in every attempt which it makes to reconcile the 
Johannean and the synoptic accounts of the last journey from Galilee to 
Judea.° 

Vv. 11, 12. Oiv] For He did not come with the Galilean travellers. — οἱ 
Ἰουδαῖοι) not all the people (Hengstenberg, Baeumlein), but the opposing 
hierarchy ; vi. 41, 52, vii. 18, 15. Their search is prompted by malice, not 
by aimless curiosity (Luthardt) ; see vv. 1, 13. On ἐκεῖνος, which means the 
well-known absent one, Luther well remarks: ‘‘ Thus contemptuously can 
they speak of the man, that they almost would not name Him.” The people’s 
judgment of Him was a divided one, not frank and free, but timid, and 
uttered half in a whisper (γογγυσμός, murmuring, ver. 32).— Observe the 


1 Winer, p. 258 [E. T. p. 541]. (against B. Crusius). 
2 φανερῶς : comp. Xen. Anab. vy. 4. 88: 4 N. T. Theol. Ὁ. 367. 
ἐμφανῶς, instead of which ἐν ὄχλῳ follows. 5 Comp. also Ewald, Gesch. Chr. p. 491, 


3 On ὡς, comp. Bernhardy, p. 279; Ellendt, ed. 3. 
Lex. Soph. 11. p. 1004. Otherwise in i. 14 


CHAP. VII., 13-15. 230 


change of number : ἐν τοῖς ὄχλοις : among the multitudes (the plural here only 
in John) ; τὸν ὄχλον : the people. —ayaboc| upright, a man of honour, no 
demagogue, seeking to make the people believe falsely that He was the 
Messiah. Comp. Matt. xxvii. 63. 

Ver. 13 is usually, after Augustine, only referred to the party who judged 
favourably.!. The more arbitrarily, because this was first mentioned, and 
because the general expression ἐλάλει περὶ αὐτοῦ is quite against any such lim- 
itation ; οὐδείς onwards to αὐτοῦ can only be taken as corresponding to the 
γογγυσμὸς ἐν τοῖς ὄχλοις, ver. 12, which refers to both parties. Both mistrusted 
the hierarchy ; even those hostile in their judgment were afraid, so long as 
they had not given an official decision, that their verdict might be reversed. 
A trustworthy indication of an utterly jesuitical domination of the people. 
— διὰ τὸν φόβον] on account of the fear that prevailed. 

Ver. 14. Τῆς éopr. μεσ. when the feast was half way advanced, ἤγουν τῇ 
τετάρτῃ ἡμέρᾳ (or nearly) : ἑπτὰ yap ἡμέρας (yet see on ver. 37), ἑώρταζον αὐτήν, 
Euthymius Zigabenus. Jesus was already, before this, in the city (ver. 10), 
but in concealment ; now He goes up into the temple. The text does not say 
that He had only now come into Jerusalem. μεσοῦν (comp. Ex. xii. 29 ; 
Judith xii. 5 ; 8 Macc. v. 14) only here in the N. T., but very common in 
the classics. That the day was precisely the Sabbath of the feast * is uncer- 
tain, as μεσούσης is only an approximate expression. For the rest, the dis- 
courses which follow, and the discussions onward to chap. x., are not (with 
Weizsiicker) to be ranked as parallel with the synoptical accounts of pro- 
ceedings in Jerusalem, but are wholly independent of them, and must be at- 
tributed to the vivid recollections of the evangelist himself regarding a time 
unnoticed by the Synoptics. Over and above this, we must, as an historical 
necessity, expect to find many points of resemblance in the several en- 
counters of Jesus with His Jewish opponents. 

Ver. 15. Οἱ Ιουδαῖοι] as in vv. 11, 18. The teaching of Jesus produces a 
feeling of astonishment even in the hierarchy ; but how? Not through 
the power of His truth, but because He is learned without having studied. 
And with a question upon this point, they engage in conversation with Him, 
without touching upon what He had taught. The admission, indeed, which 
is contained in their question, and that, too, face to face with the people, is 
only to be explained from the real impression produced upon their learned 
conceit, so that they ask not in the spirit of shrewd calculation, but from 
actual amazement. —ypdupara] not the O. T. Scriptures (Luther, Grotius, 
and many), but Jiteras, (theological) knowledge, which, however, consisted 
in scriptural erudition. Jcsus had doubtless exhibited this knowledge in 
His discourse by His interpretations of Scripture.* — μὴ μεμαθ.] though he has 
not learned them,* perhaps in a Rabbinical school as Paul did from Gamaliel. 


180 also Liicke, de Wette, Ewald, OD: οἴει αὐτοὺς ἀπείρους γραμμάτων εἶναι, and 


Baeumlein; not B. Crusius, Briickner, Tho- the citations in Wetstein. Upon διδάσκειν 

luck, Hengstenberg, Godet. γράμματα, used of teachers, see Dissen, ad 
2Harduin, Bengel, Kuinoel, Wieseler, Dem. de cor. p. 299. 

Synopsé, pp. 809, 329. 4Buttmann, V. 7. Gk. p. 301 [E. T. p. 


3 Comp. Acts xxsvi. 24; Plato, Apo. p.26 350f.]. 


236 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

The members of the Sanhedrim do not thus speak in copformity with the 
author’s representation of the Logos (Scholten) ; they know, doubtless, from 
information obtained concerning the course of His life, that Jesus had 
not studied ; He was reckoned by them among the ἀγράμματοι and ἰδιῶται, 
Acts iv. 13. This tells powerfully against all attempts, ancient and 
modern, to trace back the wisdom of Jesus to some school of human 
culture. Well says Bengel: ‘‘non usus erat schola ; character Messiae.” 
This autodidactic character does not necessarily exclude the supposition that 
during His childhood and youth He made use of the ordinary popular, and 
in particular, of the synagogal instruction (Luke ii. 45).’ 

Ver. 16. Jesus at once solves for them the riddle. ‘‘The contradictory 
relation : that of learning in the case of one who had been uninstructed, 
would be found in my teaching only if it were mine,” etc. — ἡ ἐμή and οὐκ 
é. éugare used in different senses: ‘‘the teaching which J give,” and ‘‘it is 
not my possession, but God’s ;” how far, see ver. 17, comp. v. 19, 80. --- τοῦ 
πέμψ. με] a carefully-chosen designation, because the Sender has communi- 
cated to Hismessenger, and continually communicates what He is to say in 
His name.?—oi«. . . ἀλλά] here also not : non tam. . . quam, but abso- 
lutely excluding human individuality. Comp. viii. 28, xiv. 24. 

Ver. 17. The condition of knowing this is that one be willing—have it as the 
moral aim of his self-determination—+to do the will of God. He who is want- 
ing in this, who lacks fundamentally the moral determination of his mind 
towards God, and to whom, therefore, Christ’s teaching is something 
strange, for the recognition of which as divine there is in the ungodly bias of 
his willno point of contact or of sympathy ; this knowledge is to him a 
moral impossibility. On the contrary, the bias towards the fulfilling of 
God’s will is the subjective factor necessary to the recognition of divine 
doctrine as such ; for this doctrine produces the immediate conviction that 
it is certainly divine by virtue of the moral ὁμοιότης and ὁμοιοπάθεια of its 
nature with the man’s own nature.* See also oniii. 21 and xv. 19. It is 
only in form, not in substance, that the τὴν ἀγάπην τ. θεοῦ ἔχειν ἐν ἑαυτῷ, V. 42, 
differs from the θέλειν τὸ θέλημα τ. θεοῦ ποιεῖν here, for this latter is the moral 
praxis of the love of God. Accordingly, we certainly have in this passage 
the testimonium internum, but not in the ordinary theological sense, as a 
thing for those who already believe, but for those who do not yet believe, 
and to whom the divine teaching of the Lord presents itself for the first 
time. — The θέλῃ is not superfluous (Wolf, Loesner, and most), but is the 
very nerve of the relation ; note the ‘‘suavis harmonia” (Bengel) between 
θέλῃ and θέλημα. The θέλημα αὐτοῦ, however, must not be limited either to a 
definite form of the revelation of it,* to any one particular requirement (that 





1 Comp. Schleiermacher, Z. J. p. 120 f., 
and in particular Keim, Gesch. J. I. Ὁ. 
427 ff. 

2 Bengel (in Wachter in the Beitr. z. Beng. 
Schrifterkidr. 1865, p. 125). “If we may 
speak after the manner of men, the 
heavenly Father gives him a collegium 
privatissimum, and that upon no author.” 


This relation, however, does not justify 
such one-sided exaggerations as those of 
Delitzsch, Jesus u. Hillel, 1866. 

3Comp. Aristotle, Hth.ix. 3, ili. 1: τὸ 
ὅμοιον τοῦ ὁμοίον ἐφίεται. 

4 The O. T., Chrysostom, Euthymius Ziga- 
benus, Bengel, Hengstenberg, Weiss, and 
most. 


CHAPS Vim, 18. 10: 237 


of faith in Christ),* which would contradict the fact that the axiom is stated 
without any limitation ; it must be taken in its full breadth and com- 
prehensiveness—‘‘ that which God wills,” whatever, how, and wherever 
this will may require. Also the nattral moral law within (Rom. i. 20 ΕΣ, ii. 
14, 15) is not excluded, though those who heard the words spoken must 
have referred the general statement to the revelation given to them in 
the law and the prophets. Finally, it is clear from vi. 44, 45, viii. 47, that 
willingness to do God’s will must be attributed to the gift and drawing of 
the Father as its source. — περὶ τῆς διδ. 1 concerning the teaching now in 
question, ver. 10. -- ἐγὼ ἀπ’ ἐμαυτοῦ) I of myself, strongly marking the oppo- 
site of ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ. Comp. v. 30. The classical expression πότερον. . . 7 
occurs only here in the N. T. 

Ver. 18. Here is the characteristic proof and token, given almost in syllogis- 
tic form, that.He spoke not from Himself. — τὴν δόξ. τ. id. Cyr. | that is, among 
others. Comp. v. 41. —6 δὲ ζητῶν, «.7.A.] minor premiss and (οὗτος, K.T.A.) 
conclusion, in which, instead of the negative, ‘‘ He speaks not from Himself,” 
we have the positive, ‘‘the same is true,” etc. But this positive conclusion 
is logically correct, both in itself, because ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ λαλεῖν is throughout the 
context regarded as something untrue and immoral (Grotius : ‘sua cogitata 
proferens, cum Dei mandatum prae se ferat”), and with reference to the 
hierarchy, and some of the people, who took Jesus to be a deceiver. Observe 
further, that ὁ δὲ ζητῶν, x.7.2., is in the form of a general proposition, corre- 
sponding with the opposite proposition, ὁ ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ λαλῶν, κ.τ.λ. ; but it is 
derived exclusively from the relation of Jesus, and is descriptive therefore 
of no other than He. — ἀδικία] improbitas, immorality of nature, a deeper con- 
trast to ἀληθής than ψεῦδος, for which τινὲς in Euthymius Zigabenus, Grotius, 
Bengel, B. Crusius, Maier, and many take it,—a view which cannot be jus- 
tified by the inexact LXX. translation of Job xxxvi. 4 (Ps. lii..4 ; Theod. 
Mic. vi. 12). ᾿Αδικία 15. the inner (ἐν αὐτῷ) moral basis of the ψεῦδος. For 
the contrast between ἀλήθεια and ἀδικία, see Rom. i. 18, ii. 8 ; 1 Cor. xiii. 6 ; 
2 Thess. 11. 12 ; see also on viii. 46. An allusion to the charge of breaking 
the Sabbath (Godet) is not indicated, and anticipates what follows, ver. 21. 

Ver. 19. There is no ground for supposing that some unrecorded words on 
the part of the Jews (Kuinoel and many others), or some act (Olshausen), 
intervened between vy. 18 and 19. The chain of thought is this : Jesusin vv. 
16-18 completely answered the question of the Jews, ver. 15. But now He 
Himself assumes the offensive, putting before them the teal and malicious 
ground of all their assaults and oppression, namely, their purpose to bring 
about His death ; and He shows them how utterly unjustifiable, on their part, 
this purpose is. — The note of interrogation ought to be placed (so also 
Lachm. Tisch.) after the first τὸν νόμον ; and then the declaration of their 
contradictory behaviour is emphatically introduced by the simple καί. In 
like manner vi. 70. —ov Μωῦσῆς, x.t.4.] The emphasis is upon Μωῦσ. as the 
great and highly esteemed authority, which had 50 strong a claim on their 


1 Augustine, Luther, Erasmus, Lampe, Augustine, right in itself, indellectus est 
Ernesti, Storr, Tittmann, Weber, Opusc., merces fide, 
and most expositors; comp. the saying of 


238 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


obedience. — τὸν νόμον] without limitation ; therefore neither the command- 
ment forbidding murder merely (Nonnus, Storr, Paulus), nor that against 
Sabbath-breaking simply (Xuinoel, Klee. So once Luther also, but in his 

. Commentary he refers to Rom. vili.: ‘‘ what the law could not do,” ete., 
which, indeed, has no bearing here), which, according to Godet, Jesus 
must have already in view. —xai οὐδεὶς iu. ποιεῖ τ. νόμον] so that you, all of 
you, are liable to the condemnation of the law ; and should, instead of seek- 
ing to destroy me as a law-breaker, confess yourselves to be guilty. — τί] 
Why? i.e. with what right ? The emphasis cannot be upon the enclitic pe 
(against Godet). 

Ver. 20. This interruption, no notice of which, seemingly (but see on ver. 
21), is taken by Jesus in Hissubsequent words, is a characteristic indication 
of the genuineness of the narrative. —6 ὄχλος] the multitude (not the same 
as the Ιουδαῖοι, see ver. 12), unprejudiced, and unacquainted with the designs 
of the hierarchy, at least so far as they referred to the death of Christ, con- 
sisting for the most part, probably, of pilgrims to the feast. — δαιμόνιον] 
causing in thee such perverted and wicked suspicions. Comp. viii. 48, x. 
20. An expression not of ill-will (Hengstenberg and early writers), but of 
amazement, that a man who taught so admirably should imagine what they 
deem to be amoral impossibility and a dark delusion. It must, they thought, 
be a fixed idea put into his mind by some daemon, a κακοδαιμονᾶν. 

Vv. 21, 22. ᾿Απεκρίθη) The reply of Jesus, not to the Ιουδαῖοι (Ebrard), but 
to the ὄχλος (for it is in reality addressed to them, not in appearance merely, 
and through an inaccurate account of the matter on John’s part, as Tholuck 
unnecessarily assumes), contains, indeed, no direct answer to the question, 
but is intended to make the people feel that a// had a guilty part in the 
murderous designs against Him, and that none of them are excepted, because 
that one work which He had done among them was unacceptable to them all, 
and had excited their unrighteous wrath. Thus He deprives the people of 
that assurance of their own innocence which had prompted them to put the 
question to Him ; ‘‘ ostendit se profundius eos nésse et hoc radio eos pene- 
trat,” Bengel. — ἔν ἔργον] 1.6. the healing on the Sabbath, v. 2 ff., the only 
miraculous work which He had done in Jerusalem (against Weisse*) (not, in- 
deed, the only work at all, see ii. 23, comp. also x. 82, but the only one 
during the last visit), for the remembrance of which the fact of its being so 
striking an instance of Sabbath-breaking would suffice. —xai πάντες θαυμά- 
ζετε] πάντες is correlative with ἕν, ‘‘and ye all wonder” (Acts iii. 12), 2.6. 
how I could have done it as a Sabbath work (v. 16); it is the object of your 
universal astonishment ! An exclamation ; taken as a question (Ewald), the 
expression of disapprobation which it contains would be lessemphatic. To 
put into θαυμάζετε the idea of alarm (Chrysostom), of blame (Nonnus), of 
displeasure (Grotius), or the like, would be to anticipate ; the bitterness of 
tone does not appear till ver. 39. -- διὰ τοῦτο] connected with θαυμάζετε by 


1 How does he make out the ἕν ἔργον ὃ asaSabbath healing; this the evangelist 
It is the one miracle which Christ came to has taken for a single miraculous act. See 
accomplish (Matt. xii. 28, xvi. 1sqq.; Luke Bvangelienfr. Ὁ. 249. 

xi. 29 ff.), described by Him metaphorically 


CHAP. VII., 21, 22. 2939 
Theophylact, and most moderns : but Syr. Goth. Codd. It., Cyril, Chrysos- 
tom, Nonnus, Euthymius Zigabenus, Luther, Castalio, Erasmus, Aretius, 
Grotius, Cornelius ἃ Lapide, Jansen, Bengel, Wetstein, and several others, 
also Luthardt, and most of the Codices, with true perception, place the 
words at the beginning of ver. 22 (so also Elzevir); for, joined with θαυμά- 
ere, they are cumbrous and superfluous,’ and contrary to John’s method 
elsewhere of beginning, not ending, with διὰ τοῦτο." Only we must not take 
them either as superfluous (Euthymius Zigabenus) or as elliptical: ‘‘ there- 
fore hear,” or ‘‘know ;”* the former is inadmissible, the latter is neither 
Johannean nor in keeping with what follows, which does not contain a 
declaration, but a deduction of a logical kind. We ought rather, with 
Bengel (‘‘ propterea, hoc mox declaratur per οὐχ ὅτι, nempe non quia’) 
and Luthardt, following Cyril, to regard them as standing in connection 
with the following οὐχ ὅτι. With this anticipatory διὰ τοῦτο, Jesus begins 
to diminish the astonishment which His healing on the Sabbath had awa- 
kened, showing it to be unreasonable, and this by the analogy of circum- 
cision, which is performed also on the Sabbath. Instead of simply say- 
ing, ‘‘ because it comes from the fathers,” He puts the main statement, 
already introduced. by διὰ τοῦτο, and so important in the argument, both 
negatively and positively, and says, ‘‘ Therefore Moses gave you circum- 
cision, not because ἐέ originated with Moses, but (because it originated) 
with the fathers, and so ye circumcise” (καί consecutive), etc.; that is, this 
οὐχ ὅτι, On to πατέρων, serves to show that circumcision, though divinely 
commanded by Moses in the law, and thus given to the Jews as a ritualistic 
observance, was not Mosaic in its origin, but was an old patriarchal institu- 
tion dating back even from Abraham. The basis of its historic claim to 
validity lies in the fact that the law of circumcision precedes the law of the 
Sabbath, and consequently the enjoined rest of the Sabbath must give way 
to circumcision.* Even the: Rabbins had this axiom : ‘‘ Cireumcisio pellit 
sabbatum,” and based it upon the fact that it was ‘‘traditio patrum.” See 
Wetstein on ver. 23. The anger of the people on account of the healing on 
the Sabbath rested on a false estimate of the Sabbath ; comp. Matt. xii. 5. 
From this explanation it is at the same time clear that οὐχ ὅτε. . . 
is not of the nature of a parenthesis (so usually, also Lachmann). 


πατέρων 


Of those 


1 Also Liicke, Tholuck, Olshausen, de here, and we cannot therefore say with 


Luthardt : ‘‘ Jesus puts the law and the 


Wette, B. Crusius, Maier, Lange, Lach- 
mann, Hengstenberg, Ewald, Baeumlein, 
Ebrard, Godet; among earlier expositors, 
Beza, Casaubon, Homberg, Maldonatus, 
Wolf, Mill, Kypke, ete. ; see on Mark vi. 6. 

2 This accounts forthe omission of διὰ 
τοῦτο in %*. Tisch. deletes it, and with 8* 
reads ὁ Mwic. (with the article). 

7 Vi. 16, 18, "vi. 65, villi: 47; =. 17, az... see 
Schulz on Griesbach, p. 548. 

4 Grotius, Jansen, also Winer, p. 58 [E. T. 
p. 59]. 

5 The patriarchal period was indeed that 
of promise, but this is not made prominent 


promise over against one another, like Paul 
in Gal. 111. 17. There is no hint of this in 
the text. Judging from the text, there 
rather lies in οὐχ ὅτι, «.7.A., the proof that, 
in the case of a collision between the two 
laws, that of circumcision and that of the 
Sabbath, the former must have the prece- 
dence, because, though enjoined by Moses, it 
already had a patriarchal origin, and on ac- 
count of this older sanctity it must suffer 
no infringement through the law of the 
Sabbath. Nonnus well describes the argu- 
mentation by the words ἀρχεγόνῳ τινὶ ϑεσμῷ. 


240 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

who so regard it, some rightly recognize in the words the authority of 
circumcision as outweighing that of the Sabbath ; while others, against 
the context, infer from them its lesser sanctity as being a traditional institu- 
tion (Paulus, B. Crusius, Ewald, Godet). Others, again, take them as an 
(objectless) correction (de Wette, Baeumlein), or as an historical observation 
(equally superfluous) of Jesus (Tholuck, Hengstenberg, and earlier exposi- 
tors) or of John (Liicke, cf. Ebrard). Above all, it would have been very 
strange and paltry to suppose (with Hengstenberg) that Jesus by this re- 
mark was endeavouring, with reference to ver. 15, to do away with the 
appearance of ignorance. — Mwicyc] Lev. xii. 3. — οὐχ ὅτι] not as in vi. 46, 
but as in xii. 6. — ἐκ τοῦ Mwicéwc| Instead of saying ἐξ αὑτοῦ, Jesus repeats 
the name, thus giving more emphasis to the thought. See Kiihner, ad Xen. 
Mem. i. 6. 1, ad Anab. i. 6. 11. — ἐκ τῶν πατέρων] Gen. xvii. 10, xxi. 4; Acts 
vii. 8 ; Rom. iv. 11. — ἐν Σαββ.] if it bethe eighth day. Comp. the Rabbini- 
cal quotations in Lightfoot. Being emphatic, it takes the lead. 

Ver. 23. Περιτομήν] Cireumeision, without the article, but placed emphat- 
ically first, corresponding with ὅλον ἄνθρωπον in the apodosis. —iva μὴ λυθῇ, 
x.7.A.] in order that so the law of Moses be not broken (by the postponement of 
the rite), seeing that it prescribes circumcision upon the eighth day. 
Jansen, Bengel, Semler, Paulus, Kuinoel, Klee, Baeumlein, wrongly render 
ἵνα μή ‘* without,” and take ὁ νόμ. Μωῦσ. to mean the law of the Sabbath. — ἐμοὶ 
χολᾶτε] towards me how unjust! Χολᾶν, denoting bitter, violent anger 
(only here in the N. T.)*— dre ὅλον ἄνθρ. by. ἐπ. ἐν caBB.| The emphasis of 
the antithesis is on ὅλον ἄνθρ., in contrast with the single member in the case 
of circumcision. We must not, therefore, with Kling,’ find here the anti- 
thesis between wounding and making whole; nor, with B. Crusius, that 
between an act for the sake of the law, on account of which circumcision was 
performed, and one for the sake of the man himself ; similarly Grotius. In 
ty. ἐποίησα, further, there must necessarily be expressed an analogy with 
what is done in circumcision, which is therefore equally regarded as a cure 
and a healing, not with reference to the subsequent healing of the wound 
(Cyril, Lampe), for zep:r. is circumcision itself, not its healing ; nor with 
reference to the supposed medical object of circumcision,* no trace of which was 
contained either in the law or in the religious ideas of the people ; but with | 
reference to the purification and sanctification wrought upon the member 
by the removal of the foreskin.* In this theocratic sense, a single member 
was made whole by circumcision ; but Christ, by healing the paralytic, had 
made an entire man whole, 1.6. the whole body of aman. The argument in 
justification, accordingly, is one a minori ad majus; if it was right not to 
omit the lesser work on the Sabbath, how much more the greater and more 


1 Comp. 3 Macc. iii. 1; Artemid.i. 4; Beck, 
Anecd. p. 116. 

2 Stud. u. Krit. 18386, p. 157 f., 

8 Rosenmiiller, Kuinoel, Liicke, Lange; 
comp. Philo, de Circwmcis. II. 210 fx; see, 
on the contrary, Keil, Archacol. I. 309 f. 

4Comp. Bammidbar, R. xii. f. 203. 2: 
“‘praeputium est vitium in corpore.”? With 


this view, which regards the foreskin as 
impure,—a view which does not appear till 
alate date (Ewald, Alterth. Ὁ. 129 f.),—cor- 
responds the idea of the circumcision of the 
heart, which we find in Lev. xxvi. 41, Deut. 
x. 16, xxx. 6, and often in the prophets and 
the N. T., Rom. ii. 29, Col. ii. 11, Acts vil. 
5). 


CHAP. VII., 24-29. 241 


important! To take ὅλον ἄνθρ., with Euthymius Zigabenus 2, Beza, 
Cornelius ἃ Lapide, Bengel, and Olshausen, as signifying body and soul, in 
contrast with the σάρξ, on which circumcision was performed, is alien to 
the connection, which shows that the Sabbath question had to do only with 
the bodily healing, and to the account of the miracle itself, according to 
which Jesus only warned the man who had been made whole, v. 14. 

Ver. 24. This closing admonition is general, applicable to every case that 
might arise, but drawn by way of deduction from the special one in point. 
According to the outward appearance, that act was certainly, in the Jewish 
judgment, a breach of the Sabbath ; but the righteous judgment was that to 
which Jesus had now conducted them.' It does not here mean visage, as in 
xi, 44, and as Hengstenberg makes it, who introduces the contrast between 
Christ ‘‘ without form or comeliness,” and the shining countenance of Moses.* 

Vy. 25-27. Οὖν] in consequence of this bold vindication. These ‘Iepoco- 
λυμῖται. as distinct from the uninitiated ὅχλος of ver. 20, as inhabitants of the 
Holy City, have better knowledge of the mind of the hierarchical opposi- 
tion ; they wonder that the Sanhedrim should let Him speak so boldly and 
freely, and they ask, ‘‘The rulers‘have not perchance really ascertained, have 
they, that this,” etc. ? This, however, is only a momentary thought which 
strikes them, and they at once answer it themselves. — πόθεν ἐστίν] docs 
not denote the birthplace, which was known both in the case of Jesus 
(ver. 41) and of the Messiah (ver. 42), but the descent ; not, indeed, the 
more remote, which in the case of the Messiah was undoubted as being 
Davidic, but (comp. vi. 42) the nearer — father, mother, family (Matt. 
xiii, 55).° — ὁ δὲ Xpu.] is in antithesis with τοῦτον, and it therefore takes the 
lead. The popular belief that the immediate ancestry of the Messiah 
would be unknown when He came, cannot further be historically proved, 
but is credible, partly from the belief in His divine origin,* and partly from 
the obscurity into which the Davidic family had sunk, and was supported, 
probably, by the import of many O. T. passages, such as Isa. lili. 2, 8, 
Mic. v. 2, and perhaps also by the sudden appearance of the Son of man 
related in Dan. vii. (Tholuck), and is strongly confirmed by the description 
in the book of Enoch of the heavenly Messiah appearing from heaven 
(Ewald). The passages which Liicke and de Wette quote from Justin ἢ are 
inapplicable, as they do not speak of an unknown descent of the Messiah, 
but intimate that, previous to His anointing by Elijah, His Méssiahship was 
unknown to Himself and others. The beginning of Marcion’s Gospel (see 
Philo, p. 403), and the Rabbinical passages in Lightfoot and Wetstein, are 
equally inapplicable. 

Vv. 28, 29. The statement in ver. 27, which showed how utterly Christ’s 
higher nature and work were misunderstood by these people in consequence 
of the entirely outward character of their judgments, roused the emotion of 


1 Upon ὄψις id quod sub visum cadit, res in δ᾽ ov σάφα οἶδα, πόϑεν γένος εὔχεται εἶναι ; 
conspicuo posita, see Lobeck, Pardlip. p. 512. Soph. TZrach. 1006; Eur. Rhes. 702; Heliod. 
270On κρίνειν κρίσιν δικαίαν, comp. iv. 16, vii. 14. 
Tobit iii. 2; Susannah 53; Zech. vii. 9. 4 Bertholdt, Christol. p. 86. 
5 Comp. xix. 9; Homer, Od. p. 873; αὐτὸν δ, Tryph. pp. 226, 268, 336, ed. Col. 


Ὁ THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Jesus, so that He raised His voice, erying aloud,' and thus uttered the solemn 
conclusion of this colloquy, while He taught in the temple, and said : κἀμὲ 
didare, x.7.A. The ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ διδάσκων is in itself unneeded (see ver. 14), but 
serves the more vividly to describe the solemn moment of the ἔκραξεν, and is 
an indication of the original genuineness of the narrative. — κἀμὲ οἴδατε, K.7.2. | 
i.e., ‘ye know not only my person, but ye also know my origin.” As the people 
really had this knowledge (vi. 42), and as the divine mission of Jesus was 
independent of His human nature and origin, while He himself denies only 
their knowledge of His divine mission (see what follows ; comp. viii. 19), 
there is nothing in the connection to sanction an interrogatory interpretation,” 
nor an éronical. one,* nor the paraphrase : ‘‘ Ye think that ye know” (EHeng- 
stenberg). Least of all can we read it asa reproach, that they knew His 
divine nature and origin, yet maliciously concealed it.4 No ; Jesus allows 
that they have that outward knowledge of Him which they had avowed in 
ver. 27, but He further—in the words καὶ ἀπ’ ἐμαυτοῦ, x.7.2.—sets before 
them the /igher relationship, which is here the main point, and which was 
unknown to them. — καὶ ἀπ᾽ ἐμ. οὐκ ἐλήλ.} and—though ye think that, on ac- 
count of this knowledge of yours, ye must conclude that I am not the Mes- 
siah, but have come by self-appointment merely—of myself (αὐτοκίλευστος, 
Nonnus) am I not come; comp. viil. 42. This καί, which must not be re- 
garded as the same with the two preceding, as if it stood for καὶ ὅτε (Bacum- 
tein), often in John connects, like atque, a contrasted thought, and yet.* 
We may pronounce the and with emphasis, and imagine a pause after it.*— 
ἀλλ᾽ ἔστιν ἀληθινός] but it is a real one who hath sent me, whom ye (ye people !) 
know not." 





᾿Αληθινός is not verax,* but, according to the invariable usage of 
John (see on i. 9), a real, genuine one, in whom the idea is realized. The 
substantive belonging to this adjective is not πατήρ, which Grotius gets out 
of πόθεν ; but, according to the immediate context, it is to be taken from 
ὁ πέμψας με, namely πέμπων, a real sender, a sender in the highest and fullest 
sense.2 We cannot take 4270. by itself as absolutely denoting the true essential 
God (Olshausen, Lange, Hengstenberg ; comp. Kling: ‘‘one who whose 
essence and action is pure truth”), because ἀληθινός in the Johannean sense 
is not an independent conception, but receives its definite meaning from the 
substantive of which it is predicated. — Ver. 29. J (antithesis to ὑμεῖς) know 


1 ἔκραξεν, comp. i. 15, vii. 37, xii. 44, Rom. 
Ix. 27; κράζειν never means anything but fo 
cry out; “‘clamores, quos edidit, magnas 
habuere causas,’’ Bengel. 

2 Grotius, Lampe, Semler, Storr, Paulus, 
Kuinoel, Luthardt, Ewald. 

3 Luther, Calvin, Beza, and many others ; 
likewise Liicke, Tholuck, Olshausen, B. Cru- 
sius, Lange, and Godet who considers the 
words “ légérement ironique,” and that they 
have ‘‘certainement [Ὁ] une tournure inter- 
roqgative.”’ 

4 Chrysostom, Nonnus, Theophylact, Eu- 
thymius Zigabenus, Maldonatus, and most. 

* See Hartung, Puntikell. 1. 147. 


6 Comp. Stallbaum, ad Plat. Apol. p. 29 
B; Wolf, ad Leptin. p. 238. 

7 Of course in a 7velative sense, as in iv. 22. 
If they had possessed the true and full 
knowledge of God, they would then have 
recognized the Interpreter of God, and not 
have rejected Him for such a reason as 
that in ver. 27. Comp. viii. 54,55; Matt. xi. 
oe 
ele 

8 Chrysostom, Euthymius Zigabenus, Lu- 
ther, Stolz, Kuinoel, Klee, B. Crusius, 
Ewald, and most. 

9 Comp. Matthiae, p. 1538; Kiihner, IT. 
602. 


CHAP. VII., 30-34, 245 


Him, for Tam from Him, have come forth from Him (as in vi. 46) ; and no 
other than He (from whom I am) hath sent me. This weighty, and there- 
fore independent κἀκεῖνός we aréor., not to be taken as dependent upon ὅτι, 
comprehends the full explanation of the πόθεν εἰμί in its higher sense, which 
was not known to the ἹἹεροσολυμίταίς, and, with the ἐγὼ vida. . . εἰμί, bears 
the seal of immediate certainty. Comp. viii. 14. 

Ver. 30. Οὖν] Because He had so decidedly asserted His divine origin 
and mission, which His adversaries regarded as blasphemy (comp. v. 18).— 
The subject of ᾿ἐζήτουν is Ἰουδαῖοι, the hierarchy, as is self-evident fromm the 
words and from the contrasted statement of ver. 31. — καί] asin ver. 28. — 
ὅτι οὕπω, K.7.A.] because the hour appointed for Iim (by God—the hour when 
He was to fall under the power of His enemies) was not yet come; comp. 
vill. 20. The reason here assigned is that higher religious apprehension of 
the history, which does not, however, contradict or exclude the immediate - 
historical cause, viz. that through fear—not of conscience (Hengstenberg, 
Godet), but of the party who were favourably inclined to Christ, ver. 831— 
they dared not yet lay hands en Him. But John knows that the threads 
upon which the outward history of Jesus runs, and by which it is guided, 
unite in the counsels of God. Comp. Luthardt, I. 160. 

Ver. 31. According to the reading ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου δὲ πολλοί (see the critical 
notes), ὄχλος stands emphatically opposed to the subjects of ἐζήτουν in ver. 
30. Aé after three words, on account of their close connection ; see Klotz, 
ad Devar, Ὁ. 378 ; Ellendt, Lex. Soph. 1. 397. --- ἐπίστ. εἰς αὐτ.1 not only as 
a prophet (Tholuck), or as one sent of God (Grotius), but conformably with 
the fixed sense of the absolute expression (comp. ver. 5), as the Messiah. 
What follows does not contradict this, but rather sustains their avowal that 
they see realized in Jesus their Ideal-Miraculous of the promised Messiah ; 
and, accordingly, ὁ Χριστὸς ὅταν ἔλθῃ does not imply any doubt on their part 
as to the Messiahship of Jesus, but refers to the doubt of the opposite party. 
Comp. Euthymius Zigabenus 2 : θῶμεν, ἕτερον εἶναι τὸν Χριστόν, ὡς οἱ ἄρχοντες 
λέγουσιν, Θἰς. ---- ὅτι] might be regarded as giving the reason for their faith 
(Nonnus : μὴ yap Χριστός, x.7.A.), but more simply as recitative. — ph] ‘he 
wiil not do more signs, will he? = will he do more signs? To the one miracle 
wrought in Jerusalem (ver, 21) they added the numerous Galilean miracles, 
which they, being in part perhaps pilgrims to the feast from Galilee, had | 
seen and heard. 

Vv. 32-34. The Pharisees present hear how favourable are the murmured 
remarks of the people concerning Jesus, and they straightway obtain an 
edict of the Sanhedrim (οἱ Φαρισ. x. οἱ apytep.,—oi Φαρισ. first, for they had 
been the first to moot the matter ; otherwise in ver. 45), appointing officers 
to lay hands on Him. The Sanhedrim must have been immediately as- 
sembled. Thus rapidly did the ἐζήτουν of ver. 30 ripen into an actual decree 
of the council. The thing does not escape the notice of Jesus ; He naturally 
recognizes in the officers seeking Him, who were only waiting for a suitable 
opportunity to arrest Him, their designs against Him ; and He therefore 
(οὖν) says what we have in vv. 33, 34 in clear and calm foresight of the near- 
ness of His death,—a death which He describes as a going away to God 


244 THE GOSPEL OF JOIN. 


(comp. on vi. 62). — μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν] Jesus speaks to the whole assembly, but has 
here the hierarchy chiefly in his eye ; comp. ver. 35. — πρὸς τὸν πέμψαντά pe | 
These words are, with Paulus, to be regarded not as original, but as a 
Johannean addition ; because, according to vv. 35, 36, Jesus cannot have 
definitely indicated the goal of His going away, but must have left it enig- 
matical, as perhaps in vill. 22 ; comp. xiii. 33. Had He said zp. τ. πέμψ., 
His enemies could not have failed, after vv. 16, 17, 28, 29, to recognize the 
words as referring to God, and could not have thought of an unknown ποῦ 
(agaifist Liicke, de Wette, Godet), There is no room even for the pretence 
‘‘that they acted as if they cow/d not understand the words of Jesus,” after 
so clear a statement as πρὸς τ. πέμψ. we (against Luthardt). — ζητήσετέ με, 
x.t.4.] not of a hostile seeking, against which is xiii. 33 ; nor the seeking of 
the penitent (Augustine, Beza, Jansen, and most), which would not. har- 
monize (against Olshausen) with the absolute denial of any finding, unless 
we brought in the doctrine of a peremptory limitation of grace, which has 
no foundation in Holy Scripture (also not in Heb. xii. 17 ; sce Liinemann, 
in loc.), and which could only refer to individuals ; but a seeking for help and 
deliverance.‘ This refers to the time of the divine judgments in the destruc- 
tion of Jerusalem (Luke xx. 16 ff., xix. 43, al.), which were to ensue as the 
result of their rejection of Jesus. Then, Jesus would say, the tables will 
be turned ; after they had persecuted and killed Him who now was present, 
they then would anxiously long, but in vain, for Him, the absent One,? as 
the wonder-working helper, who alone could save them from the dire calam- 
ity. Comp. Prov. i. 28. The prophecy of misfortune involved in ζητήσετέ 
με, K.T.A. 15 not expressly declared ; but it lies in the thought of retribution 
which the words contain,—like an enigma which history was to solve ; 
comp. viii. 21. Theodoret, Heracleon (?), Maldonatus, Grotius, Liicke, 
de Wette, take the whole simply as descriptive of entire separation, so that 
nothing more is said than: Christum de terris sublatum iri, ita ut inter viros 
reperiri non possit,” Maldonatus. The poetical passages, Ps. x. 15, xxxvii. 
10, 158. xli. 12, are appealed to. But even in these the seeking and finding 
is not a mere figure of speech ; and here such a weakening of the significa- 
tion is all the more inadmissible, because it is not annihilation, as in those 
passages, which is here depicted, and because the following words, καὶ ὅπου 
εἰμὶ ἐγώ, K.T.A., describe a longing which was not to be satisfied. Luke xvii. 
_ 22 is analogous. — καὶ ὅπου εἰμί, x.7.A.] still more clearly describes the tragic 
οὐχ εὑρήσ. : “πα where J (then) am, thither ye cannot come,” ὁ.6. in order 
to find me as a deliverer, or to flee tome. Rightly says Euthymius Ziaga- 
benus : δηλοῖ δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ πατρὸς καθέδραν. The εἶμι (I go), 
not found in the N. T., is not the reading here.* Comp. xiv. 3, xvii. 24. 

1 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euthymius rejected in the person of Jesus (comp. 


Zigabenus, Erasmus, Calvin, Aretius, also Tholuck and Godet),—an explanation 
Hengstenberg; comp. Luthardt, Ewald, which would empty the words of all their 


Briickner. tragic nerve and force. 

2 They would long for Him in His own 3 Against Nonnus, H. Stephens, Casau- 
person, for Jesus the rejected one, and not bon, Pearson, Bengel, Wakefield, Michaelis, 
for the Messiah generally (Flacius, Lampe, and most. 


Luinoel, Neander, Ebrard), whom they had 


CHAP. VII., 35-37. 245 

Vv. 35, 36. An insolent and scornful conjecture, which they themselves, 
however, do not deem probable (therefore the question is asked with μή), 
regarding the meaning of words to them so utterly enigmatical. The bolder 
mode of teaching adopted by Jesus, His universalistic declarations, His 
partial non-observance of the law of the Sabbath, would lead them, perhaps, 
to associate with the unintelligible statement a mocking thought like this, 
and all the more because much interest was felt among the heathen, partly 
of an earnest kind, and partly (comp. St. Paul in Athens) arising from curi- 
osity merely, regarding the oriental religions, especially Judaism.’ — πρὸς 
ἑαυτούς] the same as πρὸς ἀλλήλους, yet so that the conversation was confined 
to one party among the people, to the exclusion of the others.* ---- οὗτος] con- 
temptuously, this man! — ὅτι) not to be arbitrarily supplemented by a sup- 
posed λέγων put before it, or in some other way ;° but the simple because : 
‘* Where will this man go, because, or seeing, that we are not (according to 
his words) to find him ?” It states the reason why the ποῦ is unknown. — εἰς 
τ. διασπ. τ. "EAA. ] to the dispersion among the Greeks.* The subjects of the δια- 
σπορά are the Jews,° who lived beyond Palestine dispersed among the heathen, 
and these latter are denoted by the genitive τῶν Ἑλλήν. Comp. 1 Pet. 1. 1, 
and Steiger and Huther thereon. Differently in 2 Macc. 1. 27 ; LXX. Ps. 
exlvi. 2. The abstract διασπορά is simply the sum-total of the concretes, like 
περιτομῇ and other words. See 2 Macc. i. 27. “Ἕλληνες in the N. T. invari- 
ably means the heathen, Gentiles, not the Hellenists (Grecian Jews), so also 
in xii. 20; it is wrong, therefore, to understand τῶν ‘EAAAv. of the lat- 
ter, and take these words as the subject of the διασπορά (Scaliger, Light- 
foot, Hammond, B. Crusius, Ammon), and render διδάσκ. τ. ‘EAA. : ‘* teach 
the Hellenists.” The thought is rather : ‘‘ Will Jesus go to the Jews scat- 
tered among the Gentiles, to unite there with the Gentiles, and become their 
teacher ?” This was really the course of the subsequent labours of the 
apostles. — Ver. 36. τίς ἐστιν] Their scornful conjecture does not even satisfy 
themselves ; for that they should seek Him, and not beable to come to Him— 
they know not what the assertion can mean (τίς ἐστιν, K.7.A.). 

Ver. 37. As the eighth day (the 22d Tisri) was reckoned along with the 
seven feast days proper, according to Lev. xxiii. 35, 36, 39, Num. xxix. 35, 
Neh. viii. 18, as also according to Suceah, f. 48. 1, the last day of the feast 
is the eighth, it is clear that John meant this day, and not the seventh,°® espe- 
cially as in later times it was usual to speak of the eight days’ feast of Taber- 
nacles.7_ In keeping with this is the very free translation ἐξόδιον (termination 
of the feast), which the LXX. give for the name of the eighth day, N)¥¥, (Lev. 


~ 


xxiii. 36 ; Num. xxix. 35; Neh. viii. 18), 1.6. ‘‘ assembly.” 5 -- τῇ μεγάλῃ] the 


1 See Ewald, Gesch. Chr. Ὁ. 110 f. ed. 3. atus, Hengstenberg, and most). Against 


2 See Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. ii. 6. 20. 

38 Buttmann, WV. 7. Gr. Ὁ. 305 [E. Τ', p. 358]. 

4Comp. Winer, p. 176 [E. T. p. 187] ; and 
upor the thing referred to, Schneckenbur- 
ger, WV. 7. Zeitgesch. Ὁ. 94 ff. 

5 Not the heathen, as if ἡ διασπ. τ. ‘EAA. 
were the same as Dispersi Gracci (Chrysos- 
tom and his followers, Rupertius, Maldon- 


this Beza well says: ‘‘ Vix conveniret ipsis 
indigenis populis nomen étacropas.”’ 

ὁ Theophylact, Buxtorf, Bengel, Reland, 
Paulus, Ammon. 

72 Macc. x. 6; Josephus, Anéé. 111. 10. 45 
Gem. Eruvin. 40. 2: Midr. Cohel. 118. 3. 

8 Comp. Ewald, Alterth. Ὁ. 481. 


246 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


(pre-eminently) great, solemn. Comp. xix. 51. The superlative is implied 
in the attribute thus given to this day above the other feast days. Wherein 
consisted the special distinction attaching to this day? It was simply the 
great closing day of the feast, appointed for the solemn return from the 
booths into the temple,’ and, according to Lev. xxiii. 85, 56, was kept holy 
asa Sabbath. The explanation of ἐξόδιον in Philo,*? as denoting the end of 
the yearly feasts collectively, has as little to do with the matter (for τῇ μεγάη 
has reference only to the feast of Tabernacles) as has the designation 210 D1 
in the Tr. Succah, for this means nothing more than ‘‘ feast day.” This day 
had, indeed, according to Tr. Suceah,* special services, sacrifices, songs, yct 
no more was required than to honour it ‘‘sicut reliquos dies festi.” Its 
μεγαλότης consisted just in this, that it brought the great feast as a whole to 
a sacred termination. — The express designation of the day as τῇ μεγάλῃ is in 
keeping with the solemn coming forth of Jesus with the great word of invi- 
tation and promise, vv. 37, 88. The solemnity of this coming forth is also 
intimated in εἱστήκει (He stood there) and in ἔκραξε (see on ver. 28). — ἐάν τις 
διψᾷ, κιτ.λ.1 denoting spiritual need ‘ and spiritual satisfaction, as in iv. 15, 
in the conversation with the Samaritan woman, and in vi. 35 ; Matt. v. 6. 
We are not told what led Jesus here to this metaphorical expression. 'There 
needed nothing special to prompt Him to do so, least of all at a feast so 
joyous, according to Plutarch, Symp. iv. 6. 2, even so bacchanalian in its 
banquetings. A reason for the expression has been usually found in the 
daily libations which were offered on the seven feast days (but also on the 
eighth, according to R. Juda, in Succah iv. 9), at the time of the morning 
sacrifice, when a priest fetched water in a golden pitcher containing three 
logs from the spring of Siloam, and poured this, together with wine, on 
the west side of the altar into two perforated vessels, amidst hymns of praise 
and music.® Some reference to this libation may be supposed, because it was 
one of the peculiarities of the feast, even on the hypothesis that it did not 
take place upon the eighth day, whether springing from the old idea of 
libations with water ;* or, according to the Rabbis (so also Hengstenberg), 
from Isa. xii. 3, a passage which contains the words sung by the people 
during the libation. But any connection of the words of Jesus with this 
libation is doubtful, because He speaks of drinking, and this is the essential 
element of His declaration. Godet arbitrarily interpolates : ‘‘ He compares 
Himself with the water from the rock in the wilderness, and represents Himself 
as this true rock” (comp. 1 Cor. x. 4). 

Ver. 38. The πίνειν is brought about by faith ; hence the continued 
statement : ὁ πιστεύων, «.T.2.—Kaboc εἶπεν ἡ yp.| is simply the formula of 
quotation, and cannot belong to ὁ πιστεύων εἰς ἐμέ, as if denoting a faith 
conformable to Scripture ;7 ὁ πιστ., on the contrary, is the nominative absolute 


1 Ewald, Alterth. p. 481. would know how it can be with God.” 
2 de Septenario, 11. p. 298. 5 See Dachs, Succah, p. 368. 
3 See Lightfoot, p. 1032 f. 61 Sam. vii. 6; Hom. Od. μ. 862, a/., so de 
4Luther: ‘‘a heartfelt longing, yea, a Wette. 
troubled, sad, awakened, stricken con- 7 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euthymius 


science, a despairing, trembling heart, that Zigabenus, Caloyvius, and most. 


CHAP: VIL.,..08. 247 
(see on vi. 89), and καθὼς εἶπεν, x.7.2., belongs to the following ποταμοί, etc., 
the words which are described as a declaration of Scripture. There is no ex- 
actly corresponding passage, indeed, in Scripture ; it is simply a free quota- 
tion harmonizing in thought with parts of various passages, especially Isa, 
xliv. 8, lv. 1, lviii. 11.1 Godet refers to the account of the rock in the 
wilderness, Ex. xvii. 6, Num. xx. 11 ; but this answersneither to the thing 
itself (for the subject is the person drinking) nor to the words. To think in 
particular of those passages which make mention of a stream flowing from 
the temple mount, the believer being represented as a living temple 
(Olshausen), is a gloss unwarranted by the context, and presents an inap- 
propriate comparison (κοιλίας). This last is also in answer to Gieseler,? 
whom Lange * follows. To imagine some apocryphal or lost canonical say- 
ing,* or, with Ewald, a fragment of Proverbs no longer extant, or of some 
similar book, is bold and unnecessary, considering the freedom with which 
passages of Scripture are quoted and combined, and the absence of any other 
certain trace in the discourses of Jesus of extra-canonical quotations, or of 
canonical quotations not now found in the O. T. ; although, indeed, the 
characteristic ἐκ τῆς κοιλίας αὐτοῦ itself occurs in none of the above-named 
places, which is certainly surprising, and not to be explained by an inap- 
propriate reference to Cant. vil. 3 (Hengstenberg). But the expression, 
‘Sout of his body,” considering the connection of the metaphor, is very 
natural ; the water which he drinks becomes in his body a spring from 
which streams of living water flow, 1,6. the divine grace and truth which the 
believer has received out of Christ’s fulness into his inner life, does not remain shut 
up within, but will communicate itself in abundant measure as a life-giving 
stream to others, and thus the new divine life overflows from one individual 
on to others. As represented in the metaphor, these ποταμοί take their rise 
from the water which has been drunk, and is im the κοιλία, and flow forth 
from it in an oral effusion ;° for the effect referred to takes place in an 
outward direction dy an inspired oral communication of one’s. own ex- 
perience of God's grace and truth.° The mutual and inspired intercourse 
of Christians from Pentecost downwards, the speaking in psalms and 
hymns and spiritual songs, the mutual edification in Christian assemblies by 
means of the charismata even to the speaking with tongues, the entire work 
of the apostles, of a Stephen and so on, furnish an abundant historical com- 
mentary upon this text. It is clear, accordingly, that κοιλία does not, as is 
usually supposed, denote the inner man, man’s heart,’ but must be left in its 
literal meaning ‘‘ belly,” in conformity with the metaphor which determines 
the expression.* The flowing forth of the water, moreover, is not to be un- 


ὃ πιστεύομεν, διὸ καὶ λαλοῦμεν, 2 Cor. iv. 13. 

ΦΡτονν kee ae ἩΙΟΡΊη 5. πῖχι 15. 11. ΟΝ 
LXX. Ps. ΧΙ]. 9, following A.; comp. the 
Latin viscera. 


1 Comp. also Ezek. xlvii. 1, 12, Zech. xiii. 
1, xiv. 8; Joel 111. 1, 23; but not Cant. iv. 
12515, 

2 Stud. u. Krit. 1829, p. 138 f. 


37. J. IL. p. 945. 

4 Whiston, Semler, Paulus; comp. also 
Weizsicker, p. 518; Bleek, p. 234, and in the 
Stud. u. Krit, 1853, Ὁ. 331. 

5. Comp. ἐρεύξομαι, Matt. xiii. 35. 


8. Already Chrysostom and his followers 
took κοιλίας as equivalent to καρδίας : a 
confounding of the metaphor with its im- 
port. Hofmann’s objection (Schrifiber. 
11. 2, p. 18), ‘‘that the water here meant 


248 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

derstood as something operating upon the subject himself only (B. Crusius : 
‘his whole soul, from its very depth, shall have a continual quickening and 
satisfaction,” comp. Maier), but, as shown by ἐκ τ. κοιλ., as describing an 
efficacy in an outward direction, and therefore is not the same as the kindred 
utterance, chap. iv. 14. If we join ὁ mor. εἰς ἐμέ with πινέτω, αὐτοῦ must re- 
fer to Christ ; and this is the meaning that we get : ‘‘ He that thirsteth, let 
him come to me ; and he that believeth in me, let him drink of me : for to 
me refers what the Scripture hath said concerning a river which shall flow 
forth from Jehovah in the time of the Messiah.” + But against this it is de- 
cisive, first, that he who believes on Jesus has already drunk of Him (vi. 35), 
and the call to come and drink must apply not to the believer, but to the 
thirsty ; and secondly, that the expression ἐκ τῆς κοιλίας αὐτοῦ Would be un- 
necessary and unmeaning, if it referred to Jesus, and not to him who has 
performed the πινέτω. -- ὕδωρ ζῶν, asin iv. 10 3 ζῶντος δέ, ἤγουν ἀεὶ ἐνεργοῦντος 
ἀεικνήτου. Euthymius Zigabenus.—Observe further the ποταμοί emphatically 
taking the lead and standing apart ; ‘“‘not in spoonfuls, nor with a pipe 
and tap, but in full streams,” Luther. 

Ver. 39. Not aninterpolated gloss (Scholten), but an observation by John 
in explanation of this saying. He shows that Jesus meant that the out- 
ward effect of which He spoke, the flowing forth, was not at once to occur, 
but was to commence upon the reception of the Spirit after His glorification. 
He,—evidently, and, according to the od ἔμελλον, undoubtedly meaning 
the Holy Spirit,—He it was who would cause the streams of living water 
to flow forth from them. John’s explanation, as proceeding from inmost 
experience, is correct, because the principle of Christian activity in the 
church, especially in its outward workings, is none other than the Holy 
Spirit Himself ; and He was not given until after the Ascension, when 
through Him the believers spoke with tongues and prophesied, the apostles 
preached, and so on. Such overflowings of faith’s power in its outward 
working did not previously take place. The objection urged against the 
aceuracy of John’s explanation, that ῥεύσουσιν is a relative future only, and 
does not refer to that outpouring of the Spirit which was first to take place 
at a future time (de Wette), disappears if we consider the strong expression 
ποταμοί, K.T.A., ver. 88, to which John gives due weight, inasmuch as he 


κοιλία in πὸ 


does not go into the belly at all,” rests 
solely upon the same confusion of the 
figure with its meaning. According to the 
figure, it comes into the κοιλία because it is 
drunk, and this drinking is in like manner 
Jgurative. When Hofmann finds indicated 
in the word even a springing place of the 


Holy Spirit within the body, he cannot get © 


rid of the idea of something within the 
vody as being implied in κοιλία, because 
the text itself presents this figure as being 
in harmony with that of the drinking ; 
unless, indeed, the concrete expression 
is to give way to an exegetical prudery 
foreign to the text itself, and is to 


be blotted out at pleasure. 
passage of the N. T. means anything else 
than body, belly.—Strangely out of keeping 
with the unity of the figure, Lange, follow- 
ing Bengel (comp. also Weizsicker), now 
finds in κοιλία an allusion to the belly of the 
golden pitcher (see on ver. 37), and Godet to 
the inner hollow of the rock whence the 
water flowed, so that ἐκ τ. κοιλ. αὐτοῦ Cor- 
responds with 3255, Ex. xvii. 6. So invent- 
ive is the longing after types! 

1S0 Hahn, Theol. ἃ. N.T.1. Ὁ. 29f., and 
Gess, Pers. Chr. p. 166. 

2 Nonnus, διὰ γαστρὸς ἐκείνου. 


CILAP) Wil) au: 249 


takes it to refer not simply to the power of one’s own individual faith upon 
others, so far as that was possible previous to the outpouring of the Spirit, 
but to something far greater and mightier—to those streams of new life which 
flowed forth from the lips of believers, and which were originated and 
drawn forth by the Holy Ghost. The strength and importance of the ex- 
pression (ποταμοί, «.7.4.) thus renders it unnecessary to supply ποτέ or 
the like after ῥεύσουσιν (in answer to Liicke) ; and when Liicke calls John’s 
explanation eperegetically right, but exegetically incorrect, he overlooks the fact 
that John does not take the living water itself to be the Holy Ghost, but simply 
says, regarding Christ’s declaration as a whole, that Jesus meant it of the Holy 
Spirit, leaving it to the Christian consciousness to think of the Spirit as the 
Agens, the divine charismatic motive power of the streams of living water. — 
It remains to be remarked that the libation at the feast of Tabernacles was in- 
terpreted by the Rabbis as a symbol of the outpouring of the Spirit (see Light- 
foot) ; but this is scarcely to be connected with the words of Jesus and 
their interpretation, as it is by no means certain that there is any reference in 
the words to that libation ; see on ver. 37. — οὔπω yap ἣν πνεῦμα] nondum enim 
aderat (i. 9), furnishing the reason for the οὗ ἔμελλον λαμβάνειν as the state- 
ment of what was still futwre. [See Note XXX. p. 254.] The ἦν, ‘‘ He was 
present” (upon earth), is appropriately explained by δεδομένον (Lachmann; see 
on Acts xix. 2); Jesus alone possessed Him in His entire fulness (iii. 34). 
The absolute expression οὔπω jv is not, therefore (with Hengst. and Briickner), 
to be weakened, as if it were relative (referring to an increase which put 
out of consideration all former outpourings), but, ‘‘ at the time when Christ 
preached He promised the Holy Spirit, and therefore the Holy Spirit was not 
yet there,” Luther.’ For the rest, the statement does not conflict with the 
action of the Spirit in the O. T.,*? or upon the prophets in particular ;* for here 
the Spirit is spoken of as the principle of the specifically Christian life. In 
this characteristic definiteness, wherein He is distinctively the πνεῦμα Χριστοῦ, the 
Tv. τῆς ἐπαγγελίας (Eph. 1. 13), τῆς υἱοθεσίας (Rom. viii. 15), τῆς χάριτος (Heb. x. 
29), the ἀῤῥαβὼν τῆς κληρονομίας (Eph. i. 14), the Spirit of Him who raised Jesus 
from the dead (Rom. viii. 11), and according to promise was to be given after 
Christ’s exaltation (Acts ii. 33), He was not yet present ; just as also, accord- 
ing toi. 17, grace and truth first came into existence through Christ. The 
reason Of the οὕπω ἦν is: ‘because Jesus was not yet glorified.” He must 
through death return to heaven, and begin His heavenly rule, in order, as 
σύνθρονος with the Father, and Lord over all (xvii. 5 ; 1 Cor. xv. 25), as 
Lord also of the Spirit (2 Cor. iii. 18), to send the Spirit from heaven, xvi. 
7. This sending was the condition of the subsequent εἶναι (adesse). “ὙΠῸ 
outpouring of the Spirit was the proof that He had entered upon His supra- 
mundane state; ” * and so also the office of the Spirit to glorify Christ (xvi. 
14) presupposes, as the condition of its operation, the commencement of 
the déga of Christ. Till then believers were dependent upon the personal 


1 Comp. Flacius,-C/av. IT. p. 826: ‘sc. pro- 2 Psi li, 18; 1.Sam. xvi. 12, 18. 
patam datus. Videtur negavi substantia, 32 Pet. i. 21; Acts xxviii. 25, i. 16. 
cum tamen accidens negetur.’? See also 4 Hofmann, Schriftbeweis, I. Ὁ. 196. 


Calvin. 


250 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

manifestation of Jesus ; He was the possessor of that Spirit who, though 
given in His fulness to Christ Himself (iii. 34), and though operating 
through Him in His people (ili. 6, vi. 63 ; Luke ix. 55), was not, until aftcr 
Christ’s return to glory (Eph. iv. 7,-8), to be given to the faithful as the 
Paraclete and representative of Christ for the carrying on of His work. Sce 
chap. xiv.-xvi. Chap. xx. 21, 22 does not contradict this ; see in loc. The 
thought of an identity’ of the glorified Christ with the Holy Spirit might 
easily present itself here.? But we must not, with de Wette, seek for the 
reason of the statement in the receptivity of the disciples, who did not attain 
to a pure and independent development of the germ of spirit within them 
until the departure of Jesus ; the text is against this. As little can we re- 
gard the flesh of Christ as a limitation of the Spirit (Luthardt), or introduce 
the atonement wrought through His death as an intervening event ; * because 
the point lies in the glorifying of Christ,* not in His previous death, nor in the 
subjective preparation secured by faith. This also tells against Baeumlein, 
who understands here not the Holy Spirit objectively, but the Spirit formed 
in believers by Him, which τὸ πνεῦμα never denotes, and as shown by 
AauBaverv, cannot be the meaning here. 

Vv. 40-48. Ἔκ τοῦ ὄχλου οὖν ἀκούσαντες τῶν λόγων τούτων (see the critical 
notes), «.7.2. Now, at the close of all Christ’s discourses delivered at the 
feast (vv. 14-39), these verses set before us the various impressions which 
they produced upon the people with reference to their estimate of Christ’s 
person. ‘‘ From among the people, many, after they had heard these words, 
now said,” ete. With ἐκ τοῦ ὄχλου we must supply τινές, as in xvi. 17." By 
ὁ προφήτης, as in i. 21, is meant the prophet promised Deut. xviii. 15, not as 
being himself the Messiah, but a prophet preceding Him, a more minute 
description of whom is not given. — μὴ yap ἐκ τ. Tad., .7.2.] ‘6 Why, does the 
Messiah come out of Galilee?” Tap refers to the assertion of the ἄλλοι, and as- 
signs the reason for the contradiction of it which oi δὲ ἔλεγον indicates.° [See Note 
XXXI. p. 254.] Christ’s birth at Bethlehem was unknown to the multitude. 
John, however, records all the various opinions in a purely objective man- 
ner ; and wemust not suppose, from the absence of any correction on his part, 
that the birth at Bethlehem was unknown to the evangelist himself." Baur 
(p. 169) employs this passage and ver. 52 in order to deny to the author any 
historical purpose in the composition of his work. This would be to con- 
clude too much, for every reader could of himself and from his own knowl- 


1Tholuck: ‘the Spirit communicated to 2 See on 2 Cor. iii. 17; and likewise Gess, 


the faithful, as the Son of man Himself glori- 
Jjied into Spirit.” Phil. iii. 21 itself speaks 
decisively enough against such a view. 
Worner, Verhdlin. d. Geistes, Ὁ. 57, speaks 
in a similar way of ‘‘the elevation of 
Christ’s flesh into the form of the Spirit 
itself,” ete. Baur, on the contrary, WV. 7. 
Theol. Ὁ. 385, says: ‘Not until His death 
was the Spirit, hitherto identical with Him, 
separated from His person in order that 
it might operate as an independent 
principle.” 


Pers. Chr. p. 155. 

3 Messner, Lehre d. Ap. p. 342; Hengsten- 
berg and early writers. 

4Comp. Godet and Weiss, 
p. 286 f. 

5 Buttmann, V ZT. Gr. p. 138 [E. T. p. 159] ; 
Xen. Mem. iv. 5.22; and Bornem. in doe. 

ὁ See Hartung, Pariikell. I. 475; Baeum- 
lein, Partik. Ὁ. 73. 4 

7 De Wette, Weisse, Keim ; comp. Schol- 
ten. 


Lehrbegr. 


CHAP. VII., 44-49. 201 
edge. supply the correction. — ἡ γραφή] Mic. v. 1 ; Isa, xi. 1; Jer. xxiii. 5. 
— ὅπου jv A.|] where David was. He was born at Bethlehem, and passed 
his youth there asa shepherd, 1 Sam. xvi.— A division thercfore (ἑκάστου 
μέρους φιλονεικοῦντος, Kuthymius Zigabenus) tool place among the people con- 
cerning ITim.* 

Ver. 44. Ἔξ αὐτῶν] Those, of course, who adopted the opinion last named. 

The contest had aroused them. Τινές, standing first and apart, has a spe- 
cial emphasis. ‘‘ Some there were among the people, who were disposed,” 
etc. — ἀλλ᾽ οὐδείς, x.7.4.] according to ver. 80, through divine prevention.? 
On ἐπιβάλλ. τ. χεῖρ.. see on Acts xii. 1.— According to de Wette (see also 
Luthardt), the meaning should be that they would have supported the 
timid officers, or would have acted for them. A gloss ; according to John, 
they were inclined to an act of popular justice, independently of the oiii- 
cers, but it was not carried into effect. 
« Vv. 45, 46. Οὖν] thereyore, seeing that no one, not even they themselves, 
had ventured to lay hands on Jesus. — οἱ ὑπηρέται] In accordance with the 
orders they had received (ver. 32), they had kept close to Jesus, in order 
to apprehend Him. But the divine power and majesty of His words, which 
doubtless hindered the τινές in ver. 44 from laying hands on Him, made it 
morally impossible for the officers of justice to carry out their orders, or even 
to find any pretext or justification for so doing ; they were overpowered. 
Schleiermacher, therefore, was wrong in inferring that they had received 
no official orders to take Him. — τοὺς apyep. «. bap.] by the non-repetition 
of the article, construed as one category, i.e. as the Sanhedrim, who must be 
supposed to have been assembled in session. When first mentioned, ver. 
52, both divisions are distinguished with logical emphasis.* — ἐκεῖνοι] the 
ἀρχίερ. kK. Φαρισ. ; Of the nearest subject, though remote to the writer.*— Ver. 
46. There is a solemnity in the words ὡς οὗτος ὁ avOp., in themselves unnec- 
essary. ‘‘Itis a weighty statement, a strong word, that they thus meekly 
use,” Luther. ‘‘ Character veritatis etiam idiotas convincentis prae dominis 
eorum,” Bengel. It is evident that Jesus must have said more after ver. 32 
than John has recorded. 

Vv. 47-49. The answer comes from the Pharisees in the Sanhedrim, as from 
that section of the council who were most zealous in watching over the in- 
terests of orthodoxy and the hierarchy, — μὴ καὶ ὑμεῖς] are ye also—ofiicers 
of sacred justice, who should act only in strict loyalty to your superiors. 
Hence the following questions : ‘‘ Have any of the Sanhedrim believed in him, 
or of the Pharisees?” The latter are specially named as the class of orthodox 
and most respected theologians, who were supposed to be patterns of ortho- 
doxy, apart from the fact that some of them were members of the Sanhe- 
drim. — ἀλλά] but, breaking off, and passing suddenly to the following 
counter exclamation.°—6 ὄχλος οὗτος] this multitude, uttered with the 


1 Comp. ix. 16, x.19; ΤΟΥ. 1.10; Acts 
xiv. 4, xxiii.'7; Herod. vii. 219: καὶ σφεῶν 
ἐσχίζοντο αἱ γνῶμαι. Xen. Sympos. iv. 59; 
Iierod. vi. 109; Eur. Zee. 119; and Pflugk, 
in loc. 

2 ἐπεχόμενος Euthymius 


cae ara 
ἀοράτως, ga 


benus. 

3 See Dissen, ad Dem. de cor. Ὁ. 373 f. 

4 Winer, Ὁ. 148 [E. T. p. 157], and Ast, a@ 
Plat. Polit. p. 417; Ler. Plat. pp. 658, 659. 

δ Baeumlein, Partik. p.15; Ellendt, Lex. 
Soph. 1. p. 78. 


202 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

greatest scorn. The people adhering to Jesus, ‘‘this mob,” as they regard 
them, are before their eyes. It is evident, further, that the speakers 
do not include their own official servants in the ὄχλος, but, on the other 
hand, prudently separate them with their knowledge from the ὄχλος. --- ὁ μὴ 
γινώσκ. τ. νόμον] because they regarded such a transgressor of the law as the 
Prophet, or the Messiah, vv. 40, 41.— ἐπάρατοί εἰσι] they are cursed, the 
divine wrath is upon them! The plural is justified by the collective ὁ ὄχλος, 
comp. ver. 44. The exclamation is to be regarded merely.as a blindly pas- 
sionate utterance * (Ewald) ; as a haughty outbreak of the rabies theologica, 
and by no means a decree (Kuinoel and others), as if the Sanhedrim had now 
come to a resolution, or at least had immediately, in keeping with the infor- 
rial words, put in regular form (Luthardt) what is mentioned in ix. 22. 
Such an excommunication of the ὄχλος en masse would have been preposter- 
ous. Upon the unbounded scorn entertained by Jewish pride of learning 
towards the unlettered multitude (~ 187 DY), see Wetstein and Lampe in 
loc.? —éxapartuc] (see the critical notes), not elsewhere in the N. T., nor in 
the LXX. and Apocrypha ; it is, however, classical. 

Vv. 50, 51. The Pharisees in the Sanhedrim had expressed themselves as 
decisively and angrily against Jesus, as if His guilt had already been estab- 
lished. But Nicodemus, who had secretly been inclined towards Jesus since 
his interview with Him by night, now raises a protest, in which he calmly, 
plainly, and rightly points the excited doctors to the law itself.*° — πρὸς airoic| 
to the Pharisees, ver. 47. —6 ἐλθὼν. . . αὐτῶν] who had before come to Jesus, 
although he was one of them (i.e. of the Pharisees), 111. 1. — μὴ ὁ νόμος, «.7.7. | 
The emphasis is on ὁ νόμος : ‘surely, our daw does not judge ?” etc. They 
had just denied that the people knew the law, and yet they were themselves 
acting contrary to the law. —rdv ἄνθρ. ] the man ; the article denotes the per- 
son referred to in the given case ; seeonil. 25. Weare not to supply ὁ κρίτης 
to ἀκούσῃ (Deut. i. 16, 17) and γνῷ, for the identity of the subject is essential 
to the thought ; but the law itse/f is regarded and personified as (through 
the judge) examining and discerning the facts of the case.*— τέ ποιεῖ] what 
he doeth, what the nature of his conduct is. 

Ver. 52. Thou art not surely (like Jesus) also from Galilee, so that thy sympa- 
thy with Him is that of a fellow-countryman ? — ὅτι προφήτης, K.T.2. ἃ prophet ; 
not : ‘‘no very distinguished prophet, nor any great number of prophets” 
(Hengstenberg) ; nor again : “ἃ prophet has not appeared in Galilee in the 
person of Jesus” (Godet) ; but the appearance of any prophet out of Galilee 
is, in a general way, denied as a matter of history ; hence also the Perfect. 
The plain words can have no other meaning. To Godet’s altogether 
groundless objection, that John must in this case have written οὐδεὶς προφ., 
the reference to iv. 44 is itself a sufficient answer. Inconsiderate zeal led 
the members of the Sanhedrim into historical error ; for, apart from the 


1 Not of an argumentative character, asif Ῥ. 180, and Jahrb. d. Feils, I. p. 240 f. 


they had inferred their disobedience from 8 See Ex. xxili.1; Deut. i. 16, 17; xix. 15. 
their unacquaintance with the law (Ewald). 4 For a like personification, see Plato, de 
Their frame of mind was not so reflective. Rep. vii. p. 588 D. Comp. νόμος πάντων 


2 Gfrorer in the 7%b. Zeitschr. 1838, I. βασιλεύς from Pindar in Herod. iii. 38. 


NOTES. 293 
unknown birthplaces of many prophets, Jonah at least, according to 2 Kings 
xiv. 25, was of Galilee.!’ This error cannot be removed by any expedient 
either critical ? or exegetical ; yet it furnishes no argument against the gen- 
uineness of the Gospel (Bretschneider), for it needed no correction since it 
did not apply to Jesus, who was not from Galilee. This also tells against 
Baur, p. 169. The argument in ὅτι προφ., K.7-4., 15. from the general to the 
particular (‘‘ to say nothing of the Messiah !”), and is a conclusion from a 
negative induction. 

Ver. 53. Belonging te the spurious section concerning the adulteress. 
“ And every one went” —every one, that is, of those assembled in the temple 
—to his own house; relating the end of the scene described in ver. 37 1. 
Chap. viii. 1 is against the view which understands it of the mem- 
bers of the Sanhedrim, who separated without attaining their object (against 
Grotius, Lampe, ete., also Maier and Lange). Chap. viii. 2 forbids our 
taking it as referring to the pilgrims at the feast returning to their homes 
(Paulus), 


Nores py American Epitor. 


XXVIII. παωῤῥησίᾳ. 


««ἸΤαῤῥησίᾳ can hardly denote here the frank and bold, in contrast with the 
timid and shrinking, nature, with which the ζητεῖ (seeks for, as something out- 
ward), does not harmonize. It marks rather the publicity of his position (Lek. : 
“© in ore hominum versari)’’ (Weiss). Weiss, therefore, renders: ‘ for no man with- 
draws himself with his works into silence and seclusion, and yet endeavours to 
maintain for his person a position of publicity (as thou must do, if thou art the 
Messiah),”’ 


Ver. 3. 


XXIX. «Igo not up to this feast.”’ Ver. 8. 


Weiss disapproves Meyer's view that Christ ‘changed his intention,” alleging 
that in this case Porphyry’s charge of inconstancy would hardly have been en- 
tirely undeserved.’ It was, he says, ‘rather from the divine intimation 
which came to Him, bidding Him no longer shun the conflict which at vv. 6,7 
He still wished to avoid. The signal came to Him as at ii. 4, but in this case 
sooner than He expected. And it now bade Him go to Jerusalem, not to bring 
on the final crisis, but that, under the divine protection, He might yet once and 
for a longer time resume His work in the way of instruction and refutation, at 


the great seat of the Theocracy. . 


1Not Zlijah also, whose Thisbe lay in 
Gilead (see Thenius on 1 Kings xvii. 1; 
Fritzsche on Tobit i. 2; Kurtz, in Herzog’s 
Encykl. YI. ἡ. 754). It is very doubtful, 
further, whether the Elkosh, whence 
Nahum came, was in Galilee or anywhere 
in Palestine, and not rather in Assyria 
(Michaelis, Eichhorn, Ewald, and most). 
Tlosea came from the northern kingdom of 
Israel (Samaria) ; see Hos. vii. 1, 5. 

2 By giving preference, namely, to the 


. . John recounts [this incident regarding 


reading ἐγείρεται, according to which only 
the present appearance of a prophet in 
Galilee is denied (so also Tiele, Spec. conti. 
annotationem in loc. nonnull. ev. Joh., Am- 
sterdam 1853). This ἐγείρεται would have 
its support and meaning only in the ex- 
perience of history, because προφήτης, With- 
out the article, is quite general, and cannot 
mean the Messiah. This also in answer,to 
DBaeumlein. 


254 TIE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Christ’s brethren], to prove how Jesus had not Himself songht the inevitable 
conflict in Jerusalem, and had even wished to shun it ; and to point to the 
reader that if He who could of Himself do nothing (ver. 19) now still went to the 
feast, it could only be at the special will and summons of God, who, therefore, 
brought Him off unharmed and victorious from the perils and conflicts to 
which the visit subjected him.” 


XXX. ‘ The Spirit was not yet (present).” Ver. 39. 


«« The absolute expression οὔπω ἦν is not to be weakened into a relative absence, 
as compared with subsequent higher manifestations ; or by appended modify- 
ing clauses (as ‘in abiding and controlling agency,’ de W.; or ‘dwelling in 
humanity,’ Godet). Nor isit exegetically defensible to refer the statement (with 
Meyer) to the Spirit in His specifically New Test. form, or to the Spirit in 
His characteristic definiteness, as a principle of the Christian life. Certainly 
we are to understand in it no denial of the existence of the Spirit in Christ 
(comp. i. 32, iii. 34), or of his agency in the Old Test. ; for if is with design 
that the expression is not simply τὰ πνεῦμα. The single and sole denial is, that 
of such a Spirit as believers were to receive for the possible realization of the 
phenomena depicted ver. 38, there was as yet any presence whatever’ (Weiss. ) 


XXXI. Tép, elliptical; why? Ver. 40. 


“‘Tdp refers to the assertion of the ἄλλοι, and assigns the reason for the con- 
tradiction of it which the oi δὲ ἔλεγον, others said, indicates.” 

This elliptical use of yap is frequent in the classics. It is here ignored in the 
Common Version, and its force is fairly given in the Revision by what? Per- 
haps why would represent it somewhat more exactly, being a little less emphat- 
ic. Τάρ and why are nearly equivalent, as they represent the same ellipsis. 
Thus in English, ‘‘ Why do you say that? Does the Messiah come out of Gal- 
1166 Elliptically, ‘«« Why, does the Messiah come out of Galilee?’’ So in 
Greek, Διὰ τί τοῦτο λέγεις ; or something similar) μὴ yap ὁ Χοιστός «.7.A.  Ellip-. 
tically : Μὴ γὰρ ὁ Χριστός, «.7.A.; The English indicates the preceding denial by 
retaining the why, the Greek by retaining the γάρ. The combination μὴ yap (the 
interrogative μῇ indicating a negative answer, being very frequent with John) is 
among the elegances which, with all its simplicity, yet characterize our Gospel. 


ζῶν 
cr 
ct 


CHAP. VIII. 


CHAPTER VIII. 


The section treating of the woman taken in adultery, vv. 1-11, together with vii. 
53, is a document by some unknown author belonging to the apostolic age, 
which, after circulating in various forms of text, was inserted in John’s Gospel, 
probably by the second, or, at latest, by the third century (the Constitutt. Apost. 
ii. 24. 4, already disclose its presence in the canon), the remark in vii. 53 
being added to connect it with what precedes. That the interpolation of this 
very ancient fragment of gospel history was derived from the Evang. sec. Hebraeos 
cannot, as several of the early critics think (comp. also Liicke and Bleek), 
be proved from Papias, in Euseb. H. E. 3. 39; for in the words ἐκτέθειται 
(Papias) δὲ καὶ ἄλλην ἱστορίαν περὶ γυναικὸς ἐπὶ πολλαῖς ἁμαρτίαις διαβληθείσης 
ἐπὶ τοῦ κυρίου, ἣν τὸ καθ᾿ “Ἑβραίους εὐαγγέλιον περιέχει, the general expression ἐπὶ 
πολλαῖς ἁμαρτίαις and the mere word διαβληθ. are not favourable to that 
identity between the two which Rufinus already assumed. It is, however, only 
its high antiquity, and the very early insertion of the section in the Johan- 
nean text, which explain the fact that it is found in most Codices of the Itala, 
in the Vulgate, and other versions ; that Jerome, adv. Pelag. ii. 17, could 
vouch for its existence ‘‘ in multis et Graecis et Latinis Codd. ;’ and that, finally, 


upwards of a hundred Codices still extant, including D. Εἰ, G. H. K. U., contain ) 


it. Its internal character, moreover, speaks in favour of its having originated in 


the early Christian age; for, although it is, indeed, quite alien to the Johan- | 


_nean style of thought and expression, and hence not for a moment to be referred ‘ 


to an oral Johannean source (Luthardt), it is entirely in keeping with the tone 


of the synoptical Gospels, and does not betray the slightest: trace of being a 18- ἡ 


ter invention to favour either a dogmatic or ecclesiastical purpose. Comp. 
Calvin : ‘‘ Nihil apostolico spiritu indignum continet.” The occurrence re- 
lated bears, moreover, so strong a stamp of originality, and is so evidently not 
compiled in imitation of any other of the Gospel narratives, that it cannot be 


‘regarded as a later legendary story, especially as its internal truthfulness will be 


vindicated in the course of the exposition itself, in opposition to the manifold 
doubts that have been raised against it. But the narrative does not proceed from 
John. [See Note XXXIT. p. 294.] Of this we are assured by the remarkable and 
manifestly interpolated link, vii. 53, which connects it with what precedes ; 
by the strange interruption with which it breaks up the unity of the 
account continued in viii. 14 ff.; by its tone and character, so closely re- 
sembling that of the synoptic history, to which, in particular, belongs the pro- 
pounding of a question of law, in order to tempt Christ,—a thing which 
does not occur in John; by the going out of Jesus to the Mount of Olives, 
and His return to the temple, by which we are transported to the Lord’s 
last sojourn in Jerusalem (Luke xxi.) ; by the entire absence of the Johan- 
nean οὖν, and in its stead the constant recurrence of dé ; and, lastly, by the 
non-Johannean expressions ὄρθρου, πᾶς ὁ λαός, καθίσας ἐδίδασκεν αὐτούς, οἱ 
γραμματ. κ. οἱ Φαρισ., ἐπιμένειν, ἀνιμάρτητος, καταλείπεσθαι and κατακρίνειν, πλὴν 


256 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


also, in ver. 10 (Elz.). With these various internal reasons many very weighty | 
external arguments are conjoined, which show that the section was by no 
means received into all copies of John’s Gospel; but, on the contrary, 
from the third and fourth centuries was tacitly or expressly excluded from 
the canonical text. For Origen, Apollinarius, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Cyril, 
Chrysostom, Nonnus, Theophylact, Tertullian, and other Fathers (except Je- 
rome, Ambrose, Augustine, Sedulius, Leo, Chrysologus, Cassiodorus), as well 
as the Catenae, are altogether silent about this section ; Euthymius Zigabenus, 
however, has it, and explains it, indeed, but passes this judgment upon it: 
Χρὴ δὲ γινώσκειν, ὅτι τὰ ἐντεῦθεν (Vii, 53) ἄχρι τοῦ" πάλιν οὖν ἐλάλησεν, K.T.A. 
(viii. 12) παρὰ τοῖς ἀκριβέσιν ἀντιγράφοις ἢ οὐχ εὕρηται, ἢ ὠβέλισται. Διὸ φαίνονται 
παρέγγραπτα καὶ προσθήκη" καὶ τούτου τεκμήριον, τὸ μηδὲ τὸν Χρυσόστομον ὅλως 
μνημονεῦσαι αὐτῶν. Of the versions, the Syr. (in Codd., also of the Nestorians, 
and in the first edd.), Syr. p. Copt. (in most mss.) Ar. Sahid. Arm. Goth. Vere. 
Brix. have not the section. It is also wanting in very old and important_ 
Codices, viz. A. B. C. L. T. X. A. &., of which, however, A. and C. are here defec- 
tive (but according to Tisch., C. never had it ; sce his edition of Codex C., 
Proleq. p. 31), while Τὰ. and A. leave an empty space ; other Codices mark it as 
suspicious by asterisks or an obelus, or expressly so describe it in Scholia (see 
especially Scholz and Tisch.). Beyond a doubt, this apocryphal interpolation 
would have seemed less surprising to early criticism had it found a place, not 
in John’s Gospel, but in one of the Synoptics. But wherefore just here? If we 
decline to attribute this enigma to some accidental, unknown cause and thus 
to leave it unsolved, then its position here may be accounted for in this way : 


‘that as an abortive plan of the Sanhedrim against Jesus had just before been 
‘ narrated, it appeared to be an appropriate place for relating a new, though 


again unsuccessful, attempt to trip Him ; and this particular narrative may 
have been inserted, all the more, because the saying about judging and not 
judging, in ver. 15, might find in it an historical explanation ; while, perhaps, 
an old uneritical tradition, that John was the author of the fragment, may 
have removed all difficulty. But even on this view the attempts of criticism 
to correct the text very soon appear. For the Codd. i. 19, 20 et al., transfer 
the section as a doubtful appendix to the end of the Gospel; others (18, 69, 
124, 346) insert it after Luke xxi. 38. where, especially considering vv. 1 and 
2, it would appropriately fit in with the historical connection ; and possibly 
also it might have had a place in one of the sources made use of by Luke. 
How various the recensions were in which it was circulated, is proved by the re- 
markable number of various readings, which for the most part bear the im- 
press, not of chance or arbitrariness, but of varying originality. D., in 
particular, presents a peculiar form of text ; the section in it runs thus: "Ino, 
δὲ ἐπ. εἰς τ. ὄρ. τ. ἐλ. "OpAp. δὲ π. παραγίνεται εἰς τ, ἱερ. K. T. 6A. ἦρχ. πρὸς adr. 
"Ay. δὲ οἱ yp. κ. οἱ ©, ἐπὶ ἁμαρτίᾳ yur. εἰλημμένην, κι στ. αὐτ. ἐν μ. λ. αὐτῷ ἐκπειράζον- 
τες αὐτὸν οἱ ἱερεῖς, ἵνα ἔχωσι κατηγορίαν αὐτοῦ" διδ., abt. ἡ y. κατείληπται ἐπ. μοιχ. 
Μωῦσῆς δὲ ἐν τ. νόμῳ ἐκέλευσε τὰς τοιαύτ. λιθάζειν" σὺ δὲ νῦν τί λέγεις ; Ὃ δὲ "Ino. 
kK. κι τ. 0. κατέγραφεν εἰς τ. γι Ὥς δὲ ἐπ. ἐρωτ., ἀνέκυψε καὶ εἶπεν αὐτοῖς" ὁ ἀν ὑμ 
mp. ἐπ’ αὐτὴν βαλλέτω λίθον. K. π. κατακύψας τῷ δακτύλῳ κατέγραφεν εἰς τ. γ. 
"Ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν ᾿Ιουδαίων ἐξήρχετο, ἀρξώμενος ἀπὸ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, ὥστε πάντας 
ἐξελθεῖν, x. κατελ. μόν. K. ἣ γυνὴ ἐν μ. οὖσα. ’Avax. δὲ ὁ Ino. εἶπ. τῇ γυναικί" ποῦ 
εἶσιν 3 οὐδείς σε κατεκρ. ; Κἀκείνη εἶπεν αὐτῷ" οὐδείς, Kip. Ὃ δὲ εἶπεν: οὐδὲ ἐγ. σ. κ. 
Ὕπαγε, ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν μηκέτι ἁπάρτανε. --- The Johannean authorship was denied by 


CHAP. VIIL 257 


Erasmus, Calvin (?), Beza, Grotius, Wetstein, Semler, Morus, Haenlein, Weg- 
scheider, Paulus, Tittmann (Melet. p. 318 ff.), Knapp, Seyffarth, Liicke, 
Credner, Tholuck, Olshausen, Krabbe, B. Crusius, Bleek, Weisse, Liicke, 
de Wette, Guericke, Reuss, Briickner, Luthardt, Ewald, Baeumlein, Hengsten- 
berg (who regards the section as a forgery made for a particular purpose), 
Schenkel, Godet, Scholten, and most critics ; Lachmann and Tischendorf also 
have removed the section from the text. Bretschneider, p. 72 ff., attributing it 
to the Pseudo-Johannes, endeavours to establish its spuriousness, and so uses 
it as an argument against the genuineness of the Gospel ; Strauss and Bauer 
deal with it in the same way, while Hitzig (on John Mark, p. 205 ff.) regards 
the evangelist Mark as the author, in whose Gospel it is said to have stood 
after xii. 17 (according to Holtzmann, in the primary Mark). Its authenticity, 
on the contrary, was defended in early times especially by Augustine (de conjug. 
adult, 2. 7), whose subjective judgment is, that the story had been rejected by 
persons of weak faith, or by enemies of the true faith, who feared ‘‘ peccandi 
impunitatem dari mulieribus suis ;’’—in modern times by Mill, Whitby, 
Fabricius, Wolf, Lampe, Bengel, Heumann, Michaelis, Storr, Dettmers (Vin- 
diciae αὐθεντίας textus Gr. peric. Joh. vii. 53 ff., Francof. ad Viadr. p. 1, 1798) ; 
Staudlin (π᾿ two Dissert., Gott. 1806). Hug (de conjugii Christ. vinculo indis- 
solub., Frib. 1816, p. 22 ff.) ; Kuinoel, Mller (neue Ansichten, p. 313 ff.) ; Scholz 
(Erklir. der Evang. p. 396 ff., and NV. T. I. p. 383); Klee and many others, in 
particular, also Maier, i. p. 24 f.; Ebrard, Horne, Introduction to the Textual 
Criticism of the N. T., ed. Tregelles, p. 465 ; Hilgenfeld, Huang. p. 284 ff., and 
again in his Zeilschrift, 1863, p. 317, Lange. Schulthess, in Winer and Engel- 
hardt krit. Journ. v. 3, pp. 257-317, declares himself in favour of the genuine- 
ness of a text purified by the free use of various readings. — Ver. 14. ἢ ποῦ 
ὑπάγω] Elz. Lachm.: καὶ ποῦ ὑπ. But B. Ὁ. K. T. U. X. A. Curs. and many 
Vss. have 7; and καί might easily have been repeated from what precedes, 
while there was nothing to occasion the change of καί into 7. — Ver. 16. ἀληθῆς 
Lachm. and Tisch. : ἀληθινῇ, after B. Ὁ. L. T. X. 33. Or. Rightly ; ἀληθής was 
introduced from the context (vv. 14, 17). — Ver. 20. After ἐλάλησεν Elz. has ὁ 
*Inoovc, against decisive witnesses. — Ver. 26. λέγω] Lachm. Tisch. ; λαλῶ, follow- 
ing important witnesses ; but from vv. 25, 28. — Ver. 28. ὁ rarjp] Elz. Scholz : 
ὁ πατήρ μου. But μου is wanting in Ὁ. L. T. X. 8. 13, 69, 122, al. Slav. Vulg. It. 
Eus. Cyr. Hilar. Faustin., and is a later addition, intended to mark the 
peculiar relation of the ὁ πατήρ. --- Ver. 29. After μόνον Elz. Scholz have ὁ πατῆρ. 
A gloss which 253, 259 have inserted before μόνον. --- Ver .34. τῆς ἁμαρτίας wanting 
only in D. Cant. Ver. Clem. Faustin., witnesses which are too weak to justify 
our condemning it as a gloss. It was left out on account of the following 
general expression ὁ δὲ dovAoc. — Ver. 38. ἃ ἠκούσατε παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ὕμῶν] Elz. 
Scholz : ὃ ἑωράκατε παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ ὑμῶν. But Β. C. D. Κ. X. &. Curss. Or. have 
ad; B.C. K. L. X. &.** Curss. and some Vss. and Fathers, even Or., read 
ἠκούσατε and τοῦ πατρός. The received text, of which Tisch. has inconsistently 
retained ἑωράκ., is a mechanical imitation of the first half of the verse. The 
pronouns ov and ὑμῶν must, with Lachm., and Tisch., following very important 
witnesses, be deleted as clumsy additions inserted for the purpose of marking 


1 Nikon, in the 13th century, attributed multitude. See Cotelerius, Patr. Apost. i. 
the omission to solicitude lest the contents 235. 
should have an injurious effect upon the 


258 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


the distinction. Finally, ἅ also in the first half has almost entirely the same 
witnesses in its favour as the second dé, so that with Lachm. and Tisch. we | 
must read ἅ in both places. — Ver. 39. ἦτε] B. D. L. 8. Vulg. Codd. It. Or. Aug. : 
ἐστε. So Griesb. Lachm. Tisch. ; rightly defended by Buttmann inthe Stud. τι. 
FKrit. 1858, p. 474 ff. The seemingly illogical*relation of the protasis and 
apodosis caused ἐστε to be changed into ἦτε, and ἐποιεῖτε into ποιεῖτε (Vulg. Or, 
Aug.). — After ἐποιεῖτε, Elz. Lachm. have dv, which is wanting in important 
witnesses, and is an unnecessary grammatical addition. — Ver. 51. τὸν Ady. τὸν 
ἐμόν] Lachm. Tisch. : τὸν ἐμὸν λόγον, which is preponderatingly attested, and 
therefore to be adopted. — Ver. 52. Instead of γεύσηται Elz. has γεύσεται, against 
conclusive testimony. — Ver. 53. After σεαυτόν Elz. has ov, which the best Codd. 
unanimously exclude. — Ver. 54. δοξάζω] Lachm. Tisch. : δοξάσω, after B. C.* Ὁ. 
δὲ, Curs. Cant. Vere. Corb. Rd. 010. Or. Chrys. Ambr. Rightly ; the present 
(comp. the following δοξάζων) would involuntarily present itself to the copyists. 
— For ἡμῶν (so also Tisch.) Elz. has ὑμῶν (as also Lachm.). The testimonies 
are divided between the two; but ἡμῶν might easily have been changed into 
ὑμῶν, after the preceding ὑμεῖς, through not observing the direct construction. 
— Ver. 57. The reading τεσσαράκοντα, which Chrysostom has, and Euthymius 
Zigabenus found in mss., is still in A. and three Curs., but is nothing save an 
historical retouwche. — Ver. 59. After ἱεροῦ Elz. Scholz have’: διελθὼν διὰ μέσου 
αὐτῶν, καὶ παρῆγεν οὕτως, words which are wanting in B. D. &.* Vulg. It. al. Or. 
Cyr. Arnob. An addition after Luke iv. 30, whence δ]βο ἐπορεύετο has been in- 
terpolated after αὐτῶν in several witnesses. 


Vv. 1-8. ’Exop.] down from the temple. — εἰς τ. ὄρ. τ. ἐλ. where He passed 
the night ; comp. Luke xxi. 37. Displays the synoptic stamp in its cir- 
cumstantiality of description and in the use of words ; instead of ὄρθρου 
(Luke xxiv. 1), John uses πρωΐ (xviii. 28, xx. 1 ; comp. πρωΐα, xxi. 4) ; for 
πᾶς ὁ λαός John uses ὁ ὄχλος and οἱ ὄχλοι 3 καϑίσας édid. abt. 15. synoptical ; 
on ἐδίδασκεν, however, without mention of the topic, comp. vii. 14 ; the ypau- 
ματεῖς never appear in John ; nor does he anywhere name the Mount of 
Olives. — The crowd of people, after the conclusion of the feast, would not be 
surprising, considering the great sensation which Jesus had caused at the 
feast. —The expression ‘‘ Scribes and Pharisees” is the designation in the 
synoptic narrative for His regular opponents, answering to the Johannean οἱ 
Ἰουδαῖοι. They do not appear here as Zealots (Wetstein, Kuinoel, Staeudlin), 
whose character would not correspond either with their questioning of Jesus 
or with their subsequent slinking away ; nor even as a Deputation from the 
Sanhedrim, which certainly would not have condescended to this, and whose 
delegates would not have dared to let the woman slip. It is rather a non- 
official tentative attack, like several that are narrated by the Synoptics ; the 
woman has just been taken in the very act ; has, asa preliminary step, been 
handed over to the Scribes and Pharisees for further proceedings ; has not 
yet, however, been brought before the Sanhedrim, but is first made use of 
by them for this attempt against Jesus. 

Vv. 4, 5. Observe especially here and in vv. 5, 6 the thoroughly synoptical 
diffuseness of the account. —xareAjody7] with the augment of εἴληφα, see 
Winer, p. 60[E. T. p. 72]. On the expression, comp. κατείληπτο μοιχός, Arrian. 


CHAP. ΤΙ θὲ 209 


Epict. 2. 4. --- ἐπ’ αὐτοφώρῳ] inthe very act. Herod. 6. 72,187 ; Plato, Pol. 2, 
p. 359 C ; Xen. Symp. 3.13 ; Dem. 378. 12 ; Soph. Ant. 51 ; Eur. Jon. 1214. 
Comp. Philo, p. 785 A : μοιχεῖαι αὐτόφωροι. On λαμβάνειν ἐπί, of taking in 
adultery, see Toup. Opp. Crit. I. p. 101. — The adulterer, who in like manner 
was liable to death (Lev. xx. 10 ; Deut. xxii. 24), may have fled. — λιθοβολ- 
εἴσθαι] This word cannot be called un-Johannean (in John x. 91 ff. λιθάζειν is 
used) because of its being taken from Deut. 1.6. According to Deut. xxii. 
23, 24 the law expressly appoints stoning for the particular case, when a 
betrothed maiden allows herself to be seduced by a man in the city, where 
she could have summoned help. The woman here taken must therefore 
necessarily be regarded as such an one, because the λιθοβολεῖσθαι is expressly 
referred to a command contained in the Mosaic law. From Deut. /.c., where 
the betrothed, in reference to the seducer, is termed 17 NWS, it is clear 
that the crime in question was regarded as a modified form of adultery, as it 
is also called εἶδος μοιχείας by Philo, de legg. special. ii. Ὁ. 311. The rarity of 
such a case as this made it all the more a fit topic for a tempting question in 
casuistry. Accordingly, τὰς τοιαύτας is to be understood as denoting the 
class of adulteresses of this particular kind, to whom refers that law of Moses 
appointing the punishment of stoning : ‘‘ adulteresses of this kind.” That 
Moses, in Deut. J.c., does not use the expression ἤδδ) (Liicke’s objection) is 
immaterial, because he has not this word at all in the connection, nor even 
in the other cases, but designates the thing in another way. Usually the 
woman is regarded as a married woman ; and as in Lev. xx. 10 and Deut. 
xxii. 22, not stoning specifically, but death generally is the punishment 
adjudged to adulteresses of this class, some either infer the internal false- 
hood of the whole story (Wetstein, Semler, Morus, Paulus, Lticke, de Wette, 
Baur, and many others ; comp. also Hengstenberg and Godet), or assume 
that the punishment of death, which is not more precisely defined by the 
law (‘‘ to die the death”), must mean stoning (Michaelis, Mos. R. ὃ 262 ; 
Tholuck, B. Crusius, Ebrard, Keil, Archawol. ὃ 153, 1; Ewald, Briickner 
hesitatingly, Luthardt, Baeumlein). As to the last view, judging from the 
text in Deut. 1.6., and also according to Rabbinical tradition, it is certainly 
an unsafe assumption ; comp. Saalschiitz, Mos. R. p. 571. Here, however, 
where the λιθοβολεῖσθαι is distinctly cited as a positive provision of the law, 
we have neither reason nor right to assume a reference to any other precept 
save that in which stoning is expressly named as the punishment, viz. Deut. 
᾿ xxii. 24 (LXX.: λιθοβολήσονται ἐν λίθοις), with which also the Talmud agrees, 
Sanhedr. f. 51, 2: ‘‘ Filia Israelitae, si adultera, cum nupta, strangulanda,’ 
cum desponsata, lapidanda.”” The supposition of Grotius, that the severer 
punishment of stoning for adultery was introduced after the time of Ezekiel, 
cannot be proved by Ezek. xvi. 38, 40 ; Sus. 45 ; the Μωῦσῆς ἐνετείλατο more- 
over, is decidedly against all such suppositions. 

Ver. 6. Πειράζοντες αὐτόν] denoting, not a good-natured questioning 


1 According to the Talmudic rule: ‘‘Om- rule (Michaelis, 1.6.) isa matter of no con- 
nis mors, cujus et mentio in lege sim- sequence, so far as the present passage is 
pliciter, non alia est quam strangulatio,”’ concerned. 

Sanhedr. l.c. The inecorrectness of this 


260 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


(Olshausen), but, agreeably to the standing synoptical representation of the 
relation of those men to Jesus, and in keeping with what immediately fol- 
lows, malicious tempting. The insidious feature of the plan consisted in this: 
“ΤΕ He decides with Moses for the stoning, He will be accused before the 
Roman authorities ; for, according to the Rom&n criminal law, adultery was 
not punishable with death, and stoning in particular was generally repudi- 
ated by the Romans (see Staeudlin and Hug). But if He decides against 
Moses and against stoning, He will then be prosecuted before the Sanhe- 
drim as an opposer of the law.” That they expected and wished for the 
Jormer result, is shown by the prejudicial way in which they introduce the 
question, by quoting the express punishment prescribed by Moses.’ Their 
plan here is similar in design to that of the question touching the tribute 
money in Matt. xxii. It is objected that the Romans in the provinces did 
not administer justice strictly in accordance with their own laws ; but amid 
the general immorality of the times they certainly did not conform to 
the rigour of the Mosaic punishment for adultery ; and how easy would it 
have been before the Roman magistrates to give a revolutionary aspect to 
the hoped-for decision of Jesus in favour of Moses, even if He had in some 
way reserved the competency of the Roman authorities ! Τῇ it be said that 
Jesus needed only to declare Himself in favour of execution, and not ex- 
actly for stoning, it is overlooked that here was the very case for which ston- 
ing was expressly appointed. If it be urged, lastly, that when Jesus was 
required to assume the position of a judge, He needed only to refer His 
questioners to the Sanhedrim, and to tell them to take the woman thither 
(Ebrard), that would have amounted to a declining to answer, which would, 
indeed, have been the surest way of escape from the dilemma, but inappro- 
priate enough to the intellectual temperament of Jesus in such cases. Other 
explanations of πειράζειν---(1ὺ They would either have accused him to the 
Romans imminutae majestatis, because they then possessed the jus vitae et 
necis, or to the Jews imminutae libertatis (Grotius), and as a false Messiah 
(Godet). But that prerogative of the Romans was not infringed by the 
pronouncing of a sentence of condemnation ; it was still reserved to them 
through their having to confirm and carry out the sentence. Accordingly, 
B. Crusius gives this turn to the question : ‘‘ Would Jesus decide for the 
popular erection of the law. . . or would He peradventure even take upon 
Himself to pass such a judgment” (so, substantially, Hitzig also on Joh. 
Markus, p. 205 ff., and Luthardt), where (with Wetstein and Schulthess) 
the law of the Zealots is called in by way of help? But in that case the in- 
terrogators, who intended to make use of a negative answer against Him as 
an overturning of the law, and an affirmative reply as an interference with 
the functions of the authorities, would then have put no question at all relat- 
ing to the thing which they really wanted (7.¢. the execution, and that im- 
mediate and tumultuous). (2) As the punishment of death for adultery 
had at that time already fallen into disuse, the drift of their question was 


1 Observe also, in reference to this, the way for an answer in agreement with 
οὖν in ver. 5, which logically paves the Moses. Ξ- 


CHAP. VIII., 6. 261 


simply whether or not legal proceedings should be instituted at all (Ebrard, fol- 
lowing Michaelis). The words themselves, and the design expressed in the 
κατηγορεῖν, Which could not take place before the people, but before the com- 
petent judges, as in Matt. xii. 10, are quite opposed to this explanation. 
(3) Dieck, in the Stud. u. Krit. 1832, p. 791, says: As the punishment of 
death for adultery presupposes liberty of divorcement, and as Jesus had Him- 
self repudiated divorce, He would, by pronouncing in favour of that punish- 
ment, have contradicted Himself ; while, by pronouncing against it, He 
would have appeared as a despiser of the law. But apart from the improb- 
ability of any such logical calculation on the part of His questioners as to 
the first alternative,—a calculation which is indicated by nothing in the 
text,—the iva ἔχ. κατηγ. ait. is decisive against this explanation ; for a want 
of logical consistency would have furnished no ground for accusation.’ (A) 
The same argument tells against Augustine, Erasmus, Luther, Calvin, 
Aretius, Jansen, Cornelius 4 Lapide, Baumgarten, and many other exposi- 
tors : according to whom an affirmative reply would have been inconsistent 
with the general mildness of His teaching ; a negative answer would have been 
a decision against Moses. (5) Euthymius Zigabenus, Bengel, and many 
others, Neander also, Tholuck, Baecumlein, Hengstenberg (who sees here an 
unhistorical mingling of law and gospel), are nearer the mark in regarding 
the plan of attack as based upon the assumption, which they regarded as 
certain, that in accordance with His usual gentleness He would give anega- 
tie answer : γινώσκοντες yap αὐτὸν ἐλεήμονα kK. συμπαϑῆῇ, προσεδόκων, ὅτι φείσεται 
αὐτῆς, καὶ λοιπὸν ἕξουσι κατηγορίαν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ, ὡς παρανόμως φειδομένου τῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ 
νόμου λιϑαζομένης, Euthymius Zigabenus. But this explanation also must be 
rejected, partly even on ὦ priori grounds, because an ensnaring casuistic 
question may naturally be supposed to involve a dilemma ; partly and mainly 
because in this case the introduction of the question by ἐν δὲ τῷ νόμῳ would 
have been a very unwise method of preparing the way for a negative answer. 
This latter argument tells against Ewald, who holds that Christ, by the ac- 
quittal which they deemed it probable He would pronounce, would have 
offended against the Mosaic law ; while by condemning, He would have 
violated as well the milder practice then in vogue as His own more gentle 
principles. Liicke, de Wette, Briickner, Baur,’ and many other expositors 


1 What they really wished was to accuse tells substantially also against Lange’s 


Him, on the ground of the answer He 
would give. Hilgenfeld therefore is in 
error when he thinks they sought to force 
Him to give a decisive utterance as the 
obligation of the Mosaiclaw. By an affirma- 
tive reply (he says) Christ would have 
recognized this obligation, and by His non- 
observance of the law (v. 18, vii. 23) He 
would have been self-condemned; by a 
negative answer He would have been guilty 
of an express rejection of the law. Viewing 
the matter thus, they could not, indeed, 
have accused Him on account of His answer 
if affirmative ; they could only have charg- 
ed Him with logical inconsistency. This 


view, viz. that they wished to see whether 
He would venture, in the strength of His 
Messianic authority, to set up a new law. 
If in this case He had decided in favour of 
Moses, they could not have accused Him (to 
the Sanhedrim). 

2 According to Baur (p. 170 sq.), there 
is nothing historical whatever in the story; 
it has a purely ideal import. The main 
idea he holds to be the consciousness of 
one’s own sinfulness breaking the power 
of every sin, in opposition to the accusation 
brought against Jesus by the Pharisees, that 
He associated with sinners, and thus was 
so ready to forgive. 


262 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

renounce the attempt to give any satisfactory solution of the difficulty. — τῷ 
δακτύλῳ ἔγραφεν εἰς τ. γῆν] asa sign that He was not considering their ques- 
tion, ὅπερ εἰώϑασι πολλάκις ποιεῖν οἱ μὴ ϑέλοντες ἀποκρίνεσϑαι πρὸς τοὺς ἐρωτῶντας 
ἄκαιρα καὶ ἀνάξια. Ψνοὺς γὰρ αὐτῶν τὴν μηχανήν, προσεποιεῖτο γράφειν εἰς τ. γῆν, 
καὶ μὴ προσέχειν οἷς ἔλεγον, Huthymius Zigabenus. For instances of behaviour 
like this on the part of one who turns away from those around him, and 
becomes absorbed in himself, giving himself up to his own thoughts or im- 
aginings, see from Greek writers Aristoph. Acharn, 31, and Schol. Diog. Laert. 
2. 127, and from the Rabbins, in Wetstein. Isa. xvii. 13 does not here 
serve for elucidation. What Jesus wrote is not a subject even of inquiry ; 
nor are we to ask whether, by the act, He was symbolizing any, and if so 
what, answer (Michaelis: the answer ‘‘ as it is written”). There is much 
marvellous conjecture among the older expositors. See Wolf and Lampe, 
also Fabricius, Cod. Apocr. Ὁ. 315, who thinks that Jesus wrote the answer 
given in ver. 7 (after Bede ; comp. also Ewald, Gesch. Chr. p. 480, ed. 3, 
and Godet). Suffice it to say, the strange manner in which Jesus silently 
declines to give a decisive reply (acting, no doubt, according to His principle 
of not interfering with the sphere of the magistracy (here a matter of crim- 
inal law), Matt. xxii. ; Luke xii. 13, 14),’ bears the stamp of genuineness 
and not of invention, though Hengstenberg deems this procedure unworthy 
of Jesus ; the tempters deserved the contempt which this implied, ver. 9.— 
Observe in éypagev the descriptive imperfect. The reader sees Him writing 
with His finger. The additions in some Codd. καὶ προσποιούμενος, and (more 
strongly attested) μὴ προσποιούμ., are glosses of different kinds, meaning 
‘though He only pretended (simulans) to write ;” and, ‘‘ without troubling 
Himself about them” (dissimulans, Ev. 82 adds αὐτούς). See Matthaei, ed. 
min. 77 loc. 

Ver. 7. ᾿Αναμάρτητος) faultless, here only in the N. T., very often in the 
Classics. Whether it means freedom from the possibility of fault (of error 
or sin), as in Plato, Pol. I. p. 339 B, or freedom from actual sin (comp. γυνὴ 
ἀναμάρτητος, Herod. v. 39),—whether, again, it is to be understood generally 
(2 Mace. viii. 4), or with reference to any definite category or species of auap- 
tia (2 Macc. xii. 42; Deut. xxix. 19), is a matter which can be decided by 
the contezt alone. Here it must signify actual freedom from the sin, not 
indeed of adultery specially, for Jesus could not presuppose this of the hie- 
rarchy as a whole, even with all its corruption of morals, but probably of wn- 
chastity, simply because a woman who was a sinner of this category was here 
in question, and stood before the eyes of them all as the living opposite of 
ἀναμάρτητος. Comp. ἁμαρτωλός, Luke vii. 87 ; ἁμαρτάνειν, Jacobs, ad Anthol. 


to be disturbed by any street scandal. Me- 
lanchthon well says: “‘ Initio, cum accusatur 
mulier, nihil respondit Christus, tanqguam 


1 According to Luthardt, to show that 
the malice of the question did not deserve 
an answer. But the numerous testing ques- 


tions proposed to Him, according to the 
Synoptics, by His opponents, were all of 
them malicious; yet Jesus did not refuse 
to reply to them. According to Lange’s 
fancy, Jesus assumed the gesture of a calm 
majesty, which, in its playful ease, refused 


in aliam rem intentus, videlicet prorsus a sese 
rejiciens hance quaestionem pertinentem ad cog- 
nitionem magistratus politicit. Postea, cum 
urgetur, respondet non de muliere, sed de 
ipsorum peccatis, qui ipsam accusabant.” 


CHAP VIE, 9; 9: 263 


x. p. 111; in chap. v. 14, also, a special kind of sinning is intended by 
μηκέτι ἁμάρτανε ; and the same command, in ver. 11, addressed to the adul- 
teress, authenticates the sense in which ἀναμάρτητος is used. The men tempt- 
ing Him knew how to avoid, in outward appearance rather than in reality, 
the unchastity which they condemned. Taking the words to mean freedom 
JSrom sin generally,’ we make Jesus propose an impracticable condition in the 
given case, quite unfitted to disarm His opponents through their own con- 
sciences ; for it would have been a purely ideal condition, a standard im- 
possible to man. If we take ἀναμάρτητος, however, in the concrete sense 
above explained, the condition named becomes quite appropriate to baffle 
the purpose of the tempting questioners ; for the prescription of the Mosaic 
law is, on the one hand, fully recognized ;? while, on the other, its ful- 
filment is made dependent on a condition which would effectually banish 
from the mind of His questioners, into whose consciences Jesus was looking, 
all thought of making His answer a ground of accusation to the authorities. 
—Observe, further, how the general moral maxim to be deduced from the 
text condemns generally in the Christian community, viewed as it ought to ° 
exist conformably to its ideal, the personal condemnation of the sins of 
others (comp. Matt. vii. 1; Gal. vi. 5), and puts in its place brotherly ad- 
monition, conciliation, forgiveness—in a word, love, as the πλήρωσις of the 
law. — τὸν Aidov] the stone which He would cast at her in obedience to the 
law. — ἐπ’ αὐτῇ ] upon her.* — βαλέτω]) not mere permission, but command, and 
therefore all the more telling. The place of stoning must be conceived 
as lying outside the city (Lev. xxiv. 14; Acts vii. 56). Wemust further 
observe that Jesus does not say the jirst stone, but let the jirst (i.e. of you, 
ὑμῶν) cast the stone, which does not exclude that casting of the first, which 
was obligatory on the witnesses (Deut. xvii. 7; Acts vii. 58). 

Vv. 8, 9. Πάλω, «.7.A.] To indicate that He has nothing further to do 
with the case. According to Jerome’ and Euthymius Zigabenus, ‘‘in 
order to give space to the questioners to take themselves away ;” but this 
is not in keeping with ver. 6.— ἐξήρχοντο] descriptive imperfect. — εἷς καϑ᾽ 
εἷς] Mark xiv. 19. --- ἕως τ. ἐσχάτ.] is to be connected with εἷς xa’ εἷς, apé. 
ἀπὸ τ. πρεσβ. being an intervening clause. See on Matt. xx. 8.—The πρεσ- 
βύτεροι are the elders in years, not the elders of the people ; for there would be 
no apparent reason why the latter should be the first who should have 
chosen to go away ; besides, the elders of the people are not named along 
with the others in ver. 3. Those more advanced in years, on the other hand, 
were also thoughtful and prudent enough to go away first, instead of stop- 
ping to compromise themselves further. — ἕως τῶν éoyat.] attested as genuine 
by preponderating evidence. It does not refer to rank, the least (so most 
modern expositors, also Liicke, B. Crusius, de Wette, Maier, Lange), 


1 Baur, who draws from the passage a testimony of Jesus against capital punish- 
an erroneous doctrinal meaning, Luthardt, ment. 


Ewald, Hengstenberg, Godet, following 3 See Berhardy, p. 249; Ellendt, Lew. Soph. 
early expositors. i. p.. 467. 
2 The section cannot therefore be used, 4 According to whom Christ wrote the 


as Mittermayer uses it (ἃ. Todesstr. 1862), as sins of His accusers and of all mortals! 


264 - THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


which the context does not sanction ; the context (sce εἷς caW εἷς) leads us 
rather to render it wnto the last, viz. who went out, i.e. until all were gone. 
The feature that the eldest (who probably stood nearest to Jesus) were the 
first to go out, is characteristic and original ; but that the going away took 
place in the order of rank, is a meaning imported into the words by the ex- 
positors. After ἀκούσ. the received text has καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς συνειδήσεως ἐλεγχόμενοι, 
a gloss opposed to very important witnesses ; but as to the matter of fact, 
right enough. — μόνος ὁ Ἴησ., x.t.A.] Augustine well says: ‘‘ Relicta sunt 
duo, miseria et misericordia.” But it does not exclude the presence of the 
disciples and the crowds of lookers-on at a distance. 

Vv. 10, 11. Οἱ xarg#y.] who have accused thee to me, as if I were to be 
judge. —oideic] is emphatic : Has no one condemned thee? Has no one 
declared that thou art to be stoned ? Were it not so, they would not have 
left the woman to go free, and all of them gone away. The κατέκρινεν here 
designates the sententia damnatoria, not as a judicial sentence (for the γραμ- 
ματεῖς and Pharisees had come merely as asking a question concerning a 
matter of law or right), but simply as the judgment of an individual. — οὐδὲ 
ἐγώ oe κατακρ. : I also do not condemn thee. This is not the declaration of the 
Sorgiveness of sin, as in Matt. ix. 2, Luke vii. 48, and cannot therefore justly 
be urged against the historical genuineness of the narrative (see, in particu- 
lar, Hengstenberg) ; nor is it a mere declinature of judicial competency, which 
would be out of keeping with the preceding question, and with the admoni- 
tion that follows : on the contrary, it is a refusal to condemn, spoken in the 
consciousness of His Messianic calling, according to which He had not come 
to condemn, but to seek and save the lost (iii. 17, xii. 46 ; Matt. xviii. 
11) ; not to cast out sinners ; ‘‘not to quench the smoking flax,” etc. He 
accordingly does in this case what by His office He is called to do, namely, 
to awaken and give room for repentance’ in the sinner, instead of condemn- 
ing ; for He dismisses her with the admonition μηκέτε ἁμάρτανε. Augustine 
well says: ‘‘Ergo et Dominus damnavit, sed peccatum, non hominem,” 
How striking the force of the negative declaration and the positive admoni- 
tion ! 

Ver. 12. The interpolated section, vii. 53—-viii. 11, being deleted, we must 
look for some connection with vii. 52. This may be found simply as follows. 
As the Sanhedrim had not been able to carry out their design of apprehend- 
ing Jesus, and had, moreover, become divided among themselves (as is 
recorded in vii. 45-52), He was able, in consequence of this miscarriage in 
their plans against Him (οὖν), to come forth afresh and address the assembled 
people in the temple (αὐτοῖς, comp. ver. 30). Thisrenewed coming forward 
to address them is not, however, to be placed on the last day of the feast, 
but is so definitely marked off by ver. 20 as a special act, and so clearly dis- 
tinguished from the preceding, that it must be assigned to one of the follow- 
ing days ; just as in ver. 21 the similar transition and the recurring πάλιν 
introduce again a new discourse spoken on another day. Others take a 

1 In connection with the marriage law, it guilty party makes the continuance of the 


is clear from this passage that,in the case marriage allowable. 
of adultery, repentance on the part of the 


CHAR. VIET. ὡς 265 


different view, putting the discourses in vv. 12-20, and even that also in 
ver. 21 ff., on the day named in chap. vii. 387 ; but against this is not only 
the πάλιν of ver. 12 and ver. 2 but the οὖν, which in both places bears an 
evident reference to some preceding historical observation. Though Liicke’s 
difficulty, that a single day would be too short for so many discourses and 
replies, can have no weight, there is yet no sufficient ground for de Wette’s 
supposition, that John did not know how to hold securely the thread of the 
history. —I am the light of the world, i.e. (comp. on i. 4) the possessor and 
bearer of the divine truth of salvation (τ. φ. τῆς ζωῆς), from whom this saving 
truth goes forth to all mankind (κόσμος), who without Christ are dark and 
dead. The light is not identical with the salvation (Hengstenberg), but sal- 
vation is the necessary emanation therefrom ; without the light there is no 
salvation. So also Isa. xlix. 6 ; comp. xlii. 6. To regard the figure which 
Christ here employs, in witnessing to Himself, as suggested by some out- 
ward object—for example, by the two colossal golden candlesticks which 
were lighted at the feast of Tabernacles (but certainly only on the first day ; 
see Succah v. 2) in the forecourt of the women, where also was the γαζοφυλά- 
κίον, ver. 20, on either side of the altar of burnt-offering (Wetstcin, Paulus, 
Olshausen),—is a precarious supposition, as the feast was now over ; at the 
most, we can only associate the words with the sight of the candelabra, as 
Hug and Lange do—the latter intermingling further references to spiritual 
darkness frora the history of the adulteress. But the figure, corresponding 
as it essentially does with the thing signified, had been given long before, 
and was quite a familiar one in the prophetic view of the idea of the Messiah 
(Isa. ix. 1, xlii. 6; Mal. iv. 2). Comp. also Matt. iv. 15, 16 ; Luke ii. 32; 
and the Rabbinical references in Lightfoot, p. 1041. There is really no 
need to suppose any special suggesting cause, not even the reading of Isa. 
xlii.; for though the Scriptures were read in the synagogues, we have no 
proof that they were read in the temple. To find also a reference to the 
pillar of fire in the wilderness (Godet), according to which the ὁ ἀκολουθῶν, 
κιτ.}.,) has reference to Israel’s wanderings, is quite arbitrary ; no better, 
indeed, than the reference of vii. 87 to the rock in the wilderness. — οὐ μὴ 
περιπατήσει) The strongly attested, though not decisively confirmed, sub- 
junctive περιπατήσῃ (so Lachmann, Tischendorf) would be the most usual 
, word in the N. T. after οὐ μῇ, and might therefore all the more easily have 
displaced the future, which could hardly have been introduced through the 
following ἕξει, seeing that the latter word has no connection with ov μή. Upon 
ob μή, with the more definitely assuring future, see on Matt. xxvi. 35 ; Mark 
xiv. 91. -- ἔξει τὸ φῶς τ. ζωῆς] As the antithesis of the divine ἀλήθεια, the 
σκοτία, is the causative element of death, so is the light the cause of life, i.e. 
of the true eternal Messianic life, not only in its consummation after the 
Parousia, but already in its temporal development (comp. 111. 15). ἕξει, at 
will not be wanting to him, he will be in possession of it, for it necessarily com- 
municates itself to him direct from its personal source, which he follows in 
virtue of his fellowship with Christ (‘‘lux enim praeferri solet,” Grotius). 
The ἀκολουθεῖν takes place through faith ; but in the believer, who as such 
walks no more in darkness (xii. 46 ; Eph. v. 8; Col. i. 13), Christ Him- 


266 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

self lives (the Johannean ‘‘I in you,” and the Pauline Gal. ii. 20 ; see on vi. 
51), and therefore he has that light of life which proceeds from Christ as a 
real and inward possession (Nonnus, duégovPov ἐν αὐτῷ) 3 he is υἱὸς φωτός (xii. 
36), and himself ‘‘light in the Lord” (Eph. v. 8). This explanation, not 
merely the having Christ with him (Weiss), is required by the context ; 
because ἕξει, «.7.2., 15 the result of the ἀκολουθεῖν, and therefore of faith 
(comp. 111. 15, 36, v. 24, vi. 47), and accordingly τῆς ζωῆς is added. 

Vv. 13, 14. This great declaration the Pharisees present (οἱ @apic.) can- 
not leave unchallenged ; they, however, cleverly enough, while avoiding 
dealing with its real substance, bring against it a formal objection ; comp. 
v. 81. Jesus replies, that the rule of law referred to does not apply to His 
witness regarding Himself, as He testified concerning Himself, not in His 
own human individuality, but in the conscious certainty of His having been 
sent from, and being about to return to, heaven—a relation which is, of 
course, unknown to His opponents, who therefore reject His testimony. 
The refutation lies in the fact that God is able, without any departure from 
truth, to testify concerning Himself. —xav ἐγώ papr., x.t.A.] not: if also 
1 (Liicke), nor : although 1, ete. (B. Crusius), for both would require. ἐὰν 
καί ; but : even if, i.e. even in case (adeo tum, si), if I for my part (é7), ete.? 
— ποῦ ὑπάγω] through death, vil. 83. — ἔρχομαι) ἦλθον was previously used of 
the historical point of the past ; here, however, the Praes., in using which 
Jesus means His continuous coming forward as the ambassador of God. 
Comp. iii. 81. The latter represents it more as a matter of the present. — ἢ] 
not again καί, because the two points are conceived, not as before copula- 
tively, but alternatively (‘‘ whether I speak of the one or the other, you do 
not know it”).? The latter is more expressive, because it is disjunctive. 

Vv. 14, 16. The course of thought repeated with some minuteness 
(Tholuck), but similarly to vii. 34. The rejection of His testimony by the 
Pharisees in ver. 13, was an act of judgment on their part which, unacquaint- 
ed as they were with His higher position as an ambassador of God, had 
been determined merely by His outward sensuous appearance, by His servant's 
form,® as to which He seemed to them to be an ordinary man. This Jesus 
tells them, and adds, how very differently He proceeds in this respect.* 
Kpiveww receives through the context the condemnatory sense, and κατὰ τὴν 
σάρκα is not to be understood of the subjective norm (Chrysostom : ἀπὸ ἀνϑρω- 
πίνης διανοίας. ἀδίκως : de Wette : in ἃ carnal, selfish manner ; comp, 
B. Crusius), but of the objective norm.’ — ἐγὼ οὐ κρίνω οὐδένα] I condemn no 
one. There is no need, however, for supplying in thought κατὰ τ. σάρκα, as 
even Augustine proposed, and after Cyril’s example many modern writers 
(also Kuinoel, Paulus) ; to the same thing comes Liicke’s supplement : as 


1 See Klotz, ad@ Devar. p. 519; Stalib. ad 
Plat. Apol. Ὁ. 32 A; Baeumlein, Pariik. 
p. 151. 

2 Comp. 1 Cor. xi. 27. 

3 εἰσορόωντες ἐμὴν βροτοειδέα μορφήν, Non- 
nus. 

4 Hilgenfeld, Hvang. p. 286, ought there- 


fore not to have concluded that the words, 
“1 judge no man,”’ presuppose the history 
of the woman taken in adultery. 

5 Comp. κατ᾽ ὄψιν, vil. 24; Euth. Zigabenus, 
πρὸς μόνον τὸ φαινόμενον βλέποντες, καὶ μηδὲν 
ὑψηλότερον καὶ πνευματικὸν ἐννοοῦντες. COMP. 
2 Cor. v. 16. 


CHAP. VIII., 17, 18. 267 


you do. This is decidedly to be rejected, partly for the general reason that 
the proper point would have to be supplied in thought, and partly because, 
in ver. 16, καὶ ἐὰν κρίνω cannot be taken otherwise than absolutely, and with- 
out supplement. For these reasons every kind of supplement must be re- 
jected, whether by the insertion of viv, which would point to the future 
judgment,’ or of μόνος (Storr, Godet), as though John had written αὐτὸς ἐγώ. 
Jesus rather gives utterance to His mazim in the consciousness of having 
come, not to judge, but to save and bless (comp. on ver. 11), which is what 
He carried out principaliter ; but this principle was, that He refrained from 
all condemnation of others, knowing as He did that κρίνειν was neither the end 
(Brickner) nor the sphere of His life (Hengstenberg). This principle, how- 
ever, did not exclude necessary cases of an opposite kind ; and of such cases 
ver. 16 supplies the necessary explanation. Luther aptly remarks: ‘‘ He 
herewith clothes Himself with His office ;” but an antithesis to teaching 
(Calvin, Beza) is foreign to the verse ; and the interpretation : I have no 
pleasure in judging (de Wette), imports into the words what they do not 
contain.? — Ver. 16. καὶ ἐὰν κρίνω δὲ ἐγώ] καὶ δέ here and in ver. 17, atque etiam, 
see on vi. 51. The thought is: and even if a κρίνειν on my part should take 
place, etc. Notwithstanding His maxim, not to judge, such cases had act- 
ually occurred in the exercise of His vocation, and, indeed, just for the 
purpose of attaining its higher object—as was, moreover, inevitable with 
His antagonism to sin and the κόσμος. Comp. Luther : ‘‘If thou wilt not 
have our Lord God, then keep the devil ; and the office which otherwise is 
not set for judgment, but for help and consolation, is compelled to assume 
the function of condemnation.” Luthardt : ‘‘ But my witness becomes a judg- 
ment through unbelief.” This, however, is not in the passage ; and Jesus 
was often enough forced into actual, direct judging, ver. 26. — δέ] occupies 
the fourth place, because the preceding words are connected with each 
other, as in ver. 17, vi. 51; 1 John i. 3; Matt. x. 18, al.—According to the 
reading ἀληθινή (see the critical notes), the meaning of the second clause is : 
my judgment is a genuine one, answering to the idea, as it ought to be— 
not equivalent to ἀληϑής (B. Crusius). Comp. on vii. 28. Reason : For it 
is not (like an ordinary human personality, restricted to myself) I alone (who 
judge), but I and the Father that hath sent me (are the κρίνοντες), which 
fellowship * naturally excludes everything that could prevent the κρίσις from 
being ἀληϑινή. Comp. v. 30. 

Vy. 17, 18. After the jirst reason in answer to the Pharisaic rejection of 
His self-witness (namely, that He gave it in the consciousness of His divine 
mission, ver. 14), and after administering a reproof to His antagonists, in 
connection therewith, for their judging (vv. 15, 16), there follows a second 
reason, namely, that His witness to Himself is no violation of the Jewish law, 





1 Augustine, Chrysostom, Euth. Zigabe- rejection (but merely the caricature which 
nus, Erasmus, etc. man has made of his own nature by sin). 
2 Among the meanings imported into the Where is there anything in the passage 
passage may be reckoned Lange’s fanciful about the real essence of man? 
notion (Z. J. II. p. 958) that Jesus can neyer 3 ὅπερ ἐγὼ κρίνω, τοῦτο Kal ὃ πατήρ, Huth, 
regard the real essence of man as worthy of Zigabenus. 


268 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

but has more than the amount of truth thereby required.—kai. . . δέ] atque 
etiam, as above in ver. 16. — τῷ iuer.] emphatically, from the point of view 
of His opponents (comp. x. 34, xv. 25), who took their stand thereon, and 
regarded Jesus as a law-breaker, and even in ver. 13 had had in view a well- 
known prescription of the law. The words of Christ are therefore no doubt 
anti-Judaic, but not in themselves antinomian,’ or belonging to a later 
Christian point of view ;* nor must they be taken to mean : for Christ and 
believers the law exists no longer, * though, no doubt, they expressed His con- 
sciousness of being exalted above the Jewish law as it then was, and in the 
strange and hostile form in which it met Him. Keim ὁ is therefore mistaken 
in saying : ‘‘In this way neither could Jesus speak nor John write—not even 
Paul.” See v. 45-47, vii. 19, 22 f., v. 39, x. 35, xix. 36. — The passage itself ᾿ 
from the law is quoted with considerable freedom (Deut. xvii. 6, xix. 15), 
avd porwr being uttered with intentional emphasis, as Jesus draws a conclusion 
a minoriad majus. Τί the law demands two human witnesses, in my witness 
there is still more ; for the witnesses whose declaration is contained therein 
are (1) my own individuality ; and (2) the Father who has sent me ; as His 
representative and interpreter, therefore, I testify, so that my witness is also 
His. That which took place, as to substance, in the living and inseparable 
unity of the divine-human consciousness, to wit, His witnessing, and G'od’s 
witnessing, Jesus discriminates here only formally, for the sake of being 
able to apply the passage of the law in question, from which He argues κατ᾽ 
ἄνϑρωπον ; but not incorrectly (Schenkel): hence, also, there is no need for 
supplying in thought to ἐγώ : ‘Asa human knower of myself, as an honest 
man” (Paulus), and the like ; or even, ‘‘as the Son of God” (Olshausen, 
who also brings in the Holy Ghost). 

Ver. 19. The question of the Pharisees, who only pretend not to under- 
stand what Jesus means by the words ὁ πέμψας μὲ πατήρ, between which and 
ver. 27 there is no inconsistency, is frivolous mockery. ‘‘ Where is, then, 
this second witness, thy Father ?” He has no actual existence ! He ought, 
surely, to be here on the spot, if, as thou hast said, He were a witness with 
thee on thy behalf ! To regard their question as the expression of a veri- 
table material understanding on their part, that He referred to a physical 
Sather,’ some also having found in it a blasphemous allusion to bastardy 
(Cyril, Ammon), is irreconcilable with the circumstance that Jesus had 
already so frequently and unmistakably pointed to God as His Father ; 
the questioners themselves also betray their dissimulation by the word ποῦ ; 
they do not ask ric. Totally different is the relation of the question put by 
Philip in xiv. 8. — The reply of Jesus unveils to them with clear composure 
whence it arose that they put so wicked a question. To take the words 
οὔτε ἐμέ as far as μου as a question is less appropriate (Ewald), as it is scarcely 


1 Schweizer, Baur, Reuss. even the Johannean Jesus has broken with 


2 De Wette, B. Crusius, Tholuck. 

3 Messner, Lehre der Apostel. p. 345. 

4 See his Geschichilich. Christ. Ὁ. 14, ed. 3. 
Note, on the contrary, that it is John him- 
self who stands higher than Paul. But not 


the law, or treated it as antiquated. See 
especially vv. 45-47. His relation to the 
law is also that of fulfilment. 

5 Augustine, Bede, etc.; de Wette, Ols- 
hausen, Briickner, and, doubtfully, Lticke. 


CHAP. VIII., 20-22. 269 


likely that Jesus was taken by surprise. The εἰ ἐμὲ ἤδειτε, etc., rests on the 
fact that the Father reveals Himself in Him. Comp. xiv. 9, xvi. 3. 

Ver. 20. Ταῦτα τὰ ῥήματα] Vv. 12, 18. Godet arbitrarily imports into the 
text ‘‘ words so important.” Comp. vi. 50. — ἐν τῷ γαζοφυλ.] At the treasury. 
On ἐν, as denoting immediate neighbourhood, see Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. 
iv. 8. 22; Ast, Lex. Plat. I. p. 700; Winer, p. 360 [E. T. p. 385], who, 
however, is of opinion—though it cannot be substantiated—that the place 
itself where the treasury stood was called γαζοφυλ. ; so also Tholuck, Briick- 
ner. Respecting the γαζοφυλάκιον, which consisted of thirteen brazen chests 
destined to receive the taxes and charitable offerings in the temple, see on 
Mark xii. 41. Ina place so much frequented in the forecourt of the women 
did Jesus thus speak,—and no one laid hands on Him. —xa? οὐδείς, etc. ] 
Historical refrain, constituting a kind of triumphal (comp. vii. 30) close to 
the delivery of this discourse. 

Ver. 21. A new scene here opens, as in ver. 12, and is therefore, after the 
analogy of ver. 12, to be placed in one of the following days (so also Ewald ; 
and in opposition to Origen and the common supposition). —The connect- 
ing word, with which the further discussion on this occasion (it is different 
in ver.12) takes its rise, is a word of grave threatening, more severely punitive 
than even vii. 34.—oiv] As no one had laid hands on Him, comp. ver. 12.— 
πάλιν, aS in ver. 12, indicating the delivery of a second discourse, not a repe- 
tition of vii. 34. — αὐτοῖς] to the Jews who were present in the temple, vv. 
20, 99. ---- ζητήσετέ pe] namely, as a deliverer from the misfortunes that are 
coming upon you, as in vii. 84. But instead of the clause there added, 
καὶ οὐχ εὑρήσετε, here we have the far more tragical and positive declaration, 
kK. ἐν τ. duapt. bu. ἀποϑ. and (not reconciled and sanctified, but) in your sin 
(still laden with it and your unatoned guilt, ix. 84; 1 Cor. xv. 17) ye shall 
die, namely, in the universal misfortunes amid which you will lose your 
lives. Accordingly, év isthe state wherein, and not the cause whereby (Heng- 
stenberg) they die. The text does not require us to understand eternal 
death, although that is the consequence of dying in this state. Ἔν τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ 
ὑμῶν, however, is to be taken in a collective sense (see ver. 24, i. 29, ix. 41), 
and not as merely referring to the sin of wnbelief; though being itself sin 
(xvi. 9), it is the ground of the non-extinction and increase of their sin. | 
Between ζητήσετέ με, finally, and the dying in sin, there is no contradiction ; 
for the seeking in question is not the seeking of faith, but that seeking of 
desperation whose object is merely deliverance from external afflictions. The 
Sutility of that search, so fearfully expressed by the words καὶ---ἀποϑαν., is 
further explained by ὅπου ἐγὼ ὑπάγω, etc., for they cannot ascend into heaven, 
in order to find Jesus as a deliverer, and to bring Him down (to this view 
xiii. 33 is not opposed). Accordingly, these words are to be taken quite as 
in vii. 34, not as referring to hell into which they would come through 
death ; for Jesus speaks, not of their condition after, but wp to, their death. 

Ver. 22. It did not escape the notice of the Jews that in using ὑπάγω He 
meant a voluntary departure. But that they should not be able to come 
whither He goeth away, excites in them. not fear and concern on His ac- 
count (Ewald), but impious mockery ; and they ask : He will not perchance 


270 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


kill himself, in that he saith, etc. ? In this case, indeed, we shall not be 
able to reach him ! The emphasis rests on ἀποκτενεῖ, as the mode in which 
they scornfully conceive the ὑπάγειν to take place. — Gehenna being the ὅπου 
which would follow on such a departure (Joseph. Bell. iti. 8. 5, and see 
Wetstein and Ewald, Alterth. p. 232). The scorn (which Hengstenberg 
also groundlessly denies) is similar to that in vil. 85, only much more mali- 
cious. 

Vv. 23, 24. Without further noticing their venomous scorn, Jesus simply 
holds up before them, with firm and elevated calmness, their own low nature, 
which made them capable of thus mocking Him, because they did not un- 
derstand Him, the heavenly One. — ἐκ τῶν κάτω] from the lower regions, i.e. 
ἐκ τῆς γῆς (comp. Acts 11. 19), the opposite of τὰ ἄνω, the heavenly regions ; 
ἄνω being used of heavenly relations in solemn discourse (Col. 111. 1, 2; Gal. 
iv. 26; Phil. 111. 14) ; comp. on ἄνωθεν, 111. 81. Ἔκ designates derivation ; 
you spring from the earth, I from the heaven. To understand κάτω as de- 
noting the lower world (Origen, Nonnus, Lange), a meaning which Godet 
also considers as included in it, would correspond, indeed, to the current 
classical usage, but is opposed by the parallel of the second half of the 
verse. — οὐκ εἰμὶ ἐκ τ. κόσμου τούτου] I do not spring from this (pre-Messianic, 
comp. αἰὼν οὗτος) world ; negative expression of His supramundane, heavenly 
derivation.’ Comp. xviii. 36. Both halves of the verse contain the same 
thought ; and the clauses ἐκ τῶν κάτω ἐστέ and ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου τούτου ἐστέ imply, 
in their pregnant meaning, that those men are also of such a character and 
disposition as correspond to their low extraction, without higher wisdom 
and divine life. Comp. iii. 81. Therefore had Jesus said to them—He 
refers them again to His words in ver. 24—they would die in their sins ; 
and now He adds the reason : ἐὰν γάρ, ete. ; for only faith can help to the 
higher divine life in time and eternity (i. 12, 111. 15 f., vi. 40 ff., xvii. 8, 
al.), those who are ἐκ τῶν κάτω and ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου τούτου, and as such, are born 
flesh of flesh.—Notice, that in this repetition of the minatory words the em- 
phasis, which in ver. 20 rested on ἐν τ. dy. ὑμ., is laid on ἀποθαν. ; and that 
thus prominence is given to the perishing itself, which could be averted 
only by conversion to faith. —érz ἐγώ εἰμι] namely, the Messiah, the great 
name which every one understood without explanation, which concentrated 
in itself the highest hopes of all Israel on the basis of the old prophecies, 
and which was the most present thought both to Jesus and the Jews, especially 
in all their discussions—to Jesus, in the form, ‘‘I am the Messiah ;” to the 
Jews, in the form of either, ‘‘Is He the Messiah ?” or, ‘‘ This is not the 
Messiah, but another, who is yet to come.” Comp. ver. 28, xiii. 19. In 
opposition to the notion of there being another, Jesus uses the emphatic 
ἐγώ. The non-mention of the name, which was taken for granted (it had 


1 Not merely of the heavenly direction of human, supra-mundane existence (in the 
His spirit (Weizsicker), which must be consciousness of the Logos), xvii. 5, and 
taken for granted in the Christ who springs _ lays claim to a transcendent relation of His 
from above (comp. iii.31). Wherever Christ essential nature. Comp. Weiss, Lehrbegr. 
speaks of His heavenly descent, He speaks Ρ. 215f. Nonnus: ξεῖνος ἔφυν κόσμοιο. 
in the consciousness of haying had a pre- 


GHAR! WITT, 25: “1 
been mentioned in iv. 25, 26), confers on it a quiet majesty that makes an 
irresistible impression on the minds of the hearers while Christ gives utter- 
ance to the brief words, ὅτι ἐγώ εἰμι. As God comprehended the sum of 
the Old Testament faith in 811 ‘38, so Christ that of the New Testament 
in ὅτι ἐγώ eiyu.? The definite confession of this faith is given in xvi. 3, vi. 
68, 69 ; 1 John iv. 2. 

Ver. 25. The Jews understand the ὅτε ἐγώ εἰμι well enough, but refuse to 
recognize it, and therefore ask pertly and contemptuously : σὺ τίς εἶ 3 tu 
quis es? σύ being emphasized to express disdain ; comp. Acts xix. 15. 
Jesus replies with a counter-question of surprise at so great obduracy on their 
part ; but then at once after ver. 26 discontinues any further utterance re- 
garding them, His opponents. His counter-question is : τὴν ἀρχὴν ὅ, τι καὶ 
λαλῶ ὑμῖν ὁ What I from the very beginning also say to you? namely, do you 
ask that? Who I am (to wit, the Messiah, vv. 24, 29), that is, the very 
thing which, from the very beginning, since I have been among you, and 
have spoken to you, has formed the matter of my discourse ;* and can you 
still ask about that, as though you had not yet heard it from me? They 
ought to have known long ago, and to have recognized, what they just now 
asked with their wicked question od τίς ei. This view is not complicated, 
as Winer objects, but corresponds simply to the words and to the situation. 
On ἀρχήν as used frequently in an adverbial sense, both among the Greeks 
and by the LXX., with and without the article, to denote time, ab initio, 
Srom the very beginning, see Schweighaiiser, Lex. Herod. 1. p. 104 f. ; Lennep 
ad Phalar. p. 82 ff. It precedes the relative, because it is the point which 
makes the obduracy of the Jews so very perceptible.* —é, τι] interroga- 
tively, in relation to a question with τίς immediately preceding,—as fre- 
quently in the Classics, so that some such words as thow askest must be sup- 
plied in thought.° — καί] also, expresses the corresponding relation (Baeum- 
lein, Partik. p. 152), in this case, of speech to being: what from the very 
ἜΣ ΜΗ as I amit, so also, I say it to γου. --- λαλῶ] speak, not: say. 
Comp. on vv. 26, 43; and see on Rom. iii. 19. He does not use λελάληκα, 
because it is a continuous speaking ; the sound of it is, in fact, still ringing 
in their ears from. vv. 23, 24. — The passage is also taken interrogatively by 
Matthaei, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and Liicke. The latter ° renders : Why, 


1 Deut. xxxii. 39; Isa. xli. 13, xliii. 10. 
2 Comp. Hofmann, Schrifibew. I. p. 63 f. 


vobiscum loquor? cur frustra vobiscum dis- 
puto?” See ed. min. I. p. 575. With this 


3 According to John, at His very first ap- 
pearance in the temple, ii. 19. 

4 Comp. iv. 18; Buttmann, Δί. Gram 
p. 388 ἃ. [E. T. p. 389]. 

5 See Κα ποτ, II. § 837, note 1; Bernhardy 
p. 443 ; Kriiger, § 51. 17. 3. 

6 So, without doubt, Chrysostom also, 
who gives as the meaning: τοῦ ὅλως ἀκούειν 
τῶν λόγων τῶν παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἀνάξιοΐ ἐστε, μήτι 
γε καὶ μαϑεῖν ὅστις ἐγώ εἰμι. Comp. Cyril 
and Theophylact, also Euth. Zigabenus. 
Matthaei explains the words in exact ac- 
cordance with Liicke: “ Cur vero omnino 


also is in substantial agreement the view 
of Ewald, who, however, regards the words 
rather as the expression of righteous indig- 
nation than as a question : “ That I should, 
indeed, speak to you at ail!” It would be 
more correct to say: ‘‘ That I should at all 
even (still) speak to you /’? But how greatly 
is the at all thus in the way! “Or, too, 
would then need a supplement, which is 
not furnished by the text. Besides, the 
following words, especially if introduced 
without an ἀλλά or μέντοι (indicating that 
Jesus had collected Himself again, and 


R702 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

indeed, do I still speak to you at all? With this view, it is true, τὴν ἀρχήν is 
quite compatible ; for it is confessedly often used in the Classics for αὖ 
initio, in the sense of omnino,’ though only in negative propositions, or 
such whose signification really amounts to a negation,* which latter, how- 
ever, might be the case here ;* it is also allowable to take 6, τὸ in the sense 
of why. But the thought itself has so little meaning dn it, and is so little 
natural, expressing, besides, a reflection, which is at the bottom so empty, 
and, at the’ same time, through τὴν ἀρχήν, so expanded and destitute of 
feeling, that we should scarcely expect it at the lips of the Johannean 
Jesus, especially in circumstances so lively and significant as the present. 
Further thus understood, the saying would have no connection whatever 
with what follows, and the logical connection assumed by Liicke would 
require the insertion of some such words as περὶ ἐμοῦ. The words would 
thus likewise stand in no relation to the question σὺ ric εἶ, whereas John’s 
general manner would lead us to expect an answer which had reference in 
some significant way or other to the guestion which had been put. The 
following are non-interrogative views :— (1) ‘* What I have already said to you 
at the beginning, that am I!” So Tholuck after Castalio, Beza, Vatablus, 
Maldonatus, Clericus, Heumann, and several others; also B. Crusius. 
Jesus would thus be announcing that He had already, from the very be- 
ginning in His discourses, made known His higher personality. The Praes. 
λαλῶ, aS expressing that which still continues to be in the present, would 
not be opposed to this view ; but it does not harmonize with the arrange- 
ment of the words ; and logically, at all events, καί ought to stand before 
τὴν ἀρχήν (comp. Syriac). (2) ‘‘ From the very first (before all things), Iam 
what I also speak to you.” So de Wette ; comp. Luther (‘‘I am your 
preacher ; if you first believe that, you will then learn what I am, and not 
otherwise’), Melanchthon, Aretius, and several ; also Maier, who, however, 
takes τὴν ἀρχήν incorrectly as thoroughly (nothing else).° On this view Jesus, 
instead of answering directly : ‘‘I am the Messiah,” would have said that » 


He was to be known above all things from His discourses.°® 


suppressed His indignation), would not be 
appropriate. In the Theol. Quartalschr. 
1855, p. 592 ff., Nirschl renders: “ΤῸ what 
purpose shall I speak further to you of the 
origin, ἐ.6. of God, and my own derivation 
from Him?” But on this view Christ ought, 
at the very least, to have said τὴν ἀρχήν 
μου. 

1 Raphel, Herod. in loc.; Wermann, ad 
Viger. Ὁ. 723; Ellendt, Lex. Soph. I. Ὁ. 287; 
Breitenbach, ad Xen. Oec. ii. 12. 

2See especially Lennep, /.c. and p. 94; 
Briickner on the passage. 

3 As in Plat. Demod. p. 381 D; Philo, de 
Abr. p. 366 C. 

4See on Mark ix. 11; Buttmann, newt. 
Gram. p. 218 [E. T. p. 253]. 

5 Comp. Winer, p. 482 [E. T. p. 464], who 
gives as the meaning: ‘‘Z am entirely that 


But τὴν ἀρχῆν 


which 7 represent myself as being in my dis- 
courses.’ So also Godet: ‘‘ Absolument ce 
que je vous dis; ni plus ni moins que ce 
que renferme ma parole.’’ But τ. ἀρχήν 
is used in the sense of completely, entirely, 
only in connection with negations (usually, 
too, without the article): not at all, not in 
the least; “cum negatione praefracte ne- 
gando servit,’’ Ellendt, Zem. Soph. l.c. 

6 Under this head belongs also the view 
taken by Grotius (which is substantially 
adopted by Lange): ‘‘ Primum (in the first 
instance) hoc sum, quod et dico vobis, hoc 
ipsum quod me hoc ipso tempore esse dixi, 
2.é. lux mundi.’”? Asthough we read ; πρῶτον 
In the same way 
as Grotius, has Caloy. also explained it, 
taking, however, τὴν ἀρχήν in the sense of 
omnino, plane (consequently like Winer). 


μὲν 0, τι καὶ λέγω ὑμῖν. 


CHAP. VIII., 25. 273 
does not mean ‘ above all things,” either in Xen, Cyr. i. 2, 8 (τὴν ἀρχὴν μὴ 
τοιοῦτοι, at the very outset not such, ἃ.6. not such at all, omnino non tales), or in 
Herod. i. 9, where also, as frequently in Herodotus, it denotes omnino.'| And 
how entirely without any reference would be the words ante omnia(surely some 
sort of posterius would need to be supplied in thought), Briickner has 
rightly, therefore, rejected the ‘‘ above all things” in de Wette’s rendering, 
though regarding it otherwise as the correct one, and keeping to the interpre- 
tation ‘from the very first” in its temporal sense. One cannot, however, sec 
what is really intended by the words ‘‘ from the very jirst, I am, etc.,” es- 
pecially as placed in such an emphatic position at the commencement of 
the clause. For Jesus had neither occasion nor ground for giving the 
assurance that He had been from His earliest appearance, and still was, 
such as He declared Himself to be in His discourses, and thus perchance 
had not since become different. (8) ‘‘ Undoubtedly (nothing else) am I what 
L also say to you.” So Kuinoel ;—a view which assigns an incorrect mean- 
ing to τὴν ἀρχήν, and confounds λαλῶ with λέγω ; objections which affect 
also the similar interpretation of Ebrard : ‘‘ J am altogether that which I also 
say to you (that Iam He).” (4) ‘‘ At the very outset I uttered of myself what 
L also declare to you, or what I also now say.” So Starck, Not. sel. p. 106 
Bretschneider. But the supplying of λελάληκα from the following λαλῶ 
would be suggested only. if we read ὃ, tc καὶ viv λαλῶ ὑμῖν. (5) Fritzsche,* 
whom Hengstenberg follows, takes the view: ‘‘ Sum ὦ rerum primordiis 
(i. 1) ea natura quam me esse vobis etiam profiteor.” Jesus would thus 
have designated Himself as the primal Logos. Quite unintelligibly for 
Ilis hearers, who had no occasion for taking τὴν ἀρχήν in the absolute sense, 
as though reminded of the angel of the Lord in Mal., iii. and Zech. xi., nor 
for understanding 6, τι κ. 2. tu. as Fritzsche does ; at all events, as far as 
the latter is concerned, λέγω ought to have been used instead of λαλῶ. (6) 
Some connect τὴν ἀρχήν with πολλὰ ἔχω, etc., ver. 26, and after λαλῶ ὑμῖν 
place merely a comma. So already Codd., Nonnus, Scaliger, Clarius, 
Knatchbull, Raphel, Bengel, and, more recently, Olshausen, Hofmann, 
Schriftbew. I. p. 65, I. p. 178, and Baeumlein. In taking the words thus, 
ὃ, τε 1s either written ὅτι, because, with Scaliger and Raphel (so also Bengel : 
“principio, quum etiam loquor vobis [Dativus commodi ; ‘ ut credatis et sal- 
remini’|multa habeo de vobis loqui, etc.” *), or is taken as a pronoun, id quod. 
In the latter way, Olshausen explains it, following Clarius : ‘‘ In the jirst 
place, as Talso plainly say to you, I have much to blame and punish in you ; I 





Do we 


1Comp. Wolf, Dem. Lept. p. 278. tion are imported into the passage, and yet 


2 Comp. Dissen, Dem. de Cor. p. 359. 

3 Lit. Bl. 2. allg. Kirchenz. 1848, p. 518, and 
de conform. Lachmann, p. 53. 

4Comp. Hofmann: “ At first, namely for 
the present, because this is the time, when 
He speaks to them, He has much to speak 
and to judge about them in words.” Τὴν 
ἀρχήν is alleged to be used in opposition to 
ἃ τὸ τέλος, 7.6. to a time when that which 
He now speaks will be proved by deeds, 
ver. 28. In this way meaning and connec- 


the καί (with an appeal to Hartung, Partik. 
I. p. 129) is completely neglected, or rather 
transferred from the relative to the prin- 
cipal clause. How the passages adduced by 
Hartung may be explained without any 
transference, see in Klotz, ad Devar. p. 
635 ff. In particular, there is no ground for 
supposing the existence of a ¢trajection of 
the καί in the Δ΄. 7. Hofmann explains, as 
though John had written: τὴν ἀρχήν, ὅτι νῦν 
λαλῶ ὑμῖν, καὶ πολλὰ ἔχω, etc, 


214 THE GOSPEL OF JOIN. 


am therefore your serious admonisher.” Baeumlein, however, renders : ‘ I 
have undoubtedly—as I also do—much to speak and to judge concerning you.” 
But on this view of the words Jesus would have given no answer at all to 
the question σὺ τίς ei ; according to Olshausen, τὴν ἀρχήν would have to be 
transformed into πρῶτον, in the jirst place ; and the middle clause, according 
to Olshausen and Baeumlein, would give a quite superfluous sense ; while, 
according to the view of Bengel and Hofmann, it would be forced and un- 
natural. (7) Exegetically impossible is the interpretation of Augustine : 
‘¢ Principium (the very beginning of all things) me credite, quia (ὅτι) et loquor 
vobis, i.e. guia humilis propter vos factus ad ista verba descendi ;” comp. Gothic, 
Ambrose, Bede, Ruperti, and several others. Calvin rightly rejects this 
interpretation, but himself gives one that is impossible. (8) Obscure, and 
far-fetched, is Luthardt’s view (ὅτι, that: ‘‘ from the beginning am I, that T 
may also speak to you”), that. Jesus describes the act of His speaking, the ex- 
istence of His word, as His presence for the Jews ; that from His first ap- 
pearance He who was then present as the Word of God on the earth 
had been always used to give Himself a presence for men in the Word. If, 
according to this view, as it would seem, τὴν ἀρχὴν ὅτι denotes: ‘from 
the beginning it is my manner, that,” this cannot possibly be in the simple 
εἰμί, Which has to be supplied in thought ; besides, how much is forced 
into the mere λαλῶ iviv! [See Note XXXIII. p. 295.] 

Ver. 26. The question in ver. 25 was a reproach. To this (not to ver. 24, 
as Godet maintains) refers the word πολλά, which is placed with full em- 
phasis at the beginning of the verse ; the antithetical ἀλλ᾽, however, and 
the excluding word ταῦτα, inform us that He does not say the many things 
which He has to speak and judge of them (and which He has in readiness, in 
store) ; but only that which He has heard from Him who sent Him. Comp. 
xvi. 12; 2 John 12. Similarly Euth. Zigabenus, aftcr Chrysostom and B. 
Crusius. After the question in ver. 25, we must imagine a reproving pause. 
To be paraphrased : ‘‘I have very much to speak concerning you, and 
especially to blame ; but I refrain therefrom, and restrict myself to my 
immediate task, which is to uttcr forth to the world that which I have heard 
from God the True, who has sent me (namely, what I heard during my ex- 
istence with God, before my mission ; comp. on ver. 28')—in other words, 
to the communication of divine truth to the world.” For divergent views 
of the course of thought, see Schott, Opuse. I. p. 94 ff. After the example 
of older writers, Liicke and de Wette take the view that Jesus meant to 
say : But, however much I have to judge concerning you, my judgment is 
still true ; for I speak to the world only what I have heard from my Father, 
whoistrue.”” Comp. also Tholuck. In this way, however, the antithesis has to 
be artificially formed, whilst the erpressed antithesis between that which Jesus 
has to speak (ἔχω λαλεῖν) and that which He actually says (λέγω) is neglected. 
This is in answer to Ewald also, who imports into ἀλλ᾽ the meaning: ‘‘ Yet 
I will not therefore be afraid, like a man ;” and against Hengst., who, after 


1 So also vv. 88, 40. Not as Beyschlag maintains: immediately before my public appear- 
ance. Comp. on vi. 46. 


CHAP. VIII, 27-29. 275 


πολλὰ. . . κρίνειν, Supplies in thought : ‘‘ This is the reason why you will 
not accept my utterances in relation to my person.” — κἀγώ] and I, for my 
part, in contrast to God ; the word is connected with ταῦτα, etc. — ταῦτα] 
this and nothing else. As to the main point, Chrysostom aptly says: ra 
πρὸς σωτηρίαν, ov τὰ πρὸς ἔλεγχον. --- εἰς τ. κόσμ.] See on Mark i. 39.’ Not 
again λαλῶ (Lachmann, Tischendorf), but λέγω, because the notion has 
become by antithesis more definite : what He has heard, that it is which 
He says ; He has something else to say to the world than to speak of the 
worthlessness of His opponents. The former He does; the latter, much 
occasion as He has for doing it, He leaves wndone. 

Ver. 27. ’Q τῆς ἀγνοίας ! οὐ διέλιπεν αὐτοῖς περὶ αὐτοῦ διαλεγόμενος, καὶ οὐκ 
ἐγίνωσκον, Chrysostom ; and Euth. Zigabenus calls them φρενοβλαβεῖς. But 
the surprising, nay more, the very improbable element (de Wette) which 
has been found in this non-understanding, disappears when it is remem- 
bered that at ver. 21 a new section of the discourse commenced, and that 
we are not obliged to suppose that precisely the same hearers were present 
in both cases (vv. 16, 17). The less, therefore, is it allowable to convert 
non-understanding into the idea of non-recognition (Liicke) ; or to regard it 
as equivalent to obduracy (Tholuck, Briickner) ; or to explain ὅτε as in which 
sense (Hofmann, /.c. p. 180) ; or with Luthardt, to press αὐτοῖς, and to give 
as the meaning of the simple words: “ἡ that in bearing witness to Him- 
self He bears witness to them that the God who sends Him is the Father ;” 
or with Ebrard, to find in ἔλεγεν : ‘‘ that it is his vocation” to proclaim to 
them ; or, with Hengstenberg, to understand ἔγνωσαν, etc., of the true know!l- 
edge, namely, of the deity of Christ. For such interpretations as these there 
is no foundation in the passage ; it simply denotes: they knew not (comp. 
ver. 28) that in these words (ὁ πέμψας με, etc.) He spoke to them of the 
Father. * 

Vv. 28, 29. Οὖν] not merely ‘‘ continuing the narration” (de Wette), 
but : therefore, in reference to this non-understanding, as is confirmed 
by the words τότε γνώσεσθε, which refer to οὐκ ἔγνωσαν in ver. 27, and, indeed, 
considered as to its matter, logically correct, seeing that if the Jews had 
recognized the Messiahship of Jesus, they would also have understood what 
He said to them of His Father. — ὅταν ὑψώσητε, ete. ] when ye shall have lifted 
up, namely, upon the cross. Comp. on iii. 14, vi. 62. The crucifixion is 
treated as an act of the Jews, who brought it about, as also in Acts iii. 14f. 
— τότε γνώσ.] Comp. xii. 32, vi. 62. Then will the result follow, which 
till then you reject, that you will know, ete. Reason : because the death 
of Jesus is the condition of His glory, and of the mighty manifestations 
thereof (the outpouring of the Spirit ; miraculous works of the apostles; 
building up of the Church ; punishment of the Jews ; second coming to 
judgment). Then shall your eyes be opened, which will take place partly with 
your own will, and still in time (as in Acts ii. 36 ff., iv. 4, vi. 7; Rom. xi. 
11 ff.) ; partly against your will, and too late (comp. on Matt. xxiii. 39 ; Luke 


1Comp. Soph. Zl. 596: κήρυσσέ μ᾽ εἰς of Aad. περί, see Stallbaum, ad Plat. Apolog. 
ἅπαντας. p. 23 A; Phaed. p. 79 Ο. Comp. on i. 15. 
2 On λέγειν, with the accus. in the sense 


276 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


xiii. 94 f.). Bengel aptly remarks : ‘‘cognoscetis ex re, quod nunc ex verbo 
non creditis.”” —xai ἀπ’ ἐμαυτοῦ, etc.] still dependent on ὅτι, and, indeed, as 
far as μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἐστιν ; So that to the universal ποιῶ, the special λαλῶ and the 
general jer’ ἐμοῦ ἐστιν (is my helper and support) together correspond. Hence 
there is no brevity of discourse requiring to be completed by supplying in 
thought λαλῶ to ποιῶ, and ποιῶ along with λαλῶ. Nonnus already took the 
correct view (he begins ver. 29 with ὅττι καί, etc.); and the objection? that 
οὐκ ἀφῆκε, etc. would then stand too disconnected, has no force, since it is 
precisely in John that the asyndetic continuation of a discourse is very com- 
mon, and, in fact, would also be the case here if καί ὁ πέμψ. ete. were not 
dependent on ὅτι. --- ταῦτα] is arbitrarily and without precedent (Matt. ix. 33 
cannot be adduced as one) explained as equivalent to οὕτως, from a com- 
mingling of two notions. By the demonstrative ταῦτα Jesus means His doc- 
trine generally (comp. ver. 26), with whose presentation He was now occupied. 
But of this He discoursed in harmony with the instructions received from 
the Father, ¢.e. in harmony with the instructions derived from His direct 
intuition of divine truth with the Father prior to His incarnation. Comp. 
ver. 38, i. 18, ili. 13, vi. 46, vii. 16 f. — οὐκ ἀφῆκε, etc. | Independent corrob- 
oration of the last thought, negatively expressed on account of His appar- 
ent abandonment in the face of many and powerful enemies. The Praet. 
refers to the experience felt in every case, during the course of His entire min- 
istry, until now (comp. afterwards πάντοτε), not to the point of time when He 
was sent ; the reason afterwards assigned would not be appropriate to this 
latter reference, Comp. also xvi. 32. — ὅτε ἐγώ, etc. | because J, etc. Reason 
assigned for the οὐκ ἀφῆκε, etc. How could He ever leave me alone, as I am 
He who, etc. ? (ἐγώ with emphasis). Comp. xv. 10. Olshausen regards οὐκ 
ἀφῆκε, etc. as the expression of equality of essence, and ὅτι as assigning the 
ground of His knowledge. The former idea is erroneous, as the meaning of 
οὐκ ἀφῆκε, etc. is identical with that of μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἐστιν ; and the latter would 
be an inadequate reason, because it relates merely to moral agreement. 

Vv. 30-82. The opening of a new section in the discourse, but not first 
on the following day (Godet), which must then have been indicated as in 
vy. 12, 21. — Notice the separation of the persons in question. The πολλοί 
are many among His hearers in general ; among these many there were also 
Jewish hierarchs, and because He knew how fleeting and impure was their 
momentary faith,* Jesus addresses to them the words in vv. 31, 82, which at 
once had the effect of converting them into opponents ; hence there is no 
inconsistency in His treatment of His hearers. — πεπίστ. αὐτῷ] previously 
ἐπίστ. εἰς αὐτόν. The latter was the consequence of their having believed 
Him, i.e. His words. —éav ὑμεῖς, etc.] if you on your part, etc. ; for they 
were mixed up with the unbelieving crowd, and by means of ὑμεῖς are se- 
lected from it as the persons to whom the admonition and promise are ad- 
dressed. They are to abide in the word of Jesus, as in the permanent ele- 


1 De Wette, after Bengel. der Ap. p. 349) assumes in reference to 
2 Liicke, de Wette, and others. this passage. Also not in vi. 69, or 1 John 
3 Mere susceptibility to salvation is not iv. 16. 

termed J/aith by John, as Messner (Lehre 


CHAP. VIIL.3 30. Ὁ 


ment of their inner and outer life. For another form of the conception, 
see ver. 38, xv. 7, ΧΙ]. 47. Comp. 2 John 9. — ἀληθῶς] really, not merely in 
appearance, after being momentarily carried away. —yvdceode τ. adit.) for 
divine truth is the substance of the λόγος of Christ, Christ Himself is its posses- 
sor and vehicle ; and the knowledge of it commences when a man believes, 
inasmuch as the knowledge is the inwardly experienced, living, and moral 
intelligence of faith (xvii. 17 ; 1 Johni. 8 ff.). — ἐλευϑερ.] from the slavery, 
z.e. from the determining power, of sin. See ver. 34; Rom. vi. 18 ff. “ἘΔ 
libertas est, quae pectus purum et firmum gestitat” (Ennius, fr. 340). Divine 
truth is conceived as the causa medians of that regeneration and sanctifica- 
tion which makes him morally free who is justified by faith. Comp. Rom. 
Vill, 2; Jas. 1. 20, il. 12. 

Ver. 33. ᾿Απεκρίϑησαν)] No others can be the subject, but the πεπιστευκότες 
αὐτῷ Ιουδαῖοι, ver. 31. So correctly, Melanchthon (‘‘ offensi resiliunt”), Mal- 
donatus, Bengel, Olshausen, Kling, B. Crusius, Hilgenfeld, Lange, Ewald, 
and several others, after Chrysostom, who aptly observes : κατέπεσεν εὐϑέως 
αὐτῶν ἡ διάνοια᾽ τοῦτο δὲ γέγονεν ἀπὸ τοῦ πρὸς τὰ κοσμικὰ ἐπτοῆσϑαι. John him- 
self has precluded us from supposing any other to be intended, by expressly 
referring (ver. 31) to those Jews among the many (ver. 80) who had be- 
lieved, and emphatically marking them as the persons who conduct the fol- 
lowing conversation. Tothem the last word of Jesus proved at once a stone 
of stumbling. Hence we must not suppose that Jews are referred to who 
had remained unbelieving and hostile,’ and different from those who were 
mentioned in ver. 31 (azexp. they, indef.) ; nor do the words ζητεῖτέ we ἀποκτ. 
in ver. 37 necessitate this supposition, inasmuch as those τεπιστευκότες might 
have at once veered round and returned again to the ranks of the opposition, 
owing to the offence given to their national pride by the words in ver. 82. 

There is no warrant therefore for saying with Luthardt that the reply came 
primarily from opponents, but that some of those who believed chimed in from 
want of understanding. The text speaks exclusively of πεπιστευκότες. ---- σπέρμα 
᾽Αβρ. éou.| to which, as being destined to become a blessing to, and have do- 
minion over, the world,’ ἃ state of bondage is something completely foreign. 
As every Hebrew servant was a son of Abraham, this major premiss of their 
argument shows that they had in view, not their individual or civil (Grotius, 
Liicke, Godet), but their national liberty. At the same time, in their pas- 
sion they leave out of consideration the Egyptian and Babylonian history of 
their nation, and look solely at the present generation, which the Romans 
had, in accordance with their prudent policy, left in possession of the sem- 
blance of political independence (Joseph. Bell. vi. 6. 2). This, according 
to circumstances, as in the present case, they were able to class at all events 
in the category of non-bondage. Hence there is no need even for the distinc- 
tion between dominion de facto and de jure, the latter of which the Jews 
deny (Lange, Tholuck). Selden had already distinguished between servitus 
extrinseca and intrinseca (the latter of which would be denied by the Jews). 


1 As do Augustine, Calvin, Lampe, Kui- Hengstenberg. 
noel, de Wette, Tholuck, Liicke, Maier, 2 Comp. Gen. xxii. 17 f., xvii. 16. 


278 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


On the passionate pride taken by the Jews in their freedom, and the ruin- 
ous consequences it brought upon them, see Lightfoot, p. 1045. According 
to Luthardt, they protest against spritual dependence, not indeed as regards 
the disposition (B. Crusius), but as regards their religious position, in virtue 
of which all other nations are dependent on them, the privileged people of 
God, for their attainment of redemption. But the coarser misunderstanding 
of national freedom is more in keeping with other misapprehensions of the 
more spiritual meaning of Jesus found in John (comp. Nicodemus, the 
Woman of Samaria, the discourse about the Bread of Life) ; and what was 
likely to be more readily suggested to the proud minds of these sons of 
Abraham than the thought of the κληρονομία τοῦ κόσμου (comp. Rom. iv. 18), 
which in their imaginations excluded every sort of national bondage ? 
Because they were Abraham’s seed, they felt themselves as αἷμα φέροντες adéo- 
ποτον (Nonnus). 

Ver. 34. Δείκνυσιν (and that with solemn asseveration), ὅτε δουλείαν ἐνέφηνεν 
ἀνωτέρω τὴν ἐξ ἁμαρτίας, ov τὴν ἐκ δυναστείας ἀνθρώπου, Euth. Ziagabenus. — ὁ 
ποιῶν] instead of keeping himself free from it. — δοῦλος] as to His moral per- 
sonality or Hyo, comp. as to the figure and subject-matter, Rom. vi. 17 ff., 
vii. 14 ff.? 

Vv. 35, 86. But what prospect is there before the slave of sin? Exclu- 
sion from the kingdom of the Messiah! This threat Jesus clothes in the 


J general principle of civil life, that ὦ slave has no permanent place in the house ; 
Ὰ 


he must allow himself to be sold, exchanged, or cast, out. Comp. Gen. Xxi. 
10; Gal. iv. 30. The application intended to be made of this general prin- 
ciple is this: ‘‘The servant of sin does not remain eternally in the theoc- 
racy, but is cast out of the midst of the people of God at the establishment 
of the kingdom of Messiah,” ‘There is nothing to indicate that the slave is 
intended to refer to Ishmael as a type of the bastard sons of Abraham, 
und the son to Isaacas a type of Christ ;? such a view rather is out of accord 
with this general expression in its Present tense form, which simply marks 
an universally existing legal relation between the different positions of the 
slave and the Son of the house. —eic τὸν αἰῶνα] for ever, an expression to be 
understood in harmony with the relation which has been jiguraticely repre- 
sented. After aidva a full stop should be inserted, with Lachmann and 
Ikling, because ἐὰν οὖν, etc., is a consequence deduced simply from ὁ υἱὸς μ. 
εἰς τ. ai., not from what precedes, and because ὁ υἱός, etc., begins a new sec- 
tion in the logical progress of the discourse. The course of thought 
is this: (1) Whoever commits sin is the bondsman of sin, and is 
excluded from the Messianic people of God. (2) Quite different from the 
lot of the bondsman, who must quit the house, is that of the Son (the 
Master of the house) ; hence it is this latter who procures for you actual 
freedom. — ὁ υἱὸς μένει εἰς τ. αἰῶνα] namely, ἐν τῇ oixia,—also a general prop- 
osition or principle, but with an intentional application οἵ the general ex- 
pression ὁ υἱός to Christ, who, as the Son of God, retains for ever His 


1 Analogous examples from the Classics in Wetstein ; from Philo in Loesnev, Ὁ. 149. 
2 Ebrard. 


CHAP, VILL, 37. 2719 
position and pewer in the house of God, 1.6. in the theocracy ;’ comp. Heb. 
iii. 5,6. From this μένει εἰς τ. αἰῶνα it follows (οὖν) that if He frees from the 
state of a bondsman, a real and not merely an apparent freedom commences, 
secing that, on account of the perpetual continuance of His domestic rights 
in the theocracy, the emancipation effected by Him must have a real and 
finally valid result. This would not necessarily be the case if He remained 
merely for a time in the house ; for as both His right and ἐξουσία would then 
lack certainty and permanence, so the freedom He procured would lack the 
guarantee of reality. This line of argumentation presupposes, moreover, 
that the Father does not Himself directly act in the theocracy ; He has en- 
trusted to the Son the power and control. —The reference of the slave to 
Moses? is foreign and opposed to the text, see ver. 34. Grotius, however, 
aptly remarks: ‘‘tribuitur hic jilio quod modo veritati, quia eam profert 
filius. —dévtwe] in reality ; every other freedom is mere appearance (comp. 
ver. 88), not corresponding to its true nature ; no other is ἡ παντελὴς καὶ ἀπὸ 
πασῶν ἀρχῶν ἐλευθερία, which alone is that gained through Christ, 1 Cor. iii. 
22,; Rom. viii. 35, 36 ; 2 Cor. vi. 4, 5. 

Ver. 37. Now also He denies that they are children of Abraham, although 
hitherto they had boastfully relied on the fact as the premiss of their free- 
dom, ver. 33. — ἀλλὰ ζητεῖτε] How opposed to a true, spiritual descent from 
Abraham! But the reproach had its justification, because these Jews had 
already turned round again, and the death of Jesus was the goal of the 
hierarchical opposition. — οὗ χωρεῖ ἐν ὑμῖν] has no progress in you, in your 
heart. This view of the meaning, which is philologically correct,* thoroughly 
applies to the persons concerned ; because whilst the word of Christ had 
penetrated their heart and made them for the time believers (vv. 80, 31), it 
had had no further development, it had made no advance ; on the contrary, 
they had, after believing for a moment, again gone back. Hence, also, it is 
not allowable to take ἐν ὑμῖν as equivalent to inter vos (Liicke, Hengst). 
Others interpret : It finds no place in you.® Without any warrant from usage. ὅ 
Others again render : It finds no entrance into you ; so that ἐν ὑμῖν would 
be used pregnantly, indicating the persistence that follows upon movement." 


1Tf the man who is morally free be sup- 
posed to be the object of the intended ap- 
plication of ὁ vids—the man, namely, who 
“holds not merely an historical relation to 
God, but one that is essential, because 
ethically conditioned” (Luthardt, comp. de 
Wette)—we should have to take the second 
ὁ vids in the sensu eminenti (of Christ). The 
text, however, especially as ver. 36 is con- 
nected with ver. 35 by οὖν, offers no ground 
for this distinction, Hence, also, it is 
wrong to apply 6 vids in ver. 35 to those 
who are liberated by Christ along with Christ 
(Hengstenberg). These first come under 
consideration in ver. 36. 

2 Euth. Zigabenus, after Chrysostom. 

3 Plat. Legg. iii. Ὁ. 698 A. 

4 Plat. Legg. iii. Ὁ. 684E; Zryx. Ὁ. 3983; 
ἡ ἔμελλεν ὁ λόγος χωρήσεσθαι αὐτῷ ; Llerod. 


ili, 42, v. 89; Xen. Oec. i. 11; Polyb. 28. 15, 
12; 10. 15; 4; Aristoph: Pax, 472); Ran. 472: 
2 Mace. iii. 40. 

5 Vulgate : non capit in vobis ; so Origen? 
Chrysostom, Theophylact, Erasmus, Casta- 
lio, Beza, Aretius, Maldonatus, Corn. ἃ Lap- 
ide, Jansen, and several others; also B. 
Crusius, Ewald, and Baeumlein. 

6 Arist. H. A. ix. 40, is not relevant; χωρεῖ 
there is impersonal, and the words mean: 
if there is no advance in their work.—The 
sense: I¢ has no place in you, ought to have 
been expressed τὸν λόγον οὐ χωρεῖτε ἐν ὑμῖν. 
Comp. xxi. 25,and see on 2 Cor. vii. 9. [But 
see Alciphr. Epp. iii. 7 (cited by Field, Ot. 
Norv. iii. p. 67), where ἐχώρησε means had 
place, room.—K.] 

7 So Nonnus, Grotius, Kuinoel, de Wette, 
Maier, Tholuck, Luthardt. 


280 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
The expression would have to be referred back to the meaning—move for- 
ward, stretch forward (Wisdom vii. 23; 2 Pet. iii. 9, and frequently in clas- 
sical writers). But this explanation is neither indicated by the text (for the 
words are not εἰς ὑμᾶς), nor is it even appropriate to the sense, seeing that 
the word of Christ had actually stirred those men to momentary faith. But 
this explanation is forced on those who refuse to regard the πεπιστευκότες in 
ver. 31 as those who answer in ver. 33. 

Ver. 38. That my word has thus failed to produce any effect in you, is 
due to the fundamentally different origin of my discourse on the one hand, 
and of your doings on the other. — ἑώρακα π. τ. πατρί] by which Jesus means 
the intuition of the divine truth which He derived from His prehuman state 
(comp. on ver. 28), not from His intercourse with God in time (Godet, 
Beyschlag), as though this latter were involved in the parallel καὶ ὑμεῖς, 
whereas the difference in the analogous relation is betrayed by the very dif- 
ference of expression (ἠκούσατε and παρὰ τοῦ πατρόρ). --- καὶ ὑμεῖς οὖν) you also 
therefore, following my example of dependence on the Father. There is 
a stinging irony in the word οὖν. --- ἠκούσατε] 1.6. what your father has 
commanded you. Note the distinction between the Perf. and Aor. Who 
their father is, Jesus leaves as yet unsaid ; He means, however, the devil, 
whose children, ethically considered, they are ; whereas He is the Son of 
God in the essential, metaphysical sense. — ποιεῖτε] habitual doing (vil. 51), 
including, but not exclusively referring to, their wish to kill Him (ver. 37). 
It is indicative, and no longer imperative (Hengstenberg, after Matt. xxiii. 32) 
than in ver. 41. ᾿ 

Vv. 39, 40. The Jews observe that He means another father than Abra- 
ham, — Jesus proves to them from their non-Abrahamic mode of action 
that they are no children of Abraham. —réxva and ἔργα are correlates ; the 
former is used in an ethical sense, so that here (comp. ver. 37) a distinction 
is drawn, as in Rom. ix. 8, between the fleshly σπέρμα and the moral τέκνα. 
—In the reading ἐστε (see the critical notes) there is a change in the view of 
the relationship, as in Luke xvii. 5 f. See remarks on the passage. On the 
non-employment of ἄν, see Buttmann in Studien uw. Kritiken for 1858, p. 
485, and his Neutest. Gramm. Ὁ. 195 [E. T. p. 224]. — νῦν dé] but as it is, 
but as the case stands, nune autem. — ἄνθρωπον in reference to παρὰ τ. θεοῖ!. 
The λελάληκα following in the jirst person is regular." — rovro] viz. seeking 
to take the life of a man who speaks the truth which he has heard of God— 
this Abraham did not do!* The words are far from referring to Abraham’s 
conduct towards the angel of the Lord, Gen. xviii. (Hengstenberg, after 
Lampe) ; nor is such a reference involved in ver. 56. — παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ] when 
I was in my prehuman state, παρὰ τῷ πατρί μου, ver. 88. To this view ἄνθρω- 
πον isnot opposed (Beyschlag), for Jesus must needs describe Himself in this 
general human manner, if there were to be congruity between the category 
of His self-description and the example of Abraham. 

Ver. 41. You do what your father practices,—result of vv. 39, 40, though 


1566 Buttm. Neut. Gramm. p. 241 [E. T. like of this the God-fearing spirit of the patri- 
p. 396]. arch was far removed’), but all the more 
2 The expression is ἃ Litotes (“‘ rom the fitted to put them to shame, 


CHAP. -VIII., 41. 281 
still without specifying who this father 156. ‘‘ Paulatim procedit castigatio” 
(Grotius).—As the Jews are not to look upon Abraham as their father, 
they imagine that some other human father must be meant. In this 
case, however, they would be bastards, born of fornication (the fornication 
of Sarah with another man) ; and they would have two fathers, an actual 
one (from whom they descend ἐκ πορνείας) and a putative one (Abraham). 
But inasmuch as their descent is certainly not an adulterous one,’ and still 
Abraham is not to be regarded as their father, there remains in op- 
position to the assertion of Jesus, so they think, only God as the one Father; 
to whom, therefore, they assign this position : ‘* We are not born of fornica- 
tion,” as thou seemest to assume, in that thou refusest to allow that Abra- 
ham is our father ; one father only (not two, as is the case with such as are 
born of adultery) have we, and that God, if our descent from Abraham is 
not to be taken into consideration. For God was not merely the creator 
(Mal. ii. 10) and theocratic Father of the people (Isa. lxiii. 16, lxiv. 8); but His 
Fatherhood was further and specially grounded in the power of His promise 
made at the conception of Isaac (Rom. iv. 19; Gal. iv. 23). The supposi- 
tion that they implicitly drew a contrast between themselves and Ishinael 
(Euth. Zigabenus, who thinks that there is an allusion to the birth of Jesus, 
Ruperti, Wetstein, Tittmann) is erroneous, inasmuch as Ishmael was not 
We must reject also the common explanation of the pas- 
sage as a denial of the charge of édolatry ;? ‘‘ our filial relationship to God 
has not been polluted by idolatry,”*® as opposed to the context, since 
the starting-point is not the idea of a superhuman Father, nor are the Jews 
reproached at all with idolatry ; but the charge is brought against them, 
that Abraham is not their father. Hence also the supposition of an anti- 
thesis to a combined Jewish and heathen descent,* such as was the case with 
the Samaritans (Paulus), is inadmissible. Ewald also takes the same simple 
and correct view ;° comp. Erasmus, Paraphr. Bengel, however, aptly char- 


born ἐκ πορνείας. 


1 Ἔκ πορνείας implies one mother, but 
several fathers. Who is the one mother, 
follows from the denial of the paternity of 


equality of birth. » ; 
2 Tios. i. 2, 11.4; Ezek. xx. 80; Isa. lvii. 3. 
3 De Wette; comp. Grotius, Lampe, Kui- 


Abraham, consequently Sarah, the ances- 
tress of the- theocratic people. Hence the 
inadmissibility of Luthardt’s explanation 
based on the idea, ‘Israel is Jehovah’s 
spouse ;”” according to which the thought 
of the Jews would have been: they were 
not sprung from a marriage covenant of 
Israel with another, so that Jehovah would 
thus be merely nominally their father, in 
reality, however, another; and they would 
thus have several fathers. Moreover, a 
marriage covenant between Israel and 
another would be a contradiction, this 
other must needs also be conceived as a 
true God, consequently as a strange God, a 
notion which Luthardt justly rejects. It is 
surprising how B. Crusius could adduce 
Deut. xxiii. 2 for the purpose of represent- 
. ing the Jews as affirming their theocratic 


noel, Liicke, Tholuck, Lange, Hengstenberg, 
Baeumlein, and several others. 

4 Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theophylact, 
Godet. 

5 Although characterized by Ebrard as 
absurd. He regards ἐκ πορνείας οὐ yey. as 
merely a “‘caricatured form” of the accusa- 
tion that they are not Abraham’s children, 
and in this way, of course, gets rid of the 
need of explaining the words. He then takes 
ἕνα πατέρα ἔχομεν in the sense of we and 
thou have one common Father, which is in- 
compatible with the word ἡμεῖς, which also 
belongs to ἔχομεν, and is, besides, alto- 
gether opposed to the context; for the 
entire dialogue is constituted by the an-, 
tithesis of we and thou, J and ye. Ebrard’s 
view is an unfortunate evasion of a des- 
perate kind. 


282 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
acterizes the entire objection raised by the Jews as a ‘‘novus importunitatis 
Judaicae paroxysmus.” — ἡμεῖς] spoken with the emphasis of pride. 

Ver. 42 f. God isnot your Father, else would ye love me, because ye 
would be of like descent with me.! This ἠγαπᾶτε ἂν ἐμέ would be ‘‘ the 
cthical test” (Luthardt) of the like paternity ; the fact of its non-existence, 
although it might have existed, is evidence to the contrary. — ἐγώ] spoken 
with a feeling of divine assurance. — ἐξῆλθον] the proceeding forth from that 
essential pre-human fellowship with God, which was His as the Son of God, 
and which took place through the incarnation (xiii. 3, xvi. 27, 28, 30, xvii. 
8). The idea of a mere sending would not be in harmony with the context, 
the proper subject of which isthe Fatherhood of God ; comp. vi. 62, xvii. 5. 
- καὶ ἤκω] Result of the ἐξῆλθον : and am here, it belongs, along with the 
rest, also to ἐκ. τ. θεοῦ. --- οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀπ’ ἐμαυτοῦ, etc.] Confirmation of ἐκ τ. θεοῦ, 
ete. ; for neither of my own self-determination, etc. If Jesus, namely, had not 
manifested Himself as proceeding from God, He might have come either 
from a third person, or, at all events, ag’ ἑαυτοῦ ; on the contrary, not even 
(οὐδέ) was this latter the case. — Ver. 43. After having shown them that 
they were the children neither of Abraham nor of God, before positively de- 
claring whose children they actually are, Ife discloses to them the ground of 
their not understanding His discourse ; for everything that they had ad- 
vanced from ver. 383 onwards had been in fact such a non-understanding. 
The form of expression here used, namely, question and answer (ὅτι because ; 
comp. Rom. ix. 32; 2 Cor. xi. 11), is an outflow of the growing excite- 
ment.? ‘De Wette (comp. Luther, Beza, Calvin) takes ὅτε as equivalent to 
εἰς ἐκεῖνο ὅτι (sce on ii. 18) : “1 say this with reference to the circumstance 
that.” Tllogical, as the clauses must then have stood in the reverse order 
(διατί οὐ δύνασθε... ὅτι τὴν λαλιάν, etc.), because the words οὐ γινώ- 
oxere Genote the relation which is clear from what has preceded. — In the 
question and in the answer, that on which the emphasis rests is thrown to 
the end. His discourse was unintelligible to them, because its substance, to 
wit, His word, was inaccessible to their apprehension, because they had no 
ears for it. For the cause of this ethical οὐ δύνασθε, see ver. 47. λαλιά, which 
in classical Greek denoted talk, chatter (see on iv. 42), signifies in later wri- 
ters,? and in the LXX. and Apocrypha, also Discourse, Sermo,* without any 
contemptuous meaning.® So here ; and, indeed, thus differing from ὁ λόγος, 
that whilst this last mentioned term denotes the doctrinal substance ex- 
pressed by the AaAv4,—the doctrine, the substance of that which is delivered,” 


l ἑνὸς γεγαῶτα τοκῆος appayeos φιλίης ἀλύτῳ 
ξυνώσατε θεσμῷ, Nonnus. 

3 Dissen, σα Dem. de Cor. Ὁ. 186, 347. 

3 #.g. Polyb. 32. 9,4; Joseph Be’. ii. 8. 5. 

4On AadAtos in bonam partem, see 
Jacobs, ad Anthol. vi. p. 99, vii. p. 140. 

5 Comp. Matt. xxvi. 73. 

8. Comp. Weizsiicker in d@. Jahrb. ftir deut- 
sche Theol. 1857, p. 196 f. But in the Gospel 
it is always the verbum vocale, and it should 
not be confounded with the λόγος of the 


prologue, which is the verbum szdbstantiale ; 
hence, also, it furnishes no evidence of a 
deviation from the doctrine of the Logos. 
The consciousness Jesus possessed of 
speaking, keeping, doing, etc., the λόγος of 
God, rested on His consciousness of His 
being that which is denoted by the Logos 
of the prologue. Now this consciousness is 
not the abstract divine, but that of the 
theanthropic Ego, corresponding to the 
6 λόγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο. 


CHAP. VIII., 44. 283 


—radeé denotes the utterance itself, by which expression is given to the 
doctrine.’ 

Ver. 44. After the negative statement in vv. 42, 43 comes now the posi- 
tive: Ye (ὑμεῖς, with decided emphasis—ye people, who deem your- 
selves children of God !) are children of the devil,’ in the sense, namely, of 
ethical genesis (comp. 1 John iii. 8, 12), which is further explained from 
ἐκεῖνος onward, The expression must therefore not be regarded as teaching 
an original difference in the natures of men (Hilgenfeld, comp. on iil. 6). 
- ἐκ τοῦ πατρ. τ. διαβ.] of the father who is the devil, not of your father, etc. 
(de Wette, Liicke), which is inappropriate after the emphatic ὑμεῖς, or ought 
to have been specially marked as emphatic (ὑμεῖς ἐκ τοῦ ὑμῶν πατρός, etc.). 
Nonnus well indicates the qualitative character of the expression : ὑμεῖς 
δῆτα τέκνα δυσαντέος ἐστὲ τοκῆος. Hilgenfeld’s view, which is adopted by 
Volkmar : ‘Ye descend from the father of the devil,” which father is the 
(Gnostic) God of the Jews, is not only generally unbibical, but thoroughly 
un-Johannine, and here opposed to the context. John could have written 
simply ἐκ τοῦ διαβ., if the connection had not required that prominence 
should be given to the idea of father. But in the entire connection there 15 
nothing that would call for a possible father of the devil ; the question is 
solely of the devil himself, as the father of those Jews. Erroneously also 
frotius, who explains the passage as though it ran,—rov warp. τῶν διαβόλων. 
- καὶ τὰς ἐπιθυμίας, etc.] The conscious will of the child of the devil is to ac- 
complish that after which its father, whose organ it is, lusts. This is rooted 
in the similarity of their moral nature. The desire to kill is not exclusively re- 
ferred to, though, as even the plural ἐπεθυμίας shows, it is included. — ἐκεῖνος, 
ete. 7 for murder and lying were precisely the two devilish lusts which they were 
minded to carry out against Jesws.— ἀνθρωποκτόνος ἣν ἀπ᾿ ἀρ χῆς] from the begin- 
ning of the human race. This more exact determination of the meaning is de- 
rivable from ἀνθρωποκτόνος, inasmuch as it was through his seduction that the 
fall was brought about, in whose train death entered into the world (Rom. 
v. 12). [See Note ΧΧΧΙΠα. p. 296.] So Origen, Chrysostom, Augustine, 
Theophylact, and the majority of commentators ; also Kuinoel, Schleier- 
macher, Tholuck, Olshausen, Klee, Maier, Lange (referring it, however, after 
the example of Euth. Zigabenus, also to Cain), Luthardt, Ewald, Godet, Hof- 
mann,’ Miiller,‘ Lechler,® Hahn,* Messner,’ Philippi.* This view is alone ap- 


1 Comp. xii. 48: ὁ λόγος ὃν ἐλάλησα ; Phil. p. 
i. 14; Heb. xii. 7. 
2In his Leben Jesu (p. 338 ff.), Schleier- 


893) deduces from this passage that, 
according to John, Jesus had little sym- 
pathy for the Jews. He is speaking, 


macher groundlessly advances the opinion 
that Jesus had here no intention of teaching 
any doctrine regarding the devil, but 
wished merely to add force to His reproach 
by referring to the generally-adopted inter- 
pretation of the narrative of the fall. On 
the contrary, by His reproach, he not mere- 
ly days down the doctrine, but also further 
intentionally and explicitly expounds it, es- 
pecially by assigning the ground. ὅτι οὐκ 
ἔστιν, etc. Baur (still in his Weut. Theol. 


however, not at all against the Jews in 
general, bat merely against the party that 
was hostile to Him. 

3 Schriftbeweis, I. pp. 418, 478. 

4 Lehre v. d. Stinde, Il. p. 544 f. ed. 5. 

5 Stud u. Kritik. 1854, p. 814 f. 

6 Theol. ἃ. N. T. 1. p. 835. 

7 Lehre d. Apostel, p. 382. 

8 Glaubenslehre, III. p. 272, see especially 
Hengstenberg on the passage, and his 
Christol. 1. p. 8 ff.; Weiss, Lekrdegr. Ὁ. 133 f. 


284 


‘ 


THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


propriate to the expression ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς, which the design of the context requires 
to be taken exactly,’ as it must also be understood in 1 John iii. 8.* Others re- 
fer to Cain’s murder of his brother,* which is not, however, rendered necessary 
by 1 John iii. 12, and would, without any warrant, exclude an earlier com- 
mencement:; would be opposed to the national and New Testament view ἡ 
of the fall and the connection of the present passage ; and would finally 
lack any allusion to Gen. iv. ; while on the contrary, the antithesis between 
truth and falsehood, which follows afterwards, points unmistakably to 
Gen. iii. Finally, inasmuch as az’ ἀρχῆς must signify some definite histori- 
cal starting-point, it is incorrect, with B Crusius, to deny a reference 
either to the fall or to Cain’s murder of his brother, and to take ἀνθρωποκτ. 
ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς as simply a general designation.—Briickner also treats the refer- 
ence to a definite fact as unnecessary. — ἦν] that is, during the entire past, 
ax’ ἀρχῆς onwards. —k. ἐν τῇ ἀληθ. οὐχ ἕστηκεν] does not refer tothe fall of 
the devil,°® as Augustine, Nonnus, and most Catholics τὸ ἕν as though 
εἱστήκει (Vulg. : stetit) had been employed, but is his constant characteristic :7 
and. he does not abide in the truth, ἐμμένει, ἀναπαύεται, Euth. Zigabenus. ‘The 
truth is the domain in which he has not his footing ; to him it is a foreign, 
heterogencous sphere of life : the truth is the opposite of the lie, both in 
formal and material significance. The die is the sphere in which he holds 
his place ; in it he is in the element proper and peculiar to him ; init he has 
his life’s standing. — ὅτε οὐκ ἔστιν ἀλήθ. ἐν αὐτῷ] the inner ground of the pre- 
ceding statement. The determining cause of this inner ground, however, 
is expressed by the words ἐν αὐτῷ, which are emphatically placed at the end. 
\ As truth is not found in him, as it is lacking to his inner essence and life, it 
cannot possibly constitute the sphere of his objective life. Without truth in 
the inward parts—truth regarded, namely, as a subjective qualification, 
temper, tendency—that is, without truth in the character, a man must nec- 
essarily be foreign to, and far from, the domain of objective truth, and can- 
not have his life and activity therein. Without truth in the inward parts, 
a man deals in life with lies, deception, cunning, and all ἀδικία. Note that 


Compare the corresponding parallels, Wisd. 
li. 24; Apoce. xii. 9, xx.2; also Ey. Nicod. 28, 
where the devil is termed ἡ τοῦ θανάτου ἀρχή, 
ἡ ῥίζα τῆς ἁμαρτίας ; see also Grimm on Wisd. 
tien ts 

1 FWRI 112, Lightfoot, p. 1045. 

2 Comp. Joseph. Antigq. I. 1, 4. 

3 Cyril, Nitzsch in the Bert. theol. Zeitschr. 
Ill. p. 52 ff., Schulthess, Liicke, Kling, de 
Wette, Reuss, Beitr. p. 53, Hilgenfeld, 
Baeumlein, Grimm. 

4 See on 2Cor. xi. 3. 

®2 Pet. ii. 4; Jude 6. 

*Comp. also Martensen’s Dogmatics, 
§ 105. Delitzsch, too (see Psychol. p. 62), 
explains the passage as though εἱστήκει Were 
used: the devil, instead of. ‘‘ taking his 
stand in the truth,” revolted, as the god of 
the world, selfishly against God; for which 
reason the world has been “ degraded and 


materialized”’ by God to a 1775) IN, ete. 
In this way a new creation of the world is 
made out of the creation in Gen. i., and out 
of the first act in the history of the world, 
a second. 

7 At the same time, we do not mean 
herewith to deny to John the idea of a 
Jall of the devil, or, in other words, to rep- 
resent him as believing the devil to have 
been originally evil. The passage under 
consideration treats merely of the evil con- 
stitution of the devil as i¢ is, without giving 
any hint as to its origin. This in answer to 
Frommann, p. 330, Reuss, and Hilgenfeld. 
In relation to the doctrine of the fall of 
the devil nothing is here taught. Comp. 
Hofmann, Schriftbeweis, passim; Hahn, 
Theol. d. N. T. I. p. 319. Such a fall is, 
however, necessarily presupposed by this 
passage. 


CHAP. VIII., 45, 46. 285 


ἀλήθ. is used first with, and then without, the article. —é« τῶν ἰδίων] out of 
that which is his own, which constitutes the proper ground or essence of his 
inner man,—out of that which is most peculiarly his ethical nature. Comp. 
Matt. xii. 34. —«. ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ] namely, of the liar ; he, generically consid- 
ered, to wit, the liar as such in general, is the devil's child. The character- 
ization of the devil thus aptly concludes with a declaration which at the 
same time confirms the reproach, ὑμεῖς ἐκ τ. πατρὸς τοῦ διαβ. ἐστέ. The less to 
be approved, therefore, is the common explanation of αὐτοῦ, as standing for 
τοῦ ψεύδους, Which is to be derived from ψεύστης (mendacii auctor, after Gen. 
iii. 4 f.) ; although, linguistically considered, it is in itself admissible.’ 
The correct view has been taken also by B. Crusius, Luthardt, Tholuck, Heng- 
stenberg. and as early as Bengel. The old heretical explanation, ‘‘as his 
father,” " or, ‘also his father, referring αὐτοῦ to the devil, and ὁ πατήρ to the 
demiurge, whose lie is the pretending to be the most high God,* must be re- 


jected ; for, on the one hand, John should at the very least, to avoid being | 


completely misunderstood, have written ὅτι αὐτὸς ψ. ἐ- x. ὁ. 7. @3* while, on 
the other hand, he did not in the remotest degree entertain the monstrous, 
wholly unbiblical notion of a father of the devil. Nor would a father of this 
kind at all harmonize with the context. Even a writer as early as Photius, } 
Quaest. Amphiloch. 88, takes the opposite view ; as also Ewald, Jahrb. V. p. 
198 f. It wasin the highest degree unnecessary that Lachmann,’ to avoid 


referring αὐτοῦ to the devil, should approve the reading qui, or ὃς ἄν, instead v 


of ὅταν, which is supported by the feeblest evidence : ‘‘ qui loquitur men- 
dacium, ex propriis loquitur, quia patrem quoque mendacem habet.” [See 
Note XXXIV. p. 296.] 

Ver, 45. Because I, on the contrary, speak the truth, ye believe me not. ἐγὼ 
δέ] for the sake of strong emphasis, in opposition to the devil, placed at the 
beginning ; and the causative ὅτι, a thoroughly tragical because, has its 
ground in the alien character of the relation between that which Jesus speaks 
and their devilish nature, to which latter a lie aloné corresponds. Euth. 
Ziagbenus aptly remarks : εἰ μὲν ἔλεγον ψεῦδος, ἐπιστεύσατέ μοι ἄν, ὡς τὸ ἴδιον 
τοῦ πατρὸς ὑμῶν λέγοντι. ΤῸ take the sentence asa question (Ewald) would 
weaken its tragical force. 

Ver. 46. Groundlessness of this unbelief. 
ἀπιστεῖτέ μοι, εἴπατε, τίς ἐξ ὑμῶν ἐλέγχει pe περὶ ἁμαρτίας ὑπ’ ἐμοῦ γενομένης, ἵνα 
δόξητε OU ἐκείνην ἀπιστεῖν ; Huth. Zigabenus. ‘Ayapria, Sault, is not to be taken 
in the intellectual sense, as untruth, error,® but, as employed without excep- 
tion in the N. T., as equivalent to sin. Jesus boldly urges against His op- 
ponents His unassailable moral purity—and how lofty a position of superi- 
ority does He thus assume above the saints of the Old Testament !—the fact 
that against Him can be brought ἁμαρτίας ὄνειδος οὐδέν," as a guarantee that 





Wi μή, διότι τὴν ἀλήθειαν λέγω, 


1 Winer, p. 181 f. [E.T. p. 145]; Butt- 
mann, p. 93 [E. T. p. 106]. 

2 Hence, also, the readings ὡς and καθὼς 
καί, instead of καί, which, though early 
in date, are supported by feeble testimony. 

3 Hilgenfeld, Volkmar. 


4Comp. Nonnus: ψεύστης αὐτὸς ἔφυ, 


ψευδήμονος ἐκ γενετῆρος. 

5 Praef. IL. Ῥ. 7. 

6 Origen, Cyril, Melanchthon, Calvin, 
Beza, Bengel, Kypke, Tittmann, Kuinoel, 
Klee, and others. 

7 Soph. O. C. 971. 


/ 
/ 


286 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN, 

He speaks the truth ; justly too, for according to ver. 44 ἀλήθεια must be re- 
garded as the opposite of ψεῦδος, whereas a lie falls unde1 the category of 
ἁμαρτία (comp. ἀδικία, vil. 18). The conclusion is from the genus to the 
species ; hence also it is inadmissible to take ἁμαρτία in the special sense of 
οἰ fraus” (‘* qua divinam veritatem in mendacium converterim”)? ‘‘ wicked de- 
ception” (B. Crusius), ‘‘ sin of word,” * ‘false doctrine,” * and so forth. Even 
in classical usage ἁμαρτία, in and by itself, would denote neither ervor nor de- 
ception, but only acquire this specific meaning through an addition more 
precisely determining its force.* Considered in itself it denotes fault, per- 
versity, the opposite of ὀρθότης." Remark further, in connection with this 
important passage : (1) The argument is based, not upon the position that 
εἰ the sinless one is the purest and surest organ of the knowledge and communica- 
tion of the truth” (Liicke) ; or that ‘‘ the knowledge of the truth is grounded in 
the purity of the will” (de Wette, comp. Ullmann) ; for this would presup- 
pose in the consciousness in which the words are spoken, to wit, in the con- 
sciousness of Jesus, a knowledge of the truth obtained mediately, or, at all 
, events, acquired first in His Auman state ; whereas, on the contrary, 
especially according to John’s view, the knowledge of the truth pos- 
sessed by Jesus was an intuitive one, one possessed by Him in His 
pre-human state, and preserved and continued during His human state 
by means of the constant intercourse between Himself and God. The 
reasoning proceeds rather in this way : Am I really without sin,—and none 
of you is able to convict me of the contrary,—then am 1 also without ψεῦδος ; 
but am I without ψεῦδος, then do I speak the truth, and you, on your part 
(ὑμεῖς), have no reason for not believing me. This reasoning, however, is 
abbreviated, in that Jesus passes at once from the denial of the possibility 
of charging Him with ἁμαρτία, to the positive, special contrary which fol- 
lows therefrom,—leaving out the middle link, that consequently no ψεῦδος 
can be attributed to Him,—and then continues : Further, (2) 
the proof of the sinlessness of Jesus furnished by this passage is purely sub- 
jective, so far as it rests on the decided expression of His own moral con- 
sciousness in the presence of His enemies ; but, at the same time, it is as 
such all the more striking in that the confirmation of His own testimony 
(comp. xiv. 30) is added to the testimony of others, and to the necessity of 
His sinlessness for the work of redemption and for the function of judge. 
This self-witness of Jesus, on the one hand, bears on itself the seal of imme- 
diate truth (otherwise, namely, Jesus would have been chargeable with a 
καυχᾶσθαι of self-righteousness or self-deception, which is inconceivable in 
Him) ; whilst, on the other hand, it is saved from the weakness attaching 
to other self-witnessings, both by the whole evangelical history, and by the 


εἰ ἀλήθ. λέγω." 


᾿ ΘΟ. F. Fritzsche in Fritzsch. Οριίδο. a general maxim. 


Ὁ. 99. 

2 Hofmann, Schriftbew. II. 1, Ὁ». 33 f. 

3 Melanchthon, Calvin. 

4 Polyb. 16. 20, 6, is, without reason, ad- 
duced by Tholuck against this view. In 
the passage referred to, ἁμαρτίαι are faults, 
goings wrong in general. The sentence is 


5 Plat. Legg. i. Ὁ. 627 Ὁ, ii. p. 668C. Comp. 
δόξης ἁμαρτία, Thuc. 1. 82.43 νόμων ἁμαρτία, 
Plat. Legg. i. p. 627 D3; γνώμης ἁμάρτημα, 
Thue: ii. 65.7, 

6 Lachmann and Tischendorf correctly 
without δέ. 


CHAP VilT., 47. 287 


fact of the work of reconciliation. (8) The sinlessness itself, to which 
Jesus here lays claim, is in so far relative, as it is not absolutely divine, but 
both is and must be divine-hwman, and was based on the human develop- 
ment of the Son of God.* He was actually tempted, and might have sinned ; 
this abstract possibility, however, never became a reality. On the contrary, 
at every moment of His life it was raised into a practical impossibility.? 
Thus He learned obedience (Heb. v. 8). Hence the sinlessness of Jesus, being 
the result of a normal development which, at every stage of His earthly ex- 
istence, was in perfect conformity with the God-united ground of His inner 
life (comp. Luke ii. 40, 52), must always be regarded as conditioned, so far 
as the human manifestation of Jesus is concerned, by the entrance of the 
Logos into the relation of growth ; whilst the unconditioned correlate there- 
to, namely, perfection, and accordingly absolute moral goodness—goodness 
which is absolutely complete and above temptation at the very outset— 
belongs alone, nay, belongs necessarily to God. In this way the apparent 
contradiction between this passage and Mark x. 18 may be resolved. For 
the rest, the notion of sin as a necessary transitional point in human devel- 
opment is shown to be groundless by the historic fact of the sinlessness of 
Jcsus. * 

Ver. 47. Answer to the question in ver. 46,—a syllogism whose minor 
premiss, however, needs not to be supplied in thought (de Wette : “ΝΟΥ 
I speak the words of God”), seeing that it is contained in (ipeic) ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ 
οὐκ ἐστέ. That Jesus speaks the words of God is here taken jor granted. 
The major premiss is grounded on the necessary sympathy between God and 
him who springs from God ; he who hears the words of God, that is, a3 such, 
he has an ear for them. The words, ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ εἶναι, in the sense of being 
spiritually constituted by God, do not refer to Christian regeneration and 
to sonship,—for this begins through faith,—but mercly to a preliminary 
stage thereof, to wit, the state of the man whom God draws to Christ by 
the operation of His grace (vi. 44), and who is thus prepared for His divine 
preaching, and is given to Him as His (vi. 37). Compare xvii. 6. --- διὰ 
τοῦτο---ὅτι] asin v. 16, 18. See on x. 17. — Note in connection with ver. 
47, compared with ver. 44, that the moral dualism which is characteristic, 
not merely of John’s Gospel, but of the gospel generally, here so far reveals 
its metaphysical basis, that it is traced back to the genetic relation, either 
to the devil or to God—two opposed states of dependence, which give rise 
to the most opposite moral conditions, with their respective unsusceptibility 
or susceptibility to divine truth. The assertion by Jesus of this dualism 
was not grounded on historical reflection and a conclusion αὖ effectu ad 
causam, but on the immediate certitude which belonged to Him as knowing 
the heart of man. At the same time, it is incorrect to suppose that He as- 


1 Comp. Gess, Pers. Chr. Ὁ. 212. At the p. 109 ff., ed. 3, also p. 189 f. 
same time, the sinless development of 2 Any moral stain in Christ would have 
Jesus is not to be subsumed under the been a negation of His consciousness of 
conception of sanctification. See also Dor- being the Redeemer and Judge. 
ner’s Sinless Perfection of Jesus, and the 3 500 Ernesti, Ursprung der Sitinde, I. p. 
striking remarks of Keim, Geschichil. Chr. 157 ff. 


288 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


sumes the existence of two classes of human nature differing radically from 
each other at the very outset.’ On the contrary, the moral self-determina- 
tion by which a man surrenders himself either to the one or the other prin- 
ciple, is no more excluded than the personal guilt attaching to the children 
of the devil (vv. 24, 34); though their freedom is the more completely lost, 
the more completely their hearts become hardened (ver. 43). The problem 
of the metaphysical relation between human freedom and the superhuman 
power referred to, remains, however, necessarily unsolved, and, indeed, not 
merely in this passage, but in the whole of the New Testament (even in 
Rom. ix.—xi.); comp. also 1 John 111. 12, iv. 4. But the freedom itself, in 
face of that power, and the moral imputation and responsibility remain 
intact, comp. iii. 19-21. 

Vv. 48, 49. In ver. 42 ff. Jesus had denied that His opponents were sons 
of God, and had stamped them as children of the devil. This procedure 
they regard only as a confirmation of the accusation which they bring 
against Him (λέγομεν) of being a Samaritan, i.e. an heretical antagonist of 
the pure people of God (for in this light did they view that despised people 
of mixed race), and possessed with a devil (vii. 20). So paradoxical, not 
mercly presumptuous (as Luthardt explains Yayap.), and so crazed did the 
discourse of Jesus appear to them. No reference whatever was intended to 
iv. 5 ff. (Briickner, Ewald). On καλῶς, aptly, comp. iv. 17, xii. 138. — Ver. 
49. ἐγὼ δαιμόν. oi ἔχω, etc.] The emphatic ἐγώ does not contain a retort 
by which the demoniacal element would be ascribed to His opponents,*—a 
reference which would require to be indicated by arranging the words οὐκ 
ἐγὼ day. éyo,—but stands simply in opposition to the following καὶ ὑμεῖς. 
With quiet earnestness, leaving unnoticed the reproach of being a Samari- 
tan, Jesus replies : I for my part am not possessed, but honour (by discourses 
which you consider demoniacal, but by which 1 in reality preserve and pro- 
mote the glory of God) my Father ; and you, on your part, what is it that 
you do? You dishonour me! Thus does He unveil to them the wnrighteous- 
ness of their abusive language. 

Vv. 50, 51. 1. however, in contrast to this unrighteousness by which you 
wound my honour, seek not the honour which belongs to me—iotw ὁ Cyr. κ.. 
κρίνων, there is one (comp. v. 45) who seeks it (‘‘ qui me honore afficere velit,” 
Grotius), and pronounces judgment, that is, as a matter of fact, between me 
and my revilers, The expression καὶ κρίνων includes a reference, on the one 
hand, to the glorification of Jesus, by which He was to be justified (xvi. 10 ; 
comp. the διό, Phil. ii. 9); and, on the other, as regards His opponents, a 
hint at their just punishment (with eternal death, ver. 51). Hence He adds 
in ver. 51 a solemn assurance concerning that which is necessary to the obtain- 
ing of eternal life, instead of this punitive κρίσις, to wit, the keeping of His 
word ; thus deciding that the exclusion of His opponents from eternal life 
was inevitable as long as they did not return to repentance ; but also point- 
ing out the only way to salvation which was still remaining open to them, 
Quite arbitrarily some have treated ver. 51 as not forming part of His dis- 


1 Baur, Hilgenfeld. 2 Cyril, Liicke. 


CHAP. VIII., 52-55, 289 


course to His enemics.' After a pause, Jesus turns again to those who 
believed on Him, in the sense of ver. 31. Liicke maintains, indeed, that 
the discourse is addressed to His opponents, but regards it rather as the 
conclusion of the line of thought begun at ver. 31 f. than a direct continu- 
ation of ver. 50. The connection with ver. 50 is in this way likewise sur- 
rendered. The discourse is a direct continuation of the import of καὶ κρίνων, 
for the result of this κρίνειν to the opponents of Jesus is death. — ἐάν τις, etc. | 
Note the emphasis which is given to the pronoun by the arrangement of 
the words τὸν ἐμὸν λόγον. It is the word of Christ, whose keeping has so 
great an effect. τηρεῖν is not merely keeping in the heart,? but, as always, 
when united with τὸν λόγον, τὰς ἐντολάς, etc., keeping by fulfilling them 
(ver. 55, xiv. 15, 21, 23 f., xv. 20, xvii. 6). This fulfilment includes even 
the faith itself demanded by Jesus (111. 36 ; comp. the conception of ὑπακοὴ 
πίστεως), as also the accomplishment of all the duties of life which He enjoins 
as the fruit and test of faith. — θάνατον of μὴ θεωρ. εἰς τ. ai.| not : he will not 
die for ever,* but : he will never die, i.e, he will live eternally. Death is here 
the antithesis to the Messianic life, which the believer possesses even in its 
temporal development, and which he will never lose. —On θεωρ. comp. Ps. 
Ixxxix. 44 ; Luke ii. 253; see also on iii. 36. The article is not necessary 
to θάνατος. 

Vy. 52, 53. The Jews understood Him to speak of natural death, and 
thus found a confirmation of their charge that He was mad in consequence 
of being possessed with a devil. It is in their view a senseless self-exal- 
tation for Jesus to ascribe to His word, and therefore to Himself, greater 
power of life than was possessed by Abraham and the prophets, who had 
not been able to escape death. — viv éyvdx.] “ antea cum dubitatione aliqua 
locuti erant,” in ver. 48, Bengel. — γεύσηται] a different and stronger desig- 
nation, not intentionally selected, but the result of excitement." The image 
employed, probably not derived from a death-ewp,—a supposition which is 
not favoured by the very common use of the expression in other connec- 
tions,—serves to set forth to the senses the πικρότης, the bitterness of expe- 
riencing death.’ The kind of experience denoted by γεύεσθαι is always 
specified in the context. — Ver. 53. Surely thou are not greater (furnished 
with greater power against death), and so forth ; σύ isemphatic. Comp. iv. 
12. — boric] quippe qui, who in sooth ; assigning the ground, — τίνα σεαυτ. ποιεῖς 
What sort of one dost thou make thyself? (v. 18, x. 83, xix. 7), ‘‘quem te 
venditas Ὁ) (Grotius), that thy word should produce such an effect ? 

Vy. 54, 55. Justification against the charge of self-exaltation contained 
in the words τίνα σεαυτ. ποιεῖς. Jesus gives this justification a general form, 
and then proceeds to make a special declaration regarding Abraham, which 


1 Calvin and De Wette, Wetstein ; Leon. Alex. 41: γεύεσθαι ἀστόργου 

2 Tholuck. θανάτου. 

3 Kaeuffer, de ζωῆς αἰων., not. p. 114. 7 Comp. the classical expressions, γεύεσθαι 

4 Comp. ver. 52, xi. 25 ff., v. 25, vi. 50. πένθους, Eur. Ale. 1072; μόχθων, Soph. Trach, 

5 xi. 4, and very frequently in the N. T.; 1091; κακῶν, Luc. Δ). 28; πόνων, Pind. 
see Ellendt, Zex. Soph. ΤΙ. p. 234. Nem. 6. 41; πενίης, Maced. 3; ὀϊστοῦ, Hom. 


δ Comp. on the expression Matt. xvi. 28, Od. φ, 98, χειρῶν v, 181, 
and the Rabbis as quoted by Schoettgen and 


290 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
makes it clear that He is really greater than Abraham. — ἐγὼ---ἐμαυτόν] em- 
phatic designation of self (comp. v. 80, 31, vii. 17) ; δοξάσω, however, is 
not the future [see the critical notes] (although ἐάν with the indicative is 
not absolutely to be condemned ; see on Luke xix. 40; Matt. xviii. 19), 
but, according to regular usage, the Conj. Aor. : in case I shall have glorified 
myself. —éotiv ὁ πατήρ μου, etc.] My Father is the one who glorifies me, He is 
my glorifier. The Partic. Praes. with the article has a substantival force, 
and denotes habitual, continuous doing ; hence it refers not merely to a par- 
ticular mode and act of δοξάζειν exclusively, but to its whole course (in the 
works wrought, in the divine testimonies, and in His final glorification). 
— ὃν ὑμεῖς λέγετε, etc.] On the construction see x. 36. Comp. on v. 27, ix. 
19 ; Acts xxi. 29. Jesus unfolds to them why this activity of God, by 
which He is honoured, is hidden from them ; notwithstanding, namely, 
their theocratic fancy, ‘‘ it is our God,” they have not known God.’ Jesus, 
on the contrary, is certain that He knows Him,* and keeps His word. — 
ὅμοιος ὑμῶν ψεύστης] a liar like unto you. ““ Mendaa est qui vel affirmat neganda 
vel negat arfimanda,” Bengel. The charge points back to ver. 44.° — ἀλλά] 
but, far from being such a liar. — Tov Ady. abt. τηρῶ] exactly as in ver. 51. 
The entire life and work of Christ were in truth one continuous surrender 
to the counsel of God, and obedience (Phil. 11. 8; Rom. v. 19 ; Heb. v. 8) to 
the divine will, whose injunctions He constantly discerned in His fellow- 
ship with the Father, iv. 84. Comp. as to the subject-matter, ver. 29. 
Ver. 56. Eira κατασκευάζει καὶ ὅτε μείζων ἐστὲ τοῦ ’ABp., Euth. Zigabenus, 
and, indeed, in such a manner, that He, at the same time, puts the hostile 
children of Abraham to shame. — ὁ πατὴρ ὑμῶν] with a reproving glance 
back to ver. 39. --- ἠγαλλιάσατο, iva ἴδῃ] he exulted to see ; the object of his ex- 
ultation is conceived as the goal to whose attainment the joyous movement 
of the heart is directed. He rejoiced in the anticipation of seeing my day, 


i.€. of witnessing the day of my appearance on earth.* 


1 Not because they held another divine 
being, their own national god, to be the 
highest (Hilgenfeld) ; but because they had 
formed false conceptions of the one true 
God, who had manifested Himself in the Old 
Test., and had not understood His highest 
revelation in Christ, in consequence of their 
blindness and hardness of heart. Comp. 
ver. 19, and see Weiss, Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 60f. In 
Hilgenfeld’s view, indeed, John teaches 
that the Jewish religion, asto its substance, 
was the work of the Demiurge, and it was 
only without his knowledge that the Logos 
hid in it the germs of the highest religion ! 
By the same exegesis by which this doctrine 
is derived from John, one might very easily 
show it to be taught by Paul, especially in 
the sharp antagonism he assumes between 
νόμος and xapis,—if one desired, ἐ.4. if one 
were willing to bring down this apostle to 
the period of transition from the Valentin- 
ian to the Marcionite Gnosis. 

2 Regarding Himself, Jesus does not say 


As to its historical date, 


ἔγνωκα (although considered in itself He 
might have said it, comp. xvii. 25), because 
He here speaks in the consciousness of 
His immediate, essential knowledge of the 
Father. — According to Ewald, the words, 
“ 76 28 our God,” contain an allusion to well- 
known songs and prayers which were con- 
stantly repeated. But the frequent occur- 
rence of ‘our God” in the O. T. is quite 
sufficient to explain their import. 

3 ὅμοιος With the Gen. as in Theophr. H. pl. 
ix.11, also Xen. Anad. iv. 1.17; see Bor- 
nemann, adh. J. 

4 ἡμέρα ἡ ἐμή expressly denotes (hence not 
Tas ἡμέρας τὰς ἐμάς, Comp. Luke xvii. 22) the 
exact, particular day of the appearance of 
Christ on earth, ὁ.6. the day of His birth (Job 
iii. 1; Diog. L. 4. 41), from the Johannine 
point of view, the day on which the ὁ λόγος 
σὰρξ ἐγένετο Was accomplished. This was 
the great epoch inthe history of redemp- 
tion which Abraham was to behold, 


CHAP. VIII., 56. 291 


ἠγαλλιάσατο does not refer to an event in the paradisaical life of Abraham ; 
but, as Abraham was the recipient of the Messianic promise, which desig- 
nated the Messiah as His own σπέρμα, but himself, as the founder and vehicle 
of the entire redemptive Messianic development for all nations, the allusion is 
to the time in his earthly life when the promise was made to him. His faith 
in this promise (Gen. xv. 6) and the certainty of the Messianic future, whose 
development was to proceed from him, with which he was thus inspired, 
could not but fill him with joy and exultation ; hence, also, there is no need for 
an express testimony to the ἠγαλλ. in Genesis (the supposed reference to the 
laughing mentioned in Gen. xvii. 17 which was already interpreted by Philo 
to denote great joy and exultation, and which Hofmann also has again 
revived in his Weissag. und Hrfill. ΤΊ. p. 13, is inadmissible, on a correct 
explanation of the passage). So much, however, is presupposed, namely, 
that Abraham recognized the Messianic character of the divine promise; 
and this we are justified in presupposing in him who was the chosen recipi- 
ent of divine revelations. For inventions of the Rabbis regarding revela- 
tions of future events asserted, on the ground of Gen. xvii. 17, to have been 
made to Abraham, see Fabric. Cod. Pseudepigr. I. p. 423 ff. The seeing of 
the day (the experimental perception of it through the living to sce it, 
Luke xvii. 22 ;* to which (iva) the exultation of Abraham was directed, 
was, for the soul of the patriarch, a moment of the indefinite future. And 
this seeing was realized, not during his earthly life, but in his paradisaical 
state,? when he, the ancestor of the Messiah and of the nation, learnt that 
the Messianic age had dawned on the earth in the birth of Jesus as the Mes- 
siah. In like manner the advent of Jesus on the earth was made known to 
Moses and Elijah (Matt. xviii. 4), which fact, however, does not justify us 
in supposing that reference is here made to occurrences similar to the trans- 
figuration (Ewald). In Paradise Abrahath saw the day of Christ, as indeed, 
he there maintained in general a relation to the states and experiences of 
his people (Luke xvi. 25 ff.). This was the object of the καὶ εἶδε καὶ ἐχάρη 5 
it is impossible, however, to determine exactly the form under which the 
εἶδε was vouchsafed to him, though it ought not to be explained with B. 
Crusius as mere anticipation. We must rest contented with the idea of 
divine information. The apocryphal romance, Testamentum Levi, p. 586 f. 
(which tells us that the Messiah Himself opens the gates of Paradise, feeds 
the saints from the tree of life, etc., and then adds: τότε ἀγαλλιάσεται ᾿Αβραὰμ 
kat ᾿Ισαὰκ Kk. Ἰακὼβ κἀγὼ yaphooua καὶ πάντες οἱ ἅγιοι ἐνδύσονται εὐφροσύνην), 
merely supplies a general confirmation of the thought that Abraham, in the 
intermediate state of happiness, received with joy the news of the advent 
of Messiah. Supposing, however, that the relation between promise (jya/- 
λιάσατο, ἵνα ἴδῃ, etc.) and fulfilment («ai εἶδε x. ἐχάρη), expressed in the two 
clauses of the verse, do require the beholding of the day of Christ to be a 
real beholding, and the day of Christ itself to be the day of His actual ap- 
pearance, t.e. the day of the incarnation of the promised One on earth, it is 


1 Polyb. x. 4.7; Soph. O. 10. 881, 1528; and Wette, Maier, Luthardt, Lechler in the Stud. 
see Wetstein and Kypke on the passage. u. Krit. 1854, p. 817, Lange, Baeumlein, 
2Comp. Lampe, Liicke, Tholuck, de Ebrard, Godet, 


298 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

not allowable to understand by it, either, with Raphelius and Hengsten- 
berg, the appearance of the angel of the Lord (Gen. xviii.) i.e. of the Logos, 
to Abraham ; or, with Luther, ‘‘ the vision of faith with the heart,” at the 
announcement made inGen. xxii. 18 ;’ or, with Olshausen, a prophetic vision 
of the δόξα of Christ (comp. xii. 41) ; or, with Chrysostom, Theophylact, 
Euth. Zigabenus, Erasmus, and most of the older commentators, also Hof- 
mann, the beholding of an event which merely prejfigured the day of Christ, 
a typical beholding, whether the birth of Isaac be regarded as the event in 
question,’ or the offering up of Isaac as a sacrifice, prefiguring the atoning 
sacrifice and resurrection of Christ (Chrysostom, Grotius, and many others). 
According to Linder,* the day of Christ denotes nothing but the time of the 
birth of Isaac, which was promised in Gen. xviii. 10, so that Christ would 
thus appear to have represented Himself as one of the angels of the grove 
of Mamre,* and, by the expression ἡμέρα ἡ ἐμή, to have denoted a time of 
special, actual revelation. Taken thus, however, the day in question would 
be only mediately the day of Christ ; whereas, according to the connection 
and the express designation τὴν ἡμέραν τὴν éufv, Christ Himself must be the 
immediate subject of the day, as the one whose appearance constitutes the 
day emphatically His—His κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν, analogously to the day of His second 
advent ;° hence, also, the plural had not to be employed (in answer to 
Linder’s objection). — καὶ ἐχάρη) appropriately interchanged for ἦγαλλ., the 
latter corresponding to the first outburst of emotion at the unexpected proc- 
lamation. 

Ver. 57. The Jews, referring κ. εἶδε x. ἐχάρη to the earthly life of Abraham, 
imagine the assertion of Jesus to imply that He had livedin the days of the 
patriarch, and professed to have been personally acquainted with him !| How 
absurd is this !— πεντήκοντα) Placed first to indicate emphasis, correspond- 
ing to the position afterwards assigned to the word ’Afp. fifty years are 
specified as the period when a man attains his full growth :° thou hast not yet 
passed the full age of manhood ! Consequently, neither the reading τεσσαρ- 
ἄκοντα is to be preferred (Ebrard), nor need we conclude either that Jesus 
was above forty years of age (the Presbyters of Asia Minor in Iren. II. 22. 
δ) ; or that He was taken to be so old : 7 or that He looked so old (Lampe, 
Heumann, Paulus) ; or that they confounded ‘‘ the intensity of the devotion 
of His soul” as it showed itself in His person, with the traces of age.* In the 
act of instituting a comparison with the two thousand years that had elapsed 
since Abraham’s day, they could not well care about determining very pre- 
cisely the age of Christ. In answer to E. v. Bunsen,’ who seeks to establish 


1 Comp. Melanchthon, Calvin, and Calo- 
vius; Bengel also: “ Vidit diem Christi, 
qui in semine, quod stellarum instar futu- 
Tum erat, sidus maximum est et fulgidissi- 
mum.”’ 

2 Hofmann ; see also his Schrifibew. ΤΙ. 2, 
p. 304 f. 

3 Stud. und Kit. 1859, Ὁ. 518 f., 1867, Ὁ" 
507 f. 

4 Comp. Hengstenberg. 


δ Luke xvii. 24; 1 Cor. i. 8, v.53; 2 Cor. i. 
14; Phil. i. 6, ii. 16; 1 Thess. γι 2; 2 Thess. 
ies 

6 Comp. Num. iy. 3, 39, viii. 24 f. ; Light- 
foot, p. 1046 f. 

7 διὰ τὴν πολυπειρίαν αὐτοῦ Euth. Zigabenus, 

8 Lange, Life of Jesus. 

9. The Hidden Wisdom of Christ, etc., Lond. 
1865, II. p. 461 ff. 


CHAP. VILI., 58, 59. 293 


the correctness of the statement in Irenaeus, see Résch in Die Jahrb. fiir 
deutsche Theol. 1866, p. 4. Without the slightest reason, Bunsen finds in 
the forty-six years of chap. iv. 2, the age of Christ. But also Keim is not 
opposed to the idea of Christ being forty years of age.? 

Ver. 58. Not a continuation of the discourse in ver. 56, so that Jesus would 
thus not have given any answer to the question of the Jews (B. Crusius) ; 
but, as the contents themselves, and the solemn ἀμὴν ἀμὴν 2. iu. shows, an 
answer to ver. 57. This reply asserts even more than the Jews had asked, 
namely, πρίν, etc., before Abraham became, or was born (not : was, as Tholuck, 
de Wette, Ewald, and others translate),? 7 am ; older than Abraham’s origin 
is my existence. As Abraham had not pre-existed, but came into evistence ὃ 
(by birth), therefore γενέσθαι is used ; whereas εἰμί denotes being per se, which 
belonged to Jesus, so far as He existed before time, as to His divine nature, 
without having previously come intobeing. [See Note XXXV. p. 297.] 
Comp. I. 1. 6 ; andsee even Chrysostom. The Praesens denotes that which 
continues from the past, i.e. here : that which continues from before time (i. 1, 
xvii. 5).* ᾿Εγώ εἰμι must neither be taken as ideal being (de Wette), nor as 
being Messiah (Scholten), and transferred into the counsel of God (Sam. 
Crellius, Grotius, Paulus, B. Crusius), which is forbidden even by the use 
of the Praesens ; nor may we, with Beyschlag, conceive the being as that of 
the real image of God,—a thought which, after ver. 57, is neither suggested 
by the context, nor would occur to Christ’s hearers without some more pre- 
cise indication ; nor, lastly, is the utterance to be regarded merely as a mo- 
mentary vision, as in a state of prophetic elevation (Weizsiicker), inasmuch as 
it corresponds essentially to the permanent consciousness which Jesus had 
of His personal (the condition, in the present connection, of His having seen 
Abraham) pre-existence, and which everywhere manifests itself in the Gospel 
of John. Comp. on xvii. 5, vi. 46, 62. The thought is not an intuitive 
conclusion backwards, but a glance backward, of the consciousness of Jesus.°® 
Only noteworthy in a historical point of view is the perverse explanation of 
Faustus Socinus, which from him passed over into the Socinian confession 
of faith :° ‘‘ Before Abraham becomes Abraham, 7.¢. the father of many 
nations, I am it, namely, the Messiah, the Light of the world.” He thus 
admonishes the Jews to believe on Him while they have an opportunity, 
before grace is taken from them and transferred to the heathen, in which 
way Abraham will become the father of many nations. 

Ver. 59. The last assertion of Jesus strikes the Jews as blasphemous ; they 
therefore set themselves, in the spirit of zealotry, to inflict punishment (comp. 
x. 31). A stoning in the temple is mentioned also by Joseph, Antt. xvii. 9. 8. 
The stones were probably building stones lying in the fore-court. See Light- 
foot, p. 1048. —éixpiBy x. ἐξῆλθεν] He hid Himself (probably in the crowd), and 


1 Gesch. Jes. I. Ὁ. 469; comp. his Ge- in itself would be also correct (Gal. iv. 4; 


schichtl. Chr. p. 235. and see especially Raphelius on the pas- 
2 Also the English Authorized Version. sage). 
3 This view, ‘‘factus est,’ forms a more 4 Comp. LXX.; Ps. xe. 2; also Jer. i. 5, 
significant correlate to εἰμί than if γενέσθαι 5 Against Beyschlag. 


were taken as equivalent to nasci, which ® See Catech. Racov., ed. Oeder, p. 144 f. 


\ 


294 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


went out (whilst thus hidden).’ The word ἐκρύβη explains how He was able 
to go out, and therefore (how very different from this is Luke iv. 30 !) pre- 
cludes the notion of anything méraculous,’—a notion which gave rise to the 
addition in the Teat. Ree. (see the critical observations), which Ewald 
defends. Baur, who likewise defends the Teat. Rec. (p. 384 ff.), finds here 
also a docetic disappearance (comp. on vii. 10 f.) ; if, however, such was 
John’s meaning, he selected the most unsuitable possible terms to express it 
in writing ἐκρύβη (comp. on the contrary, Luke xxiv. 31 : ἄφαντος ἐγένετο ἀπ’ 
αὐτῶν) and ἐξῆλθεν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ. The ““ providential protection of God” (Tholuck) 
is a matter of course, but is not expressed.—There is no exegetical ground 
for supposing that the simple close of the narrative is designed to prefigure 
the death of Christ, which, being accomplished under the appearance of 
legality, released the Lord from the judgment of Israel, so that He left the 
old Israel as the school of Satan, and, on the other hand, gathered around 
Him the true Israel (Luthardt). Note how the breach between Jesus and 
the Jews gradually approached the extremity, and ‘‘ how, admirable also 
in the details, is the delineation of the ever-increasing intensification of the 
crisis.” * 


Notts py American Eprror. 


XXXII. The woman taken in adullery. Ver. 53; chap. viii. ver. 11. 


In the face of all the evidence, internal and external, it seems impossible to 
vindicate for this remarkable passage a right to its time-honoured place here, 
although the internal testimonies seem to me far from convincing. The ex- 
change of John’s favourite οὖν for dé is, indeed, striking, yet hardly decisive 
on the point of style. Taking a few passages at random, we find in ch. ii. 1— 
12 δέ four times, and no οὖν ; in the whole chapter, δέ 7 times, οὖν ὃ. In ch. v. 
1-13, δέ 5 times, οὖν 23; ch. vi. 1-13, δέ 6 times, οὖν 4; ch. vii. 1-18, δέ 4 
times, οὖν 3. Neither πᾶς ὁ λαός (in its place here), nor ὀρθροῦ, nor γραμματεῖς 
καὶ φαρισαῖοι, NoY κατακρίνω, would of themselves awaken serious suspicion. The 
peculiar situation suggests its peculiar words, Nor, what is generally urged as 
the strongest internal reason against the passage, does the interruption of the 
narrative seem violent enough to be decisive. It unites itself naturally and 
even gracefully with what precedes, and the αὐτοῖς of viii. 12 finds its antecedent 
as easily in πᾶς ὁ λαός of ver. 2 (who, of course, are not among the con- 
science-smitten retreaters, and especially as they may have consisted largely 
of his yesterday’s auditors), as to any assumed antecedent in ch, vii. In any 
case, the connection is somewhat loose. 

Still, uniting the internal with the external difficulties, the numerous vari- 
eties of reading (always suspicious) and the absence of the passage from so many 
mss., versions, and Fathers, the case is strong against it—only, however, against 
its genuineness here. That itis, if not Johannean, at least Apostolic, and de- 


1 Hengstenberg reverses the logical rela- the case of ἀπελϑών, xii. 36. 
tion : καὶ ἐξῆλϑε stands, he says, for ἐξελϑών, 3 ἀόρατος αὐτοῖς κατέστη TH ἐξουσίᾳ τῆς ϑεό- 
and describes the manner in which He hid τητος, Euth. Zigabenus; comp. Grotius, 
Himself,—a purely arbitrary statement, Wolf, Bengel, Luthardt, Hilgenfeld, and 
and if ἐξελϑών had been used, it would even Augustine. 
have preceded the ἐκρύβη (egressus), aS in 3 Ewald, Gesch. Chr. p. 477, ed. 3. 


( 


NOTES. 295 


/ seribes a real and most remarkable incident in the life of our Lord, cannot be 


well doubted; there is none in the record of our Saviour’s life that is 


more completely lifted above any conception which belonged to the men of his 


time, and more completely beyond the probability of fabrication. In the 
Lord’s answer to His accusers, by his ready escaping from the snares laid for 
Him, and that subtle appeal to their consciences, which, by placing the lustful 
feeling on a virtual equality with the outward act (as Matt. v. 28 ff.), dissolved 
the accusation and dispersed the accusers ; and in His subsequent treatment 
of the woman, His separating His mission, on the one hand, from human civil 
tribunals, and His assertion of His divine relation as not here to condemn and 
punish, but to pity and save, it proves itself worthy of a place—however it 
got there—in the heart of the most spiritual of the Gospels, It is urged by 
some that it is allied rather to the Synoptic than to the Johannean spirit. It 
seems to me otherwise, and that an unerring instinct caught it, if it was 
found floating round, and fixed it in that Gospel which pre-eminently presents 
the deeper and, if we may so say, the diviner aspects of the Saviour, 


XXXIIL. Τὴν ἀρχὴν ὅ,τι καὶ λαλῶ ὑμῖν. Ver. 25. 


This exceedingly difficult passage is variously interpreted. To the rendering 
of the Comm. Ver. there are three grammatical objections. Τὴν ἀρχήν should be, 
according to Johannean usage, ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς" ὅ,τι indef. or indirect interrog. should . 
be the simple relative (6, what, that which), and λαλῶ should be the perf. λελάληκα 
or λαλῶν εἴρηκα. (So Field in Otium Norv. p. 66.) To Meyer's construction, 
[Do you ask me] what I say to you from the beginning [that I am]? the same 
objections (urged by Weiss) are in part applicable: τὴν ἀρχήν should be ἀπ᾽ 
ἀρχῆς ; καί is without significance ; λαλῶ should be λελάληκα, and the question 
stands in no clear connection with what precedes or follows. The use of 6, τε 
(indirect interrog.) is, indeed, strictly grammatical. Weiss adopts as the only fit- 
ting explanation that of the ancient interpreters (Chrys., Theoph., Euthym. 
Zigab.), which takes it as a question of displeasure : ‘‘ Why do I even speak 
to you at all?’ Thus καί and the pres. λαλῶ (as also λαλῶ for λέγω) become 
strictly in place. Τὴν ἀρχήν, placed emphatically at the head, has a well- 
known classical use (equivalent to the Latin ommnino), at the outset, at all, in sen- 


tences actually or, like this, virtually negative. The ὅ,τι, standing for the direct 


interrog. τί, is, indeed, scarcely classical, but is found in the Sept., and has some 
analogous classical uses. It did not stumble the early Greek interpreters. 
Meyer's objection to this (which Weiss calls trivial) seems to me, however, 
weighty, and the question quite unnatural in the mouth of our Lord at this stage 
of the conversation. Some bring out the same meaning by taking ὅτε as that, and 
reading the sentence as an exclamation, ‘‘ That I even speak to you atall!” It 
seems questionable, after all, whether the rendering of the Comm. Ver. (retained 
by the Revisers) is not, with allits strict grammatical objections, as best fitting 
the connection, the most probable. Ifit be objected to this that our Lord had not 
from the beginning declared His divine origin and sonship, we must regard the 
objection as only seemingly valid. Explicitly, indeed, He had not, perhaps 
(though see John i. 50), but implicitly He had perpetually declared it. Every 
sentence of the Sermon on the Mount involves a virtual assertion of His 
Messianic character and Divine Sonship. Besides, Field’s objection, that λαλῶ 
should be λελάληκα, does not seem serious. Our Lord may regard His teach- 


296 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ing as a continuous whole, and the τὴν ἀρχὴν λαλῶ may be elliptical for τὴν dp, 
λελάληκα καὶ ἔτι λαλῶ. 


ΧΧΧΊΙΤΑ. ‘ He was a murderer from the beginning.’ Ver. 44. 


Rightly has Meyer, with many able expositors, explained this, not of that 
special and outward act of homicide which so speedily followed the Fall, ex- 
hibiting in ghastly form the malignity of its generating principle, but of the 
one primal murder which involved all the rest. Sin in the person of the devil ; 
the devil, as the embodied principle of evil, murdered the race; implanted 
in the heart of humanity a seed which was to bear, in innumerable forms, the 
fruit of death, 

The thought is the same as that uttered by Paul in Rom. vii. 8-11, where, 
with characteristic vigor and vivacity, he portrays, as in his personal ex- 
perience, the great catastrophe of humanity ; shows the impotence of sin 
without the vantage-ground of law, and its promptness to avail itself of this— 
the prohibition to taste the fruit under penalty of death—to seduce and slay its 
victims. Apart from the law the man lived, had in him no element of death ; 
with its innocent coming, the seducer springs into life, and the victim of his 
machinations dies, morally and physically. The devil thus commenced his 
recorded career on our planet with lying and murder. He charged with 
falsehood Him whom he knew to be absolute truth, and by this seduced man 
into a transgression whose threatened penalty, however vague might be his con- 
ception of it, he knew enough of its utterer to know would be certainly exe- 
cuted, and in its nature inconceivably disastrous. The Jews, says Christ, 
imitate their moral father in these so marked attributes, 


XXXIV. ‘* When he speaketh a lie,” etc. Ver. 44. 


Opinions differ as to whether ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ should be rendered ‘‘the father 
of him,” i.e. of the liar, or ‘‘ the father of it,” the abstract, ψεῦδος, being devel- 
oped out of the preceding ψεύστης. Meyer prefers the former ; Weiss goes 
back to the latter, more common construction. Either would be admissible if 
the article were wanting, so that πατῆρ could be taken predicatively, though 
even then πατὴρ Tov ψεύστου or τῶν ψευστῶν, in the one case, and πατὴρ Tov ψεύδους 
or πατὴρ τούτου in the other, would be much easier and morenatural. With the 
reading ὁ πατήρ, the two constructions are about equally difficult, and both, it 
seems to me, unsanctioned by any law of good Greek usage. There is no compe- 
tent Greek scholar who would not, but for considerations outside of grammat- 
ical laws, render, either ‘‘ because he is a liar and his father [is one] ”; or, much 
better, ‘* because his father also 15 ἃ liar.” But we thus seem to be thrown 
back upon the unscriptural and monstrous doctrine of a father of the devil 
or demiurge, asserting rival claims to those of God. To escape this dilemma 
we must look back to find, if possible, a different subject for λαλῇ : one which 
shall refer it not to the devil, but to his child, the human liar. This may be 
done by either one of two different ways. The first, by a critical emendation 
of the text, reading, with an authority cited by Lachmann, but almost conjectu- 
rally ὃς dv for ὕταν : ‘* whoever speaketh a lie, speaketh from what belongs to 
him ; because his father also is a liar.’’ The other by grammatical interpreta- 
tion (as suggested, I think, first by Middleton on the Greek Article), assuming 


NOTES. 297 


viz. an indefinite subject (ric), and referring it to the subject naturally in the 
reader’s mind: ‘* When one speaketh a lie, he speaketh,” etc. Of these the 
former seems very easy and intrinsically probable ; yet as it has no good ms. 
authority in its favour, we are perhaps hardly at liberty to adopt it on con- 
jecture, however plausible. The other—the assumption of ric—is not specially 
harsh, and though not to be unnecessarily resorted to, yet accords with the 
very free way in which the Greek generally treats the subject of the verb, as 2 
Cor, x. 10, ‘‘ For his letters φησί, says one, are weighty.’”’ Perhaps 2 Cor. iii. 
16, «But when one may turn (ἐπιστρέψῃ τις) unto the Lord ;” see Arist. de Rhet. 
lib. I. v. 17 for the freedom with which the subject of the verb is treated, and 
of which examples might be multiplied indefinitely. If any objection may 
lie against this construction, it does not approach in harshness to that which 
makes ὁ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ a predicate in the sense ordinarily assigned to it. Besides 
this, the meaning seems much more appropriate. To say of a man—who has 
been charged with being a child of the devil—that when he utters falsehood 
he speaks out of what properly belongs to him, because his father is a liar, is a 
natural and emphatic expansion of the previously implied idea. But to say of 
the devil that when he utters a lie he speaks from what belongs to him, because 
he is a liar, is little more than an identical proposition, and turns aside to 
apply to Satan the illustrative expression which would be naturally applied to 
his human votaries with whom the Lord is directly dealing. Besides, the con- 
junctive construction ὅταν λαλῇ, when he may be speaking, favors the reference 
to a human personage whom we do not assume always and everywhere to utter 
falsehood, rather than to the great original Liar, of ‘whom the language would 
naturally be ὅτε λαλεῖ, ‘* when he speaketh’ (as he always and necessarily does). 
Besides, the ordinary construction almost requires αὐτός, and the clause would 
naturally read ὅτι καὶ αὐτός ἐστι ψεύστης καὶ πατὴρ τούτου (OF τοῦ ψεύδους). 

Towards the construction here advocated, modern English scholarship seems 
rapidly tending. The Revised Version gives it a place in the margin. Canon 
Westcott, in the Speaker’s Commentary, declares in its favor, and Profs. 
Milligan and Moulton (of Aberdeen and Cambridge universities) in Schaft’s 
Popular Commentary. Prof. Watkins, in Ellicott’s Comm. for English Readers, 
contemptuously rejects it, but in a way that proves him to understand but im- 
perfectly the problem, charging it with reviving the old heresy which gives a 
father to the devil, and thus ‘‘ opposed to the context, the teaching of the Gos- 
pel,’ and ‘‘ the whole tenor of biblical truth.” It is in truth simply a question 
of linguistic and rhetorical propriety, and not at all of theology. Our construc- 
tion avoids serious and, I think, insuperable grammatical difficulties, puts into 
the Lord’s mouth a much more pertinent statement, and when finally admitted 
will make one of the most important recent advances in N. T. philology, 


XXXY. ‘‘ Before Abraham was.” Ver. 59. 


The R. Y. here translates γενέσθαι was in the text, but places was born, as its 
Greek equivalent, in the margin. I do not see why the true force of the Greek 
(as Meyer, Weiss, etc. against Thol., de W., Ew.), should not be given in the 
text. Admitting the reality of the distinction, much is surely gained in rhe- 
torical force by putting the two words into juxtaposition, the was and the was 
born (became, came into being), the timeless being of the Son against the histori- 
eal becoming of Abraham. 


298 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. ᾿ 


CHAPTER IX. 


Ver. 4. ἐμέ] B. D. L. &.* Copt. Sahid. Aeth. Arr. Cant. Cyr. Nonn., read ἡμᾶς. 
Instead of the following ye, L. 8.* Copt. Aeth. Arr. Cyr. also have ἡμᾶς. Had 
the saying been changed into a general proposition, and had ἐμέ therefore been 
altered into ἡμᾶς, then, instead of we, ἡμᾶς must necessarily have been used in 
all cases alike. ἡμῶς, which Tisch. also adopts, appears to be the original read- 
ing (instead of éué). It was changed into ἐμέ, because the plur. appeared inap- 
propriate, and on account of the following we ; this latter, on the other hand, 
was assimilated to ἡμᾶς in L., ete. — Ver. 6. After ἐπέχρισε, Lachm. and Tisch. 
read αὐτοῦ ; so A. B. C.** L. δὲ, Cursives, to which also Τὴ must be added with 
αὐτῷ. On the other hand, the τοῦ τυφλοῦ that follows is wanting in B. L. δὲ, 
Cursives (D. has αὐτοῦ). It is put in brackéts by Lachm., deleted by Tisch. 
We ought to read: éréyp. αὐτοῦ τὸν πηλ. ἐπὶ τ. 600. τοῦ τυφλοῦ. Αὐτοῦ Was re- 
ferred to the blind man; in that case, however, either this αὐτοῦ itself 
must be deemed out of place (on account of the following τοῦ τυφλοῦ), or τοῦ 
τυφλοῦ must be omitted. — Ver. 7. νίψαι] bracketed by Lachm., wanting only in 
A.* and the Codd. of the It. A copyist’s omission after ver. 11; hence, also, 
A** has supplied καὶ vias after 212A, — Ver. 8. xpocairnc] Elz. : τυφλός, in oppo- 
sition to decisive authorities. A correction. — Ver. 11. εἰς τὸν Σιλωάμ] Elz., 
Scholz: εἰς τὴν κολυμβήθραν τοῦ Σιλωώμ, in opposition to very weighty testi- 
monies. Repetition from ver. 7. — Ver. 14. ὅτε] B. L. X. δὲ, 33, Codd. It. Cyr. : 
ἐν ἢ ἡμέρᾳ. So Lachm. and Tisch. Correctly: the redundant expression was 
easily supplanted by the word ὅτε, which readily suggested itself. — Ver. 16. 
Lachm. and Tisch. : οὐκ ἔστιν οὗτος παρὰ θεοῦ ὁ ἄνθρ., after B. D. L. X. δὲ, 33, 
157. The position in the Elz. (oir. ὁ ἄνθρ. οὐκ ἐ. 7. τ. 0.) is a transposition to 
make the reading easier. — Ver. 17. After λέγουσιν weighty witnesses require the 
insertion of οὖν, which Lachm. and Tisch. have adopted. Lachmann’s inser- 
tion of οὖν, however, after ἀπεκρ. in ver. 20, is supported solely by B. &., 
whereas A. and other uncials and Cursives have δέ, Both seem to be additions ; 
as also the following αὐτοῖς, which is wanting in B. L. X. δὲ, Cursives, Verss. 
Cyr. — Ver. 25. καὶ εἶπεν] to be deleted, as is done by Lachm. and Tisch, A 
mechanical addition opposed by weighty witnesses. — Ver. 26. The prepon- 
derance of evidence is in favour of dé in place of οὖν (Lachm.) ; πάλιν, however, 
with Lachm. and Tisch., after B. Τὸ. 8.* Verss. Nonn. Aug., is to be deleted, 
as an addition which would readily suggest itself. — Ver. 28. After éAo.d. Elz., 
following Cursives, Vulg. Codd. It., inserts οὖν ; instead of which Β. &.* Sahid. 
Cyr. Ambr. read καὶ ἐλ., and D. L. 8.** Verss. οἱ dé ἐλ. Various modes of es- 
tablishing the connection. — Ver. 30. The reading ὃν γὰρ τοῦτο (approved by 
Rinck) is only found in X. A. and Cursives, and is on that ground alone to be 
rejected ; at the same time, it bears witness, also, to the fact of the original 
position of y¢p being immediately after ἐν (Tisch. : ἐν τούτῳ γάρ, with B. Τὶ, δὲ, 
Cursives, Cyr. Chrys.), The reading ἐν τούτῳ οὖν found in D. may be explained 
from the circumstance that the relation of γάρ presented a difficulty. Instead 


CHAPS IX. ΝΣ 299 


of θαυμ. we must, with Tisch., read τὸ θαυμ., as in B. L. δὲ, Cursives, Cyr. 
Chrys. How easily might the superfluous τό be suppressed ! — Ver. 35, τοῦ θεοῦ] 
B. D. δὲ. Aeth. : τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, because Jesus was accustomed thus to designate 
Himself. — Ver. 36. καὶ τίς ἐστι] Elz. Lachm. do not read καί ; the evidence for 
it, however, is very weighty, and it may easily have been passed over by clumsy 
copyists. — Ver. 41. ἡ οὖν duapt.] οὖν, bracketed by Lachm. and deleted by 
Tisch., is wanting in decisive witnesses. A connective addition ; superfluous, 
and weakening the force. 


Ver. 1f. The direct connection, by means of «ai, with the preceding 
words ἐξῆλθεν ἐκ τ. ἱεροῦ, and the correlation with it of παράγων, makes it 
impossible, without arbitrariness, to take any view but this,—that the heal- 
ing of the blind man, instead of not being determinable with chronological 
exactness (Hengstenberg), must rather be placed soon after Jesus had left 
the temple, while He was still on His way, and on the very same day, the 
record of whose scenes commences with viii. 21. This day was a Sabbath 
(ver. 14) ; not, however, the one mentioned in vii. 37 (Olshausen), but a 
later one, see on viii. 12. The objection that the calmness which marks 
the transaction, and the presence of the disciples, are not in keeping with 
the scene which had occurred shortly before (vill. 59), and that therefore 
another day ought to be assumed,’ has little force ; for the calmness of the 
bearing of Jesus is anything but a psychological riddle, and the disciples 
might easily have gathered round Him again. — παράγων] in passing by, 
namely, the place where the blind beggar was (probably in the neighbour- 
hood of the temple, Acts iii. 2). Comp. on Matt. ix. 9, and Mark ii. 14. — 
τυφλὸν ἐκ γενετῆς. So much the greater was the miracle ; comp. Acts ili. 2, 
xiv. 8. The supposition, based on ver, 5, that this blind man represents 
the κόσμος, to which Jesus, having been spurned by the Jews, now turns 
(Luthardt), is the less warrantable, as the stress in that verse is laid on φῶς, 
and not on τοῦ κόσμου (comp. even viii. 12). This healing of the blind is 
not intended to have a figurative import, though it is afterwards used (ver. 
89 ff.) as a figurative representation of a great idea. — τίς ἥμαρτεν, etc.| The 
notion of the disciples is not, that neither the one nor the other could be 
the case ;? but, as the positive mode of putting the dilemma shows, that 
either the one or the other must be the case. See Baeumlein, Partic. p. 182. 
They were still possessed by the popular idea * that special misfortunes are 
the punishment of special sins ; against which view Jesus, here and in Luke 
xiii. 9 ff., decidedly declares Himself. Now, as the man was dorn blind, 
either it must have been the guilt of his parents, which he was expiating,— 
a belief which, in accordance with Ex. xx. 5, was very prevalent,* and ex- 
isted even among the Greeks,*—or he himself must have sinned even while 
in the womb of his mother. The latter alternative was grounded in the 
popular notion that even an embryo experiences emotions (comp. Luke i. 41, 





1 De Wette and others. Job, and Acts xxviii. 4. 
2Euth. Zigabenus, Ebrard, comp. also 4 Lightfoot, p. 1048. 
Hengst. δ Maetzner in Lycurg. in Leocr. Ὁ. 217. 


3 Comp. on Matt. ix. 2, also the book of 


300 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


43), especially evil emotions, and that the latter predominate.’ The expla- 
nation of the question from the belief (which is also not to be presupposed 
in Matt. xiv. 2) in the transmigration of souls* is asinadmissible as the assump- 
tion of a belief in the pre-evistence of souls.’ For apart from the uncertainty 
of the fact whether the doctrine of the transmigration of souls was enter- 
tained by the Jews in the days of Christ (see Tholuck on the passage, and 
Delitzsch, Psychol. p. 463 f. [E. T. p. 545 f.]), those two doctrines could 
not have been known among the people, and therefore must not be assumed 
to have been held by the disciples, although it is true that the pre-existence 
of souls, both of good and bad, is an unquestionable article of doctrine in 
Wisd. viii. 19 f., as also with Philo and the Essenes, with the Rabbins, and 
in the Cabbala.* It is quite out of place, however, to refer to the heathen 
view of the pre-existence of souls.° Tholuck’s suggestion, finally, that the 
thought, though obscurely conceived, is, that the blind man, through being 
born blind, is marked out as a sinner in virtue of an anticipation of punish- 
ment, both contradicts the words, and is altogether destitute of biblical sup- 
port. In Luthardt’s view, the disciples, in accordance with Ex. xx. 5, re- 
garded the second of the two supposed cases as alone possible, but mentioned 
the first as a possibility, in order that Ohrist might solve the riddle which 
they were unable to solve. Similarly Baeumlein and Delitzsch, who looks 
upon the question as the mere expression of perplexity resulting from a 
false premiss. It is an arbitrary procedure, however, to ascribe such a dif- 
ference to two cases regarding which a question is asked in precisely the 
same form, or to treat the possibility in the one case as assumed merely in 
appearance. The disciples considered both cases possible, and wished to 
know which of them was real. But at the same time they deemed a third 
case out of the question, and this was the error in the dilemma which they 
put forth,—an error which Jesus (ver. 3) lays bare and corrects by setting 
before them the Tertium datur. — iva rv91.-yevv.] The retributive result, in 
accordance'with the teleological connection of the divine destiny. That the 
man was born blind might have been previously known to those who asked 
the question ; or the man himself might just have informed them of the 
fact, for the purpose of adding force to his request for alms (ver. 8). 

Ver. 3. Οὐ παντελῶς ἀναμαρτήτους αὐτούς φησιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον εἰς TO τυφλωθῆναι αὑτόν, 
Euth. Zigabenus. —22’] sec. τυφλὸς ἐγεννήθη. ---- τὰ ἔργα τοῦ θεοῦ] the works of 
God, i.e. what God works, should be manifested in Him. The expression 
must be left in this general form (it first acquires its more exact force in ver. 
4) ; it denotes the entire category of which such miraculous healings were a 
particular species ; hence the works of God were set forth and brought to 
light in this concrete case, to wit, in the man (ἐν αὐτῷ) who experienced the 
divine miraculous power. In the connection of the divine decree, however, 
from which everything accidental, everything independent of the divine 





1 See Sanhedr. f. 91. 2; Beresh. Rabba, f. 4See Grimm on Wisdom of Solomon in 
388. 1, Ὁ. ; Lightfoot, comp. Wetstein. the Hxeget. Handb. p. 177 f.; Bruch, Lehre v. 
2 Calvin, Beza, Drusius, Aretius, Grotius, d. Prae-existenz d. Seel. p. 22. 
Hammond, Clericus, and several others. 5 Tsidorus and Severus in Corder. Cat. 


3 Cyril, de Wette, Briickner. 


CHAP. IXx., 4. 301 


plan, is excluded, this φανέρωσις must stand in the relation of a purpose 
towards the sufferings which, in this particular concrete case, are miracu- 
lously removed. Hence iva ¢avep., etc., is a thought which contains the 
true nature of the Vheodicy for all sufferings. According to Weiss,’ the 
ἔργα 0. are spiritual operations, namely, the enlightenment of the world, sym- 
bolically set forth by this healing of the blind. This, however, anticipates 
the doctrinal application which Jesus Himself makes of the work which He 
wrought (ver. 39). 

Ver. 4. By the participative ἡμᾶς (see the critical observations), Jesus in- 
cludes the disciples with Himself as helpers and continuers of the Messianic 
activity. The further progress of the discourse is indicated by the pronoun 
which, for the sake of emphasis, is placed at the beginning of the sentence ; 
the subject is thus specified through whose activity the φανέρωσις mentioned 
in ver. 3 is to be accomplished. “Τῷ is we who are destined by God to work 
His works as long as we live, and until death puts an end to our activity.” 
There is no hint whatever in the text that Jesus wished to meet the scruples 
of the disciples on account of the healing which He was about to perform 
on the Sabbath (Kuinoel) ; indeed, as far as the disciples were concerned, 
to whom Sabbath healings by Jesus were nothing new, there was no ground 
for such a procedure. —rov πέμψ. we] Jesus does not again say ἡμᾶς ;? for 
His mission involved also that of the disciples, and it was He who commis- 
sioned the disciples (xiii. 20, xx. 21). — ἕως] so long as, denoting contem- 
poraneous duration, very frequently so in the classics subsequent to Homer, 
with the praes. or imperf.*—Day and Night &re images, not of tempus oppor- 
tunum and importunum, nor also of αἰὼν οὗτος and μέλλων : * but (for Jesus 
was thinking of His speedy departure out of the world, ver. 5) of life and 
death.* The latter puts an end to the activity of every one on earth (even 
to that of Christ in His human manifestation). By the different use made 
of the same image in xi. 9 f., we are not justified in regarding it as includ- 
ing the period of the passion (Hengstenberg). Moreover, Christ was still 
working whilst He hung on the cross. Olshausen’s view is wrong : ἡμέρα 
denotes the time of grace, which was then specially conditioned by the pres- 
ence of Christ, the Light of the world ; with His removal darkness assumed 
its sway. Against this view the general and unlimited form of the expres- 
sion ὅτι οὐδεὶς δύναται ἐργάζεσθαι (which Olshausen arbitrarily restricts by add- 
ing ‘‘ for a time,” and ‘‘in spiritual matters’) is in itself a decisive objec- 
tion ; not to mention that Jesus regarded His death, not as the beginning 
of spiritual darkness, but as the very condition of greater enlightenment by 
the Spirit (xvii. 7, xv. 26, xiv. 26, a/.). With Olshausen agrees substan- 
tially B. Crusius ; comp. also Grotius, Bengel, and several others. Luthardt 
also refers day and night to the world, whose day-time coincided with the 
presence of Christ in the world, and whose night began when he departed 


1 Lehrdegr. Ὁ. 201. 4 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Ziga- 
2 Which Ewald prefers in opposition to benus, Ruperti, and others. 
his own translation. But see the critical 5Comp. Hom. 11. «. 310, A. 356; Aesch. 
note. Sept. 385; Pers. 841 ; Plat. Apol. p. 40 Ὁ, and 


3 See Blomfield, Gloss. ad Aesch. Pers. 434. Stallbaum thereon ; Hor. Θά. 1. 28. 15. 


302 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


out of the world ; as soon as He should leave the world, no other could 
occupy His place in the accomplishment of redemption ; from that time on- ' 
ward, there would be no longer a redemptive history, but merely an appro- 
priation of redemption. But apart from the hair-splitting character of the 
distinction thus drawn, the grounds adduced against Olshausen hold sub- 
stantially good against this explanation also, especially that ἐργάζεσθαι---- 
which here has no determining object, as in the previous case—and_ οὐδείς 
are quite general ; and accordingly, ἔρχεται νὺξ---ἐργάζεσθαι must be regarded 
as acommonplace. Godet finds in vig the thought of the evening rest, which 
Christ was to enjoy in His heavenly state. This is erroneous, however, 
because it is not evening but night that is mentioned, and because δύναται 
would then be inappropriate. 

Ver. 5. A more precise description of His earthly vocation, characteris- 
tically expressed in relation to the sight which was to be bestowed on the 
blind man. Ὅταν, however, is neither guamdiu (so usually) nor guandoqui- 
dem (so Liicke and Fritzsche, ad Mare. p. 86),—which latter usage is foreign 
to the N. T., and is only apparently found in passages such as Thue. 1. 
141. 5, 142. 1,—but: When (quando, at the time in which) J am in the 
world, I am the Light of the world. It expresses the necessary contemporane- 
ousness of the two relations. He cannot bein the world, says Christ, without 
at the same time enlightening the world. Thus, also, did it behove Him 
to show Himself in the case of this blind man. φῶς is employed, it is true, 
in a spiritual sense, as ini. 5 ff., viii. 12, but also with a significant refer- 
ence to the sight which was to be restored to the blind man. In healing 
. him, that enlightening activity of Jesus by which those who did not see 
were to be made to see (see ver. 39), is set forth in a transaction which, 
though primarily sensuous, was also suggestive of spiritual enlightenment 
(ver. 37 f.). In itself the first clause of the verse—érav. . . d—might have 
been dispensed with viii. 12); its utterance, however, in connection with 
ver. 4, was occasioned by the consciousness that He was soon to depart from 
the world, and that after His departure the present mode and action of the 
φῶς εἷναι, Which were bound up with His corporeal earthly career, must 
come to an end. Then Christ would work through the Paraclete and 
through the vehicles of the Paraclete, as the Light of the world. 

Ver. 6 f. For what reason Jesus anointed the eyes of the blind man with 
clay John does not inform us ; but this does not justify us in leaving the 
question unanswered (Briickner). The procedure was certainly not adopted 
for the purpose of defying the hierarchy (Ewald) because it was the Sabbath, 
according to which view it would have had nothing to do with the healing 
itself. At the same time, it was equally far from being of a medicinal 
nature ; for often as spittle was applied in the case of diseases of the eye 
(see Wetstein and Lightfoot), the means employed would bear no proportion 
to the rapidity with which the cure took place, especially considering that 
the man was born blind ; the same remark applies also to Mark vii. 32 and 
viii. 23. To treat the anointing with the clay as merely a means of awaken- 
ing faith (comp. Liicke), or as a test of faith (Calvin), and, consequently, as 
having a purely psychological effect, is to represent the entire procedure as 


CHAPS ἘΣΤῚ θὲ 303 


adopted solely with an eye to appearances, to making an impression on the 
blind man. On this view, therefore, the ointment of clay had in itself 
nothing to do with the cure performed, which is scarcely reconcilable with 
the truthfulness and dignity of Jesus. Regard for this rather compels the 
assumption that the ointment was the real medium of the cure, and formed 
an essential part of the act ; and that, accordingly, the spittle was the con- 
tinens of the objective healing virtue, by means of which it came into, and re- 
mained actively in contact with, the organism. Comp. Tholuck and Ols- 
hausen, who characterize the spittle as the conductor of the healing virtue ; 
so Lange, who, however, conjoins with it the psychological action referred to 
above ; and also Nonnus, though he draws a very arbitrary distinction, term- 
| ing the spittle λυσίπονον, and the πηλός, φαεσφόρον. There is nothing against 
this mode of viewing the matter, in the fact that Jesus used a medium in so 
few of His miracles of healing, and in so many others employed no medium at 
all (as [See Note XXXVa., p. 314] in the case of the blind men of Jericho, 
Matt. xx. 20 ff.; Mark x. 46 ff.); for: He must Himself have known when 
it was necessary and when not, though no clearer insight into the causal 
connection between the means and the result is vouchsafed to us. We have 
no authority for attributing to John a view of miracles which regarded 
them as mysteries, and which prevailed at a later date ;! for with his chris- 
tology he, least of all, would find occasion for its adoption ; besides, that 
the procedure followed in the case of this miracle was unique, and thus its 
speciality was carefully substantiated by the judicial investigation which 
grew out of the occurrence. According to Baur (comp. Ewald, as above), 
the miracle was performed in this circumstantial way in order that it might 
wear the appearance of a work done on the Sabbath ; the supposition, 
however, is incorrect, if for no other reason, because the healing by itself, 
apart altogether from the circumstances attending it, was a breaking of the 
Sabbath. Baur, indeed, regards the whole narrative, notwithstanding the 
remarkable circumstantiality and naive liveliness which mark it, as an in- 
vention ; so also Strauss, Weisse, comp. the note after ver. 41. In harmony 
with his view of the figurative design of the entire healing, Luthardt (comp. 
also Godet) interprets the anointing with clay to mean : ‘‘He must become 
blind who wishes to receive sight” (the sending to the pool of Siloam being 
intended to typify the ἔρχεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν, 111. 20 f.). But interpretations of 
this sort have no warrant in the text, and furnish at the same time uninten- 
tional support to the unhistorical view of those who treat the narrative as 
the mere vehicle of an idea,—a remark which holds good against Hengsten- 
berg, who, like Erasmus® and others, regards πηλός, after Gen. ii. 7, as the 
symbol of creative influence, although in this case we have only to do with 
an opening of the eyes (vv. 10, 14), and that by means of a subsequent 
washing away of the πηλός. --- καὶ ἐπέχρισεν αὐτοῦ τ. πηλὸν ἐπὶ τ. 490. τ. τυφλοῦ] 


1 De Wette, comp. Β. Crusius. toris restituere quod perierat, qui condide- 

2 Erasmus, Paraphr.; ‘ paternum videli- rat quod non erat.”’ So substantially, also, 
cet ac suum verius opificium referens, quo Theophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, Beza, and 
primum hominem ex argilla humore ma- several others. Comp. also Iren. 5, 15, 
cerata finxerat, Ejusdem autem erat auc- 


304 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

According to this reading (see the critical note), αὐτοῦ must be referred to 
the spittle of Jesus ; He rubbed the ointment made of it and the clay on the 
eyes of the blind man.’— εἰς τὴν κολυμβ.} not dependent on ὕπαγε," which is 
not connected with via: even by a καί," but : Into the pool of Siloam, so that 
the πηλός is washed away into the pool by the process of cleansing which 
takes place on the edge of the basin.*— On the Pool Siloam (Fountain, Isa. 
viii. 6 ; Luke xiii. 4 ; Pool, Neh. iii. 15) and its doubtful situation, —which, 
however, Robinson,° following Josephus, re-discovered at the entrance of 
the Tyropoeum Valley, on the south-east side of Zion.* The expression 
κολυμβ. τοῦ Σιλ. denotes the pool formed by the fountain Siloam (6 Σιλ., 
Luke xiii. 4 ; Isa. vii. 6).—The washing in the pool of Siloam is no more to 
be regarded as a medicinal prescription than the application of the πηλός 
(the Rabbinical traces of a healing virtue of the water relate to the digestive 
organs, see Schoettgen), but was required by Jesus for the purpose of al- 
lowing the clay the necessary time for producing its effect, and, at the same 
time, this particular water, the pool of Siloam, was mentioned as being 
nearest to the scene of the action (in the vicinity of the temple, vill. 59, ix. 
1), and as certainly also well known to the blind man. According to Lange,’ 
the intention of Jesus, in prescribing the sacred fountain of the temple, 
was to set manifestly forth the co-operation of Jehovah in this repeated Sab- 
bath act. But neither John nor the discussion that follows in ver. 13 ff.— 
in the course of which, indeed, the pool is not once mentioned—betrays the 
slightest trace of this supposed mystery. This also in answer to the mean- 
ing imported by Godet into the text, that Siloam is represented as the type 
of all the blessings of which Christ is the reality, so that, in the form of an 
action, Christ says, ‘‘ Ce que Siloé est typiquement, je le suis en réalité.” This 
does not at all harmonize with the narrative ; in fact, on such a view, the 
confused notion would result, that the true Siloam sent the blind man to 
the typical Siloam in order to the completion of his cure,—that the Anti- 
type, in other words, sent him to the Type ! — ἀπεσταλμένος] The name mow 
(which even the LXX. and Josephus give in Greek as Σελωάμ) denotes origi- 
nally missio (sc. aquarum), 7.e. outflow ; but John, adopting a typical ety- 
mology, renders it directly MW, missus, which in itself was grammatically 
allowable, either after the analogy of m7 (see Hitzig on Isa. viii. 6), so that 
the word would be a strengthened particip. Kal with a passive signification, 
or, in virtue of the resolution of the dagesh forte in the particip. Piel into 
yod.* He thus finds, in the name of pool, a noteworthy typical reference, 
not indeed to Christ, the messenger of God, the true Siloam,” but to the cir- 


1 Note the niive, attractive circumstan- 
tiality which is characteristic of the entire 
narrative. 

2 Comp. on Matt. ii. 23. 

8 Against Liicke and Winer. 

4 Comp. on the pregnancy of this mode of 
expression, Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. ii. 2. 10; 
Winer, p. 387 [E. T. p. 415]. 

5 17. p. 142 ff. 

® See Tobler, d. Siloahquelle u. d. Oelberg, 


1852, p.1ff.; Rédiger in Gesen. Thes. III. 
p. 1416; Leyrer in Herzog’s Hncykl. XIV. 
p. 371 ff. 

Tis J» Ὁ1 680: 

8 See Tholuck, Beitrdge zur Spracherklar. 
p. 120 ff.; Ewald, Zehrb. d. Hebr. Spr. 
§ 160 8, 

§ As Theophylact, Erasmus, Beza, Calvin, 
Corn, 4 Lapide, and many other earlier 
commentators, also Schweizer, Ebrard, 


- 


CHAP. IX., 8—12. 305 
cumstance that the blind man was sent to this pool by Christ. The pool of 
mw has the ‘‘ nomen et omen” of this sending away. The context naturally 
suggests nothing further than this.’ It is arbitrary with Wassenberg and 
Kuinoel to pronounce the entire parenthesis spurious (it is absent only in 
Syr. and Pers. p.), a view to which Liicke also inclined, out of regard for 
John. But why should a fondness for typical etymologies have been for- 
eign to John? Comp. the much more peculiar example of Paul in Gal, iv. | 
25. Such things leave the pneumatic character of the evangelist unaffected. 
- ἀπῆλθεν] which he, being well acquainted with the neighbourhood, was 
able to do without any one to take him by the hand, τυφλῷ ποδί (Eur. Hee. 
1050), as, indeed, many blind men are able in like manner to find their way 
about alone. —7Afe] namely, to his dwelling, as is indicated by the words 
οἱ οὖν γείτονες which follow. Jesus did not meet him again till ver. 35. 

Vv. 8-12. Kai οἱ θεωροῦντες, etc.] And they who before had seen him that he 
was a beggar, the previous eye-witnesses of his being a beggar. The καί gives 
the force of universality :-and in general ; the partic. praes. has the force of 
the imperfect. —6 καθήμ. k. mpocat.| who is accustomed to sit there and beg. 
They had known him for a long while as occupied in no other way than in 
begging. — The peculiarly vivid and detailed character of what follows 
renders it probable that John derived his information from the lips of the 
man himself after he had become a believer. — Ver. 11. ἄνθρωπος λεγόμ. "Inooic] 
‘‘nescierat caecus celebritatem Jesu,” is the opinion of Bengel and others. 
But he must surely have learnt something more regarding his deliverer than 
His merename. The quondam blind man conducts himself rather through- 
out the whole affair in a very impartial and judicious manner, and for the 
present keeps to the simple matter of fact, without as yet venturing on a 
further judgment. — ἀνέβλεψα) may signify, I looked up.? So Liicke ; but 
this meaning is inadmissible on account of vv. 15, 18, which require 7 re. 
covered my sight, visum recepi.* As regards the man born blind, indeed, tha 
expression is inexact, but rests on the general notion that even one born 
blind has the natural power of sight, though he has been deprived of its 
use from his very birth, and that he recover's it through the healing.* — That 
the man is able to give, at all events, the name of his benefactor, is intelli- 
gible enough from the inquiries which he would naturally institute after he 


Luthardt, Hilgenfeld, Lange, Hengsten- 
berg, Briickner, Godet maintain. 

1 Not to the fact that in ἀπεσταλμ., which 
should denote ‘‘/reely flowing, streaming,” 
a deliverance from certain evils was found, 
as Ewald supposes, It is quite a mistake 
to suppose any allusion to the water of 
baptism (Calovius, after Ambrose, Jerome, 
and others); as also to identify the name 
with πὸ in Gen, xlix,6 (Grotius), The 
simple and correct view is taken also by 
Bengel, de Wette, and several others; by 
Baeumlein with hesitation. Nonnus aptly 
remarks : ὕδωρ στελλομένοιο προώνυμον ἐκ σέο 
πομπῆς, Comp. Euth. Zigabenus: διὰ τὸν 


ἀπεσταλμένον ἐκεῖ τότε τυφλόν. 

2 Mark xvi. 4: 2 Macc. vii. 25; Plat. Pol. 
Vil. p. 515 C; Ax, p. 870'C: Xen, Gyr. vi: 
4.9, 

3 Comp. Matt. xi. 5; Tob. xiv. 2; Plat. 
Phaedr. p. 243 B. 

*Comp. Grotius: ‘‘Nec male recipere 
quis dicitur, quod communiter tributum 
humanae naturae ipsi abfuit.’’ In Pausa- 
nias, also (Messen. iv. p. 240), we read of 
one who was born blind and received sight, 
ἀνέβλεψε, Comp. Evang. Nicod. 6, where 
the man born blind who there speaks says: 
ἐπέθηκε Tas χεῖρας ἐπὶ τ. ὀφθαλμούς mov, καὶ 
ἀνέβλεψα παραχρῆμα. 


306 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. - 


had been healed. But the circumstance that while at the outset he expresses 
no opinion regarding the person of Jesus (see previously on ἄνθρ. Aey. Iyc.), 
he notwithstanding afterwards declares Him to be a Prophet (ver. 17), and 
One sent of God (ver. 33), though he was first brought by Jesus Himself to 
believe in Him as the Messiah in vv. 35 ff., is entirely in keeping with the 
gradual nature of the development through which he passed. Such a grada- 
tion is, indeed, natural and necessary in some cases, whereas others differ- 
ently constituted are at once carried to the goal by the force of the first im- 
pression. This in opposition to Baur’s supposition that the narrator de- 
signedly so framed his account that the miracle should be viewed as an ἔργον 
θεοῦ primarily in its pure objectivity. —eic τὸν Σιλωέμ] here the name of the 
pool ; hence the Rec. has εἰς τ. κολυμβ. τ. Σιλ.,----ἃ correct gloss. 

Ver. 13 f. "Αγουσιν] These belong still to the persons designated in ver. 
8. They act thus because the healing had taken place on the Sabbath (ver. 
14), the violation of which they, in their servile dependence, believed it to 
be their duty not to conceal from the guardians of the law who ruled over 
the people. It does not, however, follow, from the fact that there were no 
sittings of the courts on the Sabbath, that the man was not brought on the 
day of the healing (so Liicke and several others suppose), but that by πρὸς 
τοὺς Φαρισ. is meant neither the Sanhedrim,’ nor a synagogal court,” of which, 
moreover, the text contains no notice.* Especially must it be remembered 
that in John the Sanhedrim is never simply designated οἱ Φαρισαῖοι (not even 
vii. 47), but always οἱ ἀρχιερεῖς x. οἱ bapic., or (Vil. 32) in the reverse order. 
The Pharisees as a corporate body are meant, and a number of them might 
easily have come together at one of their houses to form a kind of sitting. 
- τόν ποτε τυφλ.} A more precise designation of airév.*— Ver. 14 assigns the 
reason why they bring him. — τὸν πηλόν] the clay in question. 

Vv. 15, 16. Πάλιν] Glancing back at the same question asked by others 
(hence καὶ οἱ dap.) in ver. 10. — πηλόν, etc.] clay He laid on mine eyes (μου 
ἐπὶ τ. o90.), etc. Comp. on xi. 32. Note how the man only states what he 
himself felt ; hence there is no mention of the spittle. Compare already 
ver. 11. — ὅτι τὸ σάββ. ob τηρεῖ] A Rabbinical precept specially forbids the 
anointing of the eyes with spittle on the Sabbath.* Even if this were not 
yet in existence or recognized as binding, still the general principle was ad- 
mitted that healing should take place on the Sabbath solely in case of 
danger to 1106. --- ἄλλοι] who judged more candidly and conscientiously. 
Grotius well remarks : ‘‘Qui nondum occaluerant.”” They conclude from 
the miraculous element in the healing, so far as it implied a special divine 
help, which would not be vouchsafed to a sinner who disregarded God’s 
commands, that there must be something peculiar in this action performed . 
on the Sabbath, rendering it unfair to pass the judgment in question on its 
performer without further consideration. — The Hyperbaton in the position, 


1 Tholuck, Baeumlein. 3 Comp. Vii. 45, xi. 47. 

2Liicke, Lange. Of such subcrdinate 4See Buttmann, Neut. Gr. p. 342 [E. T. 
eourts with twenty-three members there p. 400]. 
were two in Jerusalem. See Saalschiitz, 5 Maimonides Schabb. 21. 


Mos. R. p. 601. 6 Schoettgen and Wetstein ad Matt, xii. 9. 


CHAP. IX., 17-22. 307 


οὐκ ἔστιν οὗτος παρὰ θεοῦ ὁ avOp., serves to lay stronger emphasis first on οὗτος, 
and then on παρὰ θεοῦ." --- σχίσμα] comp. vii. 43. 

Ver. 17. As there was such a difference of views among those who were 
assembled, they feel it to be of importance to ascertain the opinion of the 
man who had been healed. It might lead to further light being thrown on 
the affair. The subject of λέγουσιν is οἱ bapic., neither the hostile among them 
merely (Apollinarius and many others), nor the well-wishers alone (Chrys- 
ostom and his followers). — πάλεν] a repetition of the question after ver. 15. 
— ὅτι] εἰς ἐκεῖνο, bre ; see On ii. 18. Theodore of Mopsuestia well remarks : 
ὑπὲρ ὧν. --- προφήτης] Who had shown Himself to be such by this miracle. 
Comp. iii. 2, iv. 19, vi. 14, al. Thus the faith of the man became clear 
and confirmed by the controversy of the Pharisees. And he makes confes- 
sion of what he up to this time believes. 

Ver. 18. Observe that the mere verb is not again employed, nor even oi 
Φαρισαῖοι, but οἱ ᾽Τουδαῖοι, ὁ.6. the hostile hierarchical party among the assem- 
bled Pharisees, which now carries on further proceedings. Comp. ver. 22. 
—ov« éxior. placed emphatically at the beginning. — οὖν] as the healed man 
had declared Him to be a prophet. They now suspected the existence of a 
fraudulent understanding between the two. —éuc ὅτου] till they called, ete. 
Then first, after these had come and made their declaration, were they un- 
able any longer to call the cure in question (vv. 26, 34). —airow τοῦ ἀναβλέψ.] 
of the very man who had recovered his sight, concerning whom his own parents 
must surely know best. 

Vv. 19-21. To the two questions put in ver. 19 exactly corresponding 
answers are returned in vv. 20, 21 ; the second, however, twice nesciendo. — 
ὃν ὑμεῖς λέγετε] Opposed to the personal unbelief of the questioners ; ὅν as in 
vi. 71.— πῶς] how does it happen that ? — - οὖν] as it is alleged that he was 
born blind, — Ver. 20. πῶς dé ἄρτι βλέπει, ἀγνοεῖν λέγουσι, φοβούμενοι τοὺς "Lovdai- 
ove. Ἔξω κινδύνου καθιστῶντες ἑαυτούς, ἐπὶ τὸν τεθεραπευμένον παραπέμπουσι THY 
ἐρώτησιν, ὡς ἀξιοπιστότερον αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ ζητήματι, Huth. Zigabenus, — 
ἡμεῖς] opposed to the αὐτός... αὐτόν. .. αὐτός, afterwards thrice re- 
peated, and asyndetically, with passionate emphasis. ἡλικίαν ἔχει] he him- 
self is of full age.? — αὐτὸς περὶ αὑτοῦ] he will himself speak concerning him- 
867. 

Ver. 22. "Ἤδη γὰρ συνετέθ.] for—so great cause had they for that fear—the 
Jews had already agreed, had already come to an understanding with each 
other ; conspiraverant, Vulgate.* The context does not justify the assump- 
tion of a decree of the Sanhedrim to that effect. The hope, however, was 
cherished of being able without difficulty to convert the arrangement in 
question into a decree of the Sanhedrim ; and the parents of the blind man 
might easily have come to know of this. We can readily understand that 
they should prefer exposing their son rather than themselves to this danger, 


1 Comp. in general Bernhardy, p. 460. Neut. Gr. p. 97 f. [E. T. p. 112]. 

2 Comp. Herod. 3. 36, 7. 18; Thuc. 8. 75; 4Comp. Luke xxii. 5; Acts xxiii. 203 
Polyb. 9. 23. 9, al. See Kypke, I. p. 387; Thuc. 4.19; 1 Macc. ix. 70; Ast, Lex. Plat. 
Loesner, p. 150. II. p. 340. 

βϑαὐτοῦ with the Spir. lenis. Buttm. 


308 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN, 

since they must have been certain that he would not refuse to make for the 
sake of his benefactor the dangerous confession. —iva] that which they 
had agreed on is conceived as the intention of their agreement.’ — aroovvay. 
γέν.] Exclusion from the fellowship of the synagogue, and in connection 
therewith from the common intercourse of -life, was probably at this time 
the sole form of excommunication. See on Luke vi. 22. 

Vv. 24, 25. Δὸς δόξαν τ. θεῷ] ‘‘ Speciosa praefatio,” Bengel ; for they 
expect a declaration prejudicial to Jesus, such as the man had hitherto 
refused to make, and therefore employ this sacred and binding requirement 
to declare the truth, by which God would be honoured, inasmuch as to 
speak the truth was to show reverence to Him.* — ἡμεῖς οἴδαμεν, etc.] This 
assertion of hierarchical authority (ἡμεῖς with emphasis) was intended to 
overawe the man, and give a bias to his judgment. In vain. With cau- 
tious reticence he prudently refers them simply to what had actually hap- 
pened ; this alone was known to him ;? but not whether, εἴα. -- τυφλὸς ὧν] 
being blind, namely, in his natural state, from birth. Comp. iii. 13. 

Vv. 26, 27. As they are unable to attain their end, they return to the 
question as to the How? (comp. ver. 15) in order conclusively to establish 
the fact in the course of this second examination of the man. He, however, 
with his straightforward, honest mind,* becomes irritated, and even embit- 
tered, at this repeated interrogation. — καὶ οὐκ ἠκούσατε] is taken as a decla- 
ration : and ye did not listen thereto (taken heed). It corresponds better, 
however, with the naive character of the man, and with the liveliness of his 
irritation, as also with the succeeding ἀκούειν, which denotes simply ‘‘ hear,” 
to take the clause as a question: And did you not heur it ?— τί] why, as you 
surely must have heard it. — μὴ καὶ ὑμεῖς] surely not you also? like others. 
To the θέλειν, etc., would correspond the effort to be convinced of the reality 
of the miracle that had been performed. Chrysostom, Bengel, and several 
others consider that καί indicates that the blind man confessed himself to be 
one of His disciples, or that it was his intention to become one. His devel- 
opment, however, had not yet advanced so far. See vv. 35, 36. But that 
his benefactor had disciples about Him (ver. 2), he must certainly have learnt 
from others. 

Vv. 28, 29. ᾿Ελοιδόρ.] as preliminary to the following words. Passionate 
outburst in an unrighteous cause. — σὺ εἶ μαθ. ἐκ. They had been unable to 
get out of him any declaration against Jesus, and regarded his behaviour, 
therefore, as a taking part with Christ. Bengel aptly remarks on ἐκείνου : 
** Hoe vocabulo removent Jesum a sese.”” Comp. on vii. 11. — Ver. 29. ἡμεῖς 
once again with proud emphasis. — Moio7] has the emphasis in opposition 
to τοῦτον. whichis thus the more contemptuous in meaning (vi. 42, and often). 
— πόθεν ἐστίν] i.e. by whom he is sent. Comp. viii. 14. 

Vv. 30-33. The passionateness of the Jews now emboldens the man to make 
a further confession (ver. 17). —év γὰρ τούτῳ τὸ (see the critical notes) θαυμ. 


1 Comp. ἀξιοῦν ἵνα in Dem. de Cor. 155 (see 18: 
Dissen on the passage), and Nigelsbach on 3 Comp. Soph. 0. Ο΄ 1103: οὐκ οἷδα πλὴν ἕν. 
the Ziad, p. 62, ed. 3. 4 ἀνὴρ ἀδόνητος, Nonnus. 

2Comp. Josh. vii. 19; Esr. x. 11; 3’Hsr. 


CHAP. IX., 34-36. 309 


ἐστιν Why, herein (in this state of the case) és the marvel, that ye know not 
Srom whence He is, and (that) He hath opened mine eyes. The force of the 
θαυμαστόν lies in καὶ ἀνέῳξε, etc., in virtue of the groundless nature of that 
ignorance to which actual testimony was thus borne ; see vv. 31-83. Con- 
cerning a man who has done that, ye ought surely to know, etc. γάρ, 
‘¢respicit ad ea, quae alter antea dixerat, et continet cum affirmatione con- 
clusionem, quae ex rebus ita comparatis facienda sit,” Klotz, ad Devar. 
p. 242. Comp. on 1 Cor. xi. 22. It is often thus used, especially when 
‘¢miratio rei aut aliorum incredulitatis ad significatur.”? Comp. Xen. Mem. 
iv. 2. 6. —ipsic] Ye people, who ought to know this best. — Ver. 31. The 
man now proves to them, onward to ver. 33, how clearly it is evident from 
the act of Jesus that He is no sinner (ver. 16), but a pious man, nay, a man 
sent of God. He begins his proof witha major premiss, which he postu- 
lates as universally conceded and known,’ and which rests on the idea that 
miracles are answers to prayer.* A sufficient reason for not assuming that 
Jesus actually pronounced a prayer aloud in performing the miracle (as 
Ewald thinks), is the silence of John, who would scarcely have omitted this 
detail from a narrative so minute as this. Ver. 32. Minor premiss ; then in 
ver. 33, conclusion, both in popular form. — οὐδέν] effect nothing—is re- 
stricted by the connection to miraculous deeds such as the one here 
recorded. 

Ver. 84. Thou wert born with thy whole nature laden with sin, so that 
nothing in thee is pure from sins; but thou art entirely, through and 
through, a born reprobate.* They entertain the same prejudice regarding 
sinfulness before birth (not of the parents) to which the disciples had pre- 
viously given expression (ver. 2), and make here a spiteful application 
of it. Comp. on ὅλος xiii. 10. The notion of ‘‘ heightened original sin” 5 
is not appropriate to the connection, as the inference from being born blind 
implies sins committed before birth.—Note the contemptuous emphasis of 
the σύ. . . of. —diddox. ἡμ. The emphasis rests here, not on διδάσκ., but 
on ἡμᾶς : dost thou comport thyself as our teacher ? — ἐξέβαλ. air. ἔξω] not 
designating excommunication,® as no sitting of the Sanhedrim had taken’ 
place ; and, besides, how indefinite a mode of designating the matter would 
it be ! although ἐκβάλλειν is frequently used by Thucydides, Xenophon, and 
others to denote exile. Comp. also 3 John, ver. 10. As the context sug- 
gests nothing else, and as there is not a hint of a sentence of excommunica- 
tion, which might perhaps have been pronounced a few days later in the 
synagogue (Ewald), we must simply explain : they cast him out. Significant 
enough as the final result. of the hostile and passionate discussion.’ The 
remark of Maldonatus is correct : ‘‘ex loco, in quo erant.” ® 

Vv. 35, 86. The inner connection is formed, not by the thought that 


1 Ellendt, Lex. Soph. I. p. 382. ® Olshausen, de Wette, Tholuck, Baeum- 
3 οἴδαμεν, Job xxvii. 9, xxxv. 13; Ps. lxvi. lein, and many older commentators. 

18, cix. 7; Prov. xv. 29; Isa. i. 15. 7 Comp. Chrysostom, Nonnus, and Theo- 
3 Comp. xi. 41 ff. ; Mark vii. 34. phylact, who, however, transfers the scene 
4Nonnus: ovyyovos ἀμπλακίησιν ἐμαιώθης to the temple. 

ὅλος ἀνήρ. 8 Comp. Bengel, Dem. 1860, 11; Acts vii. 


5 Hengstenberg, after Ps. li. 7. 58. 


810 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Jesus, when He had heard, etc., wished to confer on the man rich compensation ,} 
but, as the question σὺ πιστεύεις, etc., shows (thou believest on the Son of 
God ? which presupposes an affirmative reply), Jesus heard of his being cast 
out, inferred from this that the man had confessed Him to be the Messiah, 
and therefore asked when He met him, etc. The conclusion which Jesus 
arrived at was substantially correct ; for he who had been born blind had 
confessed regarding Him that He was παρὰ θεοῦ, although the man did not 
yet consciously associate with this more general predicate a definite refer- 
ence to the Messiah. Liicke finds in πιστεύεις merely the inclination to be- 
lieve ; were this, however, its force, we must have had θέλεις πιστεύειν, or 
some similar mode of expression. Like πιστεύω in ver. 98,- πιστεύεις here 
also denotes actual faith, namely, in the manifested Messiah. —The words 
τὸν υἱὸν τ. θεοῦ " must be taken, not in their metaphysical,*® but simply in 
their theocratic signification (comp. i. 50), as the man who had been born 
blind, to whose notions Jesus had to accommodate Himself, could and did 
only understand this at the time. That Jesus, however, on His side, and for 
Himself, entertained the higher view, must be taken for granted. — Ver. 36. 
Surprised by this question, and quickly taking it as a point of connection, 
the man puts a counter-question, which was designed to show that he is wn- 
able as yet to believe in the Messiah, though ready to do so as soon as he 
shall know him. With regard to καὶ ric ἐστι, comp. xiv. 22, and on Mark x. 
26. — iva] Design of the inquiry, asin i. 22. 

Vv. 37, 38. Kai. . . καί) thou hast actually seen Him, and, etc. Comp. 
on vi. 36. The substantial meaning of the second clause is : and hearest 
Him speak with thee ; but it has a more concrete and lively turn. — ἑώρακας] 
refers to the present interview, not to aformcr one; for he had not seen 
Jesus whilst the act of healing was being performed, and he had not re- 
turned to Him from Siloam (see on ver. 7). The use of the perf. as the 
present, of completed action (thou hast a view of Him), need not surprise.‘ 
— éxeivéc ἐστιν] ἐκεῖνος is not predicate ;° but, as John’s very favourite man- 
ner is, subject, demonstratively comprehending the foregoing participial des- 
ignation of the same, as ini. 18, 88, v. 11. Comp. 2 Cor. x. 18. So also 
in the Classics, although they more frequently use οὗτος in this way.° The 
connection alone, then, shows whether the person intended is some one else, 
or, as in this case, and in xix. 35, the speaker himself, who presents himself 
objectively as a third person, and thus introduces himself to the person 
addressed with special emphasis. At the same time, the force of ἐκεῖνος is 
not thus transformed into that of idem or ipse.’ — κύριε] ‘‘ jam augustiore 


1 Chrysostom and several others. 

27. υἱν τοῦ ἀνθρώπον (see the critical 
notes) Jesus could not have expected the 
blind man to understand, as included in 
this question. 

3 Olshausen, Ebrard. 

4 Bernhardy, p. 378. 

5 Hilgenfeld in his Zeitschrift, 1859, p. 416. 

6 See Kriiger on Thue. 2. 15. 4. 

7™In relation to the erroneous assertion 


that ἐκεῖνος in xix. 85 betrays an author 
different from the Apostle John (see on 
the passage), the Johannine use of the 
word was discussed at length by Steitz in 
d. Stud. u. Krit. 1859, p. 497 ff.; Buttmann 
in the same journal for 1860, p. 505 ff. ; and 
then again by Steitz in the Stud. u. Krit. 
for 1861, p. 368 ff. These controversial 
discussions (see, finally, Steitz in Hilgen- 
feld’s Zeitschr. 1862, p. 264 ff.) were in so 


CHAP. IX.5599; 911 
sensu ita dicit, quam dixerat,” ver. 86, Bengel. — προσεκύνησεν αὐτῷ] John 
uses προσκυνεῖν solely of divine worship, iv. 20 ff., xii. 20. The man was 
seized by the feeling—as yet indeed vague and indistinct—of the divine δόξα, 
the bearer of which, the Messiah, the object of his newly awakened faith 
and confession, stands before him. The higher conception of ὁ υἱὸς τ. θεοῦ 
has struck him. 

Ver. 39. An Oxymoron, to which Jesus (comp. 1 Cor. i. 18 f£.), seeing at 
His feet the man born blind, and now endued not only with bodily, but 
also with spiritual sight, gives utterance with profound emotion, addressing 
Himself, moreover, not to any one particular person (hence εἶπεν without 
the addition of a person, comp. i. 29, 36), but to those around Him in gen- 
eral. From among these the Pharisees then (ver. 40) come forward to reply. 
The compact, pregnant sentence is uttered irrespectively of the man who 
had been blind, who also ina higher sense appears in ver. 36 as still μὴ 
βλέπων, and in ver. 38 as βλέπων. --- εἰς κρῖμα] telically, i.e. to this end, as is 
clear from the more exact explanation iva, etc., that follows. This κρῖμα ’ is 
an end, though not the ultimate end, of the appearance of Jesus. He came 
to bring about, as a matter of fact, a judicial decision ; He came, namely, 
in order that, by means of His agency, those who see not might see, i.e. in 
order that those who are conscious of the lack of divine truth (comp. the 
poor in spirit in Matt. v. 3) may be illumined thereby, and they who see 
may become blind (not merely : appareant caeci, as Grotius and several 
others explain), ὁ.6. those who fancy themselves to be in possession of divine 
truth,? might not become participators therein ; but (comp. Isa. vi. 9 f.) be 
closed, blinded, and hardened against it (like the self-conceited Pharisees). 
The point of the saying lies in this: that oi μὴ βλέποντες is subjective, and 
βλέπωσι objective ; whereas οἱ βλέποντες is subjective, and τυφλοὶ γένωνται objec- 
tive.* —xpiua is neither merely separation,‘ nor equivalent to κατάκρισις ;° 
but what Christ here says regarding Himself is a matter of fact, a retributive 


far unnecessary, as the use of ἐκεῖνος in 
John does not deviate from the genuine 
Greek usage; and as the context of xix. 35 
shows, as clearly as that of the present 
passage that the person who speaks is 
pointed to, being presented objectively as 
though he were a third person. 

1On this accentuation of κρῖμα, see Lo- 
beck, Paral. p. 418; comp. however, Lip- 
sius, grammat. Unters. I. Ὁ. 40. — The word 
itself is used by John only in this place. It 
denotes, not the trial which is held, the 
judicial procedure (κρίσις), but its result, the 
judicial sentence which is pronounced, the 
decision of the court, what is judicially 
measured out, etc. Hence κρῖμα λαμβάνειν, 
βαστάζειν, etc. 

2 Comp. Luke xi. 52; Matt. xi. 25; Rom. 
ii. 19; 1 Cor. i. 21, iii. 18. 

3 Τῷ is true, indeed, that the μὴ βλέποντες 
are susceptible, and the βλέποντες unsuscep- 
tible ; hut this was not determined by the 


consideration that the former believed 
without seeing, whilst the latter refused to 
believe, notwithstanding all they had seen 
of Jesus (see Baur, p. 179); on the con- 
trary, the susceptibility of the one and the 
unsusceptibility of the other were rooted 
in their inner relation to Christ, which is 
necessarily moral, and the result of free 
self-determination. Indeed, against the 
view now controverted, ver. 41 alone is 
decisive, apart even from the mysterious 
designation of the matter by a circumstance 
occurring in connection with it. Comp. 
Delitzsch, Psych. p. 162.—On μὴ βλέπειν, 
to be blind, comp. Soph. O. C.73; O. 1. 802 ; 
see also Xen. Mem. i. 8. 4. On τυφλός in the 
figurative sense, see Soph. O. 20. 371. 

4 Castalio, Corn. ἃ Lapide, Kuinoel, de 
Wette, and several others. 

5 Ammonius, Euth. Zigabenus, Olshau- 
sen. 


312 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


judicial arrangement, affecting both sides according to the position they 
take up relatively to Him. Hence there is no contradiction with iii. 17, 
viii. 15, xii. 47.’ If, with Godet, we understand οἱ μὴ βλέποντες and οἱ BAé- 
ποντες Of those who have not and those who have the knowledge of the 
Jewish law, we must refer βλέπωσι and τυφλοί to the divine truth which Christ 
reveals. A twofold relation is thus introduced, to which the words λέγετε 
ὅτι βλέπομεν, ver. 41, are also opposed. 

Ver. 40. Pharisees were no doubt in His company, whose object was to 
mark all the more carefully His further behaviour after the performance of 
the miracle, not apostate disciples of Jesus,’ or adherents of a Pharisaic 
spirit (Lange). See x. 6, 21. They imagine that, in conformity with the 
opinion which Jesus entertains regarding them, He must needs reckon them 
among the μὴ βλέποντες 3 and they fail altogether to perceive that, according 
to the sense in which He used the expression,—which, however, they do 
not understand,—He must inclucte them among the βλέποντες. That they, 
the wise men of the nation, should be μὴ βλέποντες or τυφλοί (comp. Matt. 
xv. 14), seems to them, in their conceit, so astonishing and singular, that 
they ask : We also are surely not blind? The Pharisees did not understand 
Jesus to be speaking of physical blindness,* because otherwise they would 
certainly not have put such a question. 

Ver. 41. Alas ! virtually replies Jesus, Ye are not blind. Were ye blind 
(as I intended the μὴ βλέποντες in ver. 89), that is, people who are conscious 
of being destitute of the true knowledge,‘ then ye would be without sin, i.e. 
your unbelief in me would not be sinful, just because it would involve no 
resistance to divine truth, but would simply imply that ye had not yet at- 
tained to it, a result for which ye were not to blame. But now ye as- 
sert that ye see (profess to be possessors of divine truth) ; the consequence 
whereof is, that your sin remaineth (is not removed),® 1.6. that your unbelief 
in me not only is sinful, but this your sin continues to exist, remains unde- 
stroyed,® because your conceit is a perpetual ground for rejecting me, so that 
you cannot attain to faith and the forgiveness of sin. ‘‘ Dicendo videmus, 
medicum non quaeritis,” Augustine. ‘‘Si diceretis : caect sumus, visum 
peteretis et peccatum jam desiisset,” Bengel. According to Liicke,’?’ whom 
J. Miiller follows,* the meaning is: ‘‘ Were you blind, 1.6. without the 
capability of knowledge, there would be no sin (guilt) in your unbelief ; 
you would then be wnadle to believe with knowledge. But so long as you 
say, notwithstanding all your blindness, We see, and therefore do not put 
away your conceited self-deception, so long your unbelief cannot depart, 
but must remain.” Against this view are the following objections : 1. 
τυφλοί, because answering to μὴ βλέποντες in ver. 39, cannot denote incapacity 


1 Comp. also Weiss, Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 186 f. stand. 


2 Chrysostom, Euth. Zigabenus. 

3 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Ziga- 
benus, and others. 

4 Not, physically blind, as Nonnus, The- 
ophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, and several 
others here, as well as in ver. 40, after the 
example of Chrysostom, wrongly under- 


5 Not, “ The sin remains yours” (Ewald). 
Comp. xv. 16. 

δ ἀνεξάλειπτος μένει, Theodoret, Herac- 
leon. 

7 So substantially Baeumlein. 

8 Lehre v. ἃ. Stinde, I. p. 286, ed. 5. 


CHAP) TX. VAD. 313 


for knowledge ; 2. The antithesis λέγετε ὅτι βλέπ. suggests for τυφλοί, not 
the objective, but the subjective meaning ; 3. ‘Avapria is thus taken in dif- 
ferent senses in the two halves. Other far-fetched meanings are: Were you 
blind, like the multitude which you regard as blind, perhaps you would have 
no sin, etc.;* or (Hengst.), if ye suffered merely from the simple blindness 
of the human race, which is blind from birth, ye would have no sin of deci- 
sive significance, no unpardonable sin ; as though there were the slightest 
reference to anything of the kind! Substantially correct are Erasmus, Beza, 
Grotius, and several others ; comp. Luthardt and Ebrard ; still οὐκ ἂν εἶχ. ἀμ. 
ought not to be transposed into, ‘‘ then would your sin forgive you.” The 
explanation of Godet is a natural consequence of his interpretation of ver. 
39, but founders on the words λέγετε ὅτι βλέπομεν." [See Note XXXVI. p. 
314. | 


OBsERVATION.—The absence from the Synoptics of the miracle performed on 
the man who was born blind finds its explanation simply in the circum- 
stance that it did not take place in the (Galilean) sphere of the synoptic narra- 
tive, and ought not to have been made the ground of an attack on its historical 
credibility, as was done by Strauss (who compares the healing of Naaman in 2 
Kings v. 10); by Weisse (who derives the narrative, by means of a misunder- 
standing, from ver. 39); and by Baur (who regards this story as the intensified 
expression of the healings of the blind recorded by the synoptists, p. 245 f.) ; 
whilst Gfrérer, on the contrary, content with asserting the presence of unhis- 
torical additions, comes to a conclusion disadvantageous to the synoptists.— 
According to Baur (p. 176 ff.), the narrative of the miracle was definitely and 
intentionally shaped, so as to set forth faith in its pure objectivity, the susceptibil- 
ity to the divine as it is affected by the pure impression of the divine element 
in the ἔργα θεοῦ, even when it is not yet aware who is the subject of these ἔργα. 
«Tt clings to the thing itself; and the thing itself is so immediately divine, 
that in the thing, without knowing it, one has also the person.’’ In such wise 
are arbitrary, and not even relevant (see Briickner), abstractions from history 
converted into the ground of history. Ammon makes the occurrence a natural 
healing of an inflammation of the eyes! a counterpart to the converse travesty of 
some of the Fathers, who express the opinion that the blind man lacked eyes al- 
together, and that Jesus formed them out of the πηλός, as God at first formed 
man from the earth ;* comp. on ver. 6 f. 


1 Ewald, as though besides ἄν John had 
written also τάχα or ἴσως. 

2 Sils appartenaient ala multitude igno- 
rante, leur incrédulité ἃ Végard de Jésus 
pourrait nétre quwune affaire dentrainement 
(it would be merely asin against the Son of 
man); mais éclairés, comme ils le sont, par la 
connaissance dela parole de Dieu, cest sciem- 
ment, gqwils rejettent le Messie’” (this is a sin 


against the Holy Ghost). In this case, how- 
ever, Jesus must have said: νῦν δὲ βλέπετε, 
not νῦν δὲ λέγετε ὅτι βλέπομεν, Which Godet, 
it is true, regards merely as an allusion to 
the question in yer. 40; while in reality it 
is the key to the correct understanding of 
the entire passage. 

3 See especially Irenaeus, Theodore of 
Mopsuestia, and Nonnus. 


914 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Notes py AmErtcan Eprtor. 


XXXVa. ‘‘ Made clay from the spittle.’”’ Ver. 6. 


Weiss holds Meyer entirely correct in declaring it incompatible with the truth- 
fulness and dignity of Jesus that there should have been in the application of the 
spittle no real influence upon the result. Whether, with Meyer, we regard the 
spittle as containing, or, with Thol. and Ols., as conducting the healing virtue, 
which reached and wrought effectually on the organism, he would leave unde- 
cided. It is only certain, he holds, that the divine agency which restored sight 
to the blind man did not depend upon the natural qualities of the spittle, but 
miraculously enhanced them. He rejects Meyev’s inference that the fact that 
Jesus did not elsewhere in his miracles employ like outward means, proves that 
he alone knew where there was a necessity of any such outward accessories. He 
rejects it on the ground that any necessity involved in the case is incompatible 
with the miraculous character of the event. This seems eminently just, and it 
is extraordinary how any can associate witha miracle, wrought by omnipotence, 
the necessity of any special form of intermediate agency. To me, moreover, 
both Meyer and Weiss seem wrong in considering any merely accompanying 
outward, and perhaps symbolical act, as inconsistent with the Saviour’s truth- 
fulness and dignity. It surely may be proper by some external word or act, 
accompanying, though not directly aiding the miracle, to connect it manifestly 
with the person of the agent, and make an impression on the senses and the 
minds of men. Such, in the O. T. miracles, was Elisha’s smiting the waters of 
the Jordan with the mantle of Elijah, Moses’ stretching out his rod over the Red 
Sea, and smiting the rock for water in the desert. Such in reality was our 
Lord’s bidding the man with the withered hand stretch out his hand, not in aid, 
but as symbol of the healing ; his sending Peter to the sea to obtain the stater 
from the mouth of the fish, and his breaking the five loaves to feed more than 
five thousand persons. Such was the carrying of handkerchiefs to the sick 
from the persons of the Apostles. It seems perfectly consonant with his con- 
stant course in nature that the Great Miracle-worker should partially disguise, 
partially reveal, the exercise of his power under some outward act which seems 
consonant with, while it can have noreal bearing on, the result. It seemsa 
natural way for the Infinite Spirit to deal with finite beings at once sensuous 
and spiritual. What the special accessories shall be may vary according to the 
pleasure of the Worker, and the circumstances of the case. The scene of this 
particular restoration, occurring in Jerusalem, the theocratic centre, and on the 
Sabbath, with its certain exposure to the hostile scrutiny and judgment of the 
chief men of the nation, with whom the Lord’s relations were becoming those 
of more pronounced enmity, may naturally have led Him to make the ac- 
cessories of this miracle unusually prominent and striking. Much more than 
would the utterance of any mere words, it prevents the miracle from being 
‘*done in a corner.’’ It almost flings the Lord’s challenge and defiance into 
the face of the theocratic rulers. 


XXXVI. ‘ Jf ye were blind.”’ Ver, 41. 
‘If ye were blind, ye would not have sin; but as it is (νῦν dé) ye say, We 
see : your sin remaineth.’”’ If ye were ina mental condition answering to that 
of the physically blind, ye would not have sin. As the physically blind is not 


NOTES. al 


to blame for not seeing physical light and the objects which it reveals, so if 
ye had no capacily of moral vision, ye would be without blame for not discern- 
ing spiritual truth. But as the case stands, ye say that ye see: ye claim to 
have the power of vision. Ye renounce the plea of spiritual incapacity, and 
yet refuse to exercise the power of seeing and recognizing the truth, and 
must be treated as those who have the faculty of vision and whose blindness is 
wilful. Your sin, therefore, remaineth. The term is used, I think, in a judi- 
cial sense. Your sin is not taken away by any plea of ignorance which might be 
urged in your favour. It siands. Meyer and nearly all the commentators take 
it in various modifications of irremovable, I think wrongly. 

The difficulty in the passage lies partly, at least, in the fact that the cases of 
physical and moral blindness are analogous indeed, but not parallel. There 
is no such moral blindness as to exempt completely from moral responsibility. 
Every one has some light, and he who possesses alittle, being yet conscious how 
little it is, is the Saviour’s μὴ βλέπων : while he who, possessing perhaps much 
more, yet fancies that he possesses all, and rejects the larger and diviner light, 
is the βλέπων who, in this rejection, becomes blind. 


316 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


CHAPTER X. 


Ver. 3. καλεῖ] A. B. D. L. X. δὲ. Curss. Cyr.: φωνεῖ. Recommended by Griesb., 
accepted by Lachm. and Tisch. Correct ; the following κατ᾽ ὄνομα was the oc- 
casion of writing the more definite word alongside, whence it was then intro- 
duced into the text. — Ver. 4. τὰ ἴδια πρόβατα] Lachm. and Tisch.: τὰ idva 
πάντα, after B. Ὁ. L. X. &.** Cursives, Copt. Sahid. Cyr. Lucif. Cant. πάντα, 
after the preceding occurrence of the word, passed mechanically over into 
πρόβατα. --- Ver. 5. dxoAov§yawowv] Lachm. and Tisch. : ἀκολουθήσουσιν, after pre- 
ponderating testimony ; the Indicat. was displaced by the usual conjunct. — 
Ver. 8. πάντες] 1s omitted in D. Cant. Ver. Foss. Didym., and πρὸ ἐμοῦ is absent 
from Εἰ. F. G. M.S. U. A. 8.* Cursives, Verss. the Fathers. The omission of 
πάντες is to be explained from its being superfluous ; and that of πρὸ ἐμοῦ, which 
Tisch. has deleted, from the Gnostic and Manichaean misuse of the passage in 
opposition to the Old Testament. — The place of πρὸ ἐμοῦ after ἦλθον is deci- 
sively attested (Elz., Scholz. : before 7AGov). — Instead of τίθησιν, ver. 11, δίδωσιν 
(Tisch.) is too feebly attested. So also δίδωμι, ver. 15.— Ver. 12. τὰ πρόβατα 
after σκορπ. is wanting in Β. D. L. δὲ. Cursives, Verss. Lucif. ; bracketed by 
Lachm. and suppressed by Tisch. But why should it have been added? Ap- 
pearing as it would altogether superfluous, it might easily be passed over. — 
Ver. 13. ὁ δὲ μισθωτ. φεύγει] Wanting in B. D. L. δὲ. Cursives, Verss. Lucif. ; 
bracketed by Lachm., rejected even by Rinck, and deleted by Tisch. But how 
easily might the eye of a copyist pass at once from ὁ δὲ μισῇ. to ὅτι μισῇ., so that 
ὁ δὲ μισθ. φεύγει Was omitted. This explanation is suggested further by A.,* 
which omits μισῇ. φεύγει 671. — Ver. 14. γινώσκομαι ὑπὸ τῶν ἐμῶν] Β. Ὁ). L. ®&., 
most of the Verss. Cyr. Epiph. Nonn.: γινώσκουσίν pe τὰ ἐμά. Recommended 
by Griesbach, accepted by Lachm. and Tisch. This active turn is a transfor- 
mation in harmony with the following verse, in which also there is no passive 
expression. — Ver. 16. The position δεῖ we (Lachm. and Tisch.) is strongly 
supported, but would easily suggest itself as the more usual instead of we det. 
— γενήσεται] B. Ὁ. L. X. and some Verss. : γενήσονται. Mechanically introduced 
after the preceding plural form. — Ver. 18. αἴρει] Tisch. : ἦρεν, only after B. δὲ. 
— Ver. 26. Instead of οὐ γάρ we must read, with Tisch., ὅτι oix, after B. D. Τὶ. 
X. δὲ. Curss. Or. Cyr. Chrys. — καθὼς εἶπον ὑμῖν] wanting in B. K. L. M.* δ, 
Curss. Verss. and Fathers. Bracketed by Lachm. The apparent incongruity 
caused the omission. — Ver. 29. ὃς δέδωκε] D.: ὁ δεδωκώς. A stylistic alteration. 
B. L. δὲ. Copt. Sahid. Vulg. It. Goth. Tert. Hil. : ὃ δέδωκεν. A. B. X. It. Vulg. 
read μεῖζον afterwards. The latter is to be regarded as original, and because 
the neuter was not understood relatively to 6 πατήρ as the source of the altera- 
tion, ὃ δέδωκεν. --- Ver. 33. λέγοντες] is, with Lachm. and Tisch., after preponder- 
ating testimony, to be deleted. — Ver. 38. πιστεύητε] Tisch. : πιστεύετε, after in- 
adequate evidence for this irregularity, especially as πιστεύετε precedes and fol- 
lows ; for instead of the following πιστεύσατε, decisive evidence renders it neces- 
sary, with Tisch., to read πιστεύετε. --- iva γνῶτε καὶ πιστεύσητε] Lachm, and Tisch. : 


CHAP. π 317 


iva γνῶτε κ. γινώσκητε, after B. L. X. Curss. Copt. Sahid. Arm. Aeth. and some 
Fathers. Correctly ; not being understood after γνῶτε, γινώσκ. was altered into 
πιστεύσ. --- αὐτῷ] B. D. L. X. 8. Curss. and most of the Verss., also Or. Athan. 
and others, have τῷ πατρί. Recommended by Griesbach, accepted by Lachm. 
and Tisch. With such decided witnesses in its favour, justly ; for the empha- 
sis lying in the repetition of the word mighty easily escape the copyists. — 
Ver. 42. ἐκεῖ] Decisive evidence assigns it its place after αὐτόν. So also Lachm. 
and Tisch. 


Ver. 1.1 The new chapter should have begun with ix. 35; for x. 1-21 
constitute one act with ix. 35-41, as is evident both from the circumstance 
that x. 1 ff. follow immediately without the slightest indication of a change 
having taken place, and also from ver. 6 (comp. ix. 41). The parable is 
therefore still addressed to the Pharisees of chap. ix.; as ver. 21 also shows 
by the reference which it contains to the healing of the blind man. — ἀμὴν 
ἀμῆν, etc.| After the punitive words of ix. 41, Jesus now, with solemn 
earnestness, and through the medium of a parable, unveils to them how 
their hostile relation to Him, in rejecting Him, while at the same time re- 
garding themselves as the leaders of the people of God, necessarily made 
them the corrupters of the nation. His discourse proceeds, however, 
without any objection or contradiction being raised by His opponents ; for 
they did not understand the figure, ver. 6 ; many also fail to understand 
the explanation, and despise the speaker as crazy (ver. 20) ; whilst others, 
again, yield to the impression made by the penetrating truth of His words 
(ver. 21). It happened, accordingly, that Jesus was able to carry out the 
beautiful allegory (ver. 6) in all its detail, without interruption, as it were 
in one breath ; and had therefore, at its close, nothing further to do than to 
let the words spoken produce their natural impression. Their primary effect 
was a division among His hearers (ver. 19), in accordance with ix. 39 ; such 
as had already showed itself in ix. 16. —6 μὴ εἰσερχόμενος, etc.] The flocks 
of sheep spent the night in a fold (αὐλή, 1174) surrounded by a wall, at 
whose gate an under-shepherd (ὁ θυρωρός, ver. 8) kept watch during the 
night. See especially Bochart, Hieroz. I. p. 482, ed. Rosenm. Opposed to 
the εἰσερχόμ. διὰ τ. θύρας (the emphasis lies on the last word) is the ἀναβαίνων 
ἀλλαχόθεν, who gets up (on to the wall, for the purpose of coming into the 
αὐλή, over it) from elsewhere, i.e. from another direction than that indicated 
by the gate. There is only one door. On ἀλλαχόθεν, which is equivalent to 
the old classical ἄλλοθεν, see.?— κλέπτ. x. λῃστής] Thief and robber ; a cli- 
mactic strengthening of the idea ;* the individual features, however, of the 
soul-destroying, selfish procedure thus indicated * are not to be dissevered. 
— For the explanation of the figure we must note,—(1) The αὐλὴ τῶν προβά- 
τῶν is the community of the people of God, whose members are the πρόβατα," con- 
ceived in their totality as the future community of the Messianic kingdom 


1 On the parable, see Fritzsche in Fritz- 3 Bornemann, Scholia in Lucam, Ὁ. XXX. ; 
schior. Opuse. p. 1 ff.; Voretzsch, Diss. de | Lobeck, Paralip. p. 60 f. 
John x. 1-18, Altenb. 1838. 4 Ezek. xxxiv. 8; Mal. ii. 8; Jer. xxii. 1. 


4 Ael. 7. A. 7.10; V. H..6.2; 4 Mace. 1.7. δ᾽ Comp, Ps, xxili., Ixxvii. 21, xcy. 7, ¢. 3. 


318 THE GOSPEL OF JON. 

(xxi. 16 f.) ;! thus ideally in their theocratic destination. It is correct, 
indeed, as to substance, to assume a reference to the predestinated (Augus- 
tine, Lampe) (though not in the Augustinian sense) ; but in form it intro- 
duces something foreign to the context. (2) The θύρα is not to be left with- 
out its proper signification ;? nor to be taken as denoting in general the 
legitimus ordo, the divine calling, the approach ordained by God, and the like ;* 
but Christ Himself is the door ; indeed, He Himself in ver. 7 expressly thus 
interprets this point, because His hearers had failed to understand it.* | The 
true leaders of the theocratic people can enter on their vocation in no other 
way than through Him ; He must qualify and commission them ; He must be 
the mediator of their relation to the sheep. Quite a different position was 
taken up by the Pharisees ; independently of Him, and in an unbelieving 
and hostile spirit towards Him, they arrogated to themselves the position 
of the leaders of the people of God. It is thoroughly arbitrary to assume 
that Jesus did not here intend by the figure of the door to denote Himself, 
notwithstanding the distinct declaration contained in ver. 9. Chrysostom, 
Ammonius, Theophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, and several others, have per- 
versely interpreted the door of the Holy Scriptures. ‘‘Tpse textus addit 
imagini interpretationem qua contenti simus,” Melanchthon. 

Vv. 2, 8. Ποιμύν] Shepherd, without the article qualitatively ; it character- 
izes such a one, not specially as the owner (the antithesis to the hireling first 
appears in ver. 12), but in general, in contrast to the robber.—6 θυρωρὸς 
ἀνοίγει] belongs to the description of the legitimate mode of entering, and is 
not intended to have any special explanation ; for which reason also no fur- 
ther notice is taken of it in vv. 7, 8. It must not, therefore, be explained 
either of God ;° or of the Holy Spirit, Acts xiii. 2 ;° or of Christ ;" or of 
Moses ;° or of John the Baptist.2 He enters into the fold, and the sheep hear 
His voice (His call, His address, His appeal) ; they listen to it as to the voice 
which is known to them (comp. ver. 4). Comp. the shepherd’s cry to his 
flock, ‘‘cizra,” in Theoer. iv. 46, viii. 69. — τὰ πρόβατα] are the sheep in the 
fold generally. It was common for several flocks to pass the night in one 
fold ; and their shepherds, because they come every morning to lead out 
the individual flocks, are known to all the sheep in the fold. On the con- 
trary, τὰ ἰδία πρόβατα are the sheep which belong to the special flock of him 
who has entered ;” these he calls κατ᾽ ὄνομα, 1.6. not merely by name 


1 Comp. Matt. Xxv.+32. Xvili. 15. 


2 Liicke, de Wette. 

3 Maldonatus, Tholuck, Luthardt, Briick- 
ner, Hengstenberg, Godet, and others. 

4 Comp. Ignat. ad Philad. 9, where Christ 
is termed ϑύρα τοῦ πατρός ; also Herm. Past. 
3; Sim. 9. 12. 

5 Calvin, Maldonatus, Bengel, Tholuck, 
Ewald, Hengstenberg, following vi. 44 f. 

6 Theodoret, Heracleon, Ruperti, Aretius, 
Corn. ἃ Lapide, and others, also Lange. 

7 Cyril, Augustine. 

8 Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, 
Euth. Zigabenus, Luther, following Deut. 


9 Godet, after i. 7. 

10 Into the beautiful general figure of τὰ 
πρόβατα, the word ἴδια introduces a special, 
individual element, which makes it all the 
richer and more telling. It has been incor- 
rectly maintained (by Bengel, Luthardt, 
Hengstenberg, and others), that although 
ἴδια is first associated with πρόβατα when it 
occurs for the second time, the πρόβατα 
which hear must necessarily be the same as 
those which are afterwards described as τὰ 
ἴδια πρόβατα. These latter are no doubt 
among the πρόβατα which hear; but it is 


CHAP. X., 4-7. 919 


ὀνομαστί, ᾿ but distributively — by their names, each by its name.* To give to 
the individual animals of their flock a name was not an unusual custom 
among the shepherds of ancient times.* In Lange’s view* the ἴδια πρόβ. 
are the favourite shecp (image of the elect), the bell-wethers, which are fol- 
lowed by the whole flock (τὰ πρόβατα, ver. 4). Erroneously ; for, on 
the one hand, id:a alone would not sufficiently support this notion (comp. 
ver. 12) ; and on the other, ἔμπροσθεν πορεύεται and ἀκολουθεῖ, ver. 4, are so 
completely correlate, that αὐτῶν and τὰ πρόβατα must necessarily be the same : 
at all events, αὐτοῖς must otherwise have been used instead of αὐτῷ, ver. 4. 
— ἐξάγει] to pasture, vv. 9, 10. Looking back to ix. 34, 22, Godet imports 
into the words the idea of separation from the old theocracy, which is 
devoted to ruin.® Such a thought is contained neither in the words® nor 
in the context. 

Ver. 4. And when he has brought out all his own sheep (those belonging to 
his flock), and so forth. He leaves none behind (πάντα, see the critical 
note). ἐκβάλῃ pictures forth the manner of the é£ayew. He lays hold on the 
sheep which he has called to him, and brings them out to the door. — The 
idea, which is symbolically set forth in vv. 3 and 4, is that of the living, 
loving fellowship which subsists between the leaders of the people of God, 
whom Christ has appointed, and Christ Himself, for the satisfaction of the 
spiritual needs of the Church, both in general and in particular. 

Ver. 5. ᾿Αλλοτρίῳ dé, etc.| But a stranger, who does not belong to them 
as their shepherd. It is not exclusively the ἀναβαίνοντες ἀλλαχ. of ver. 1 
who are here intended, but every other one in general who is not their shep- 
herd. The fellowship referred to in vv. 3 and 4 is portrayed according to 
its exclusive nature. — οὐ μὴ ἀκολουθήσουσιν) future (see the critical note), as 
in viii. 12. It is not prophetical (Lampe: of the ‘‘cathedra Mosis plane 
deserenda,” comp. Luthardt), but describes what wll be the result of the in- 
tervention of a stranger. The sheep will certainly not follow, but flee from 
him. 

Vv. 6, 7. Παροιμία] Every species of discourse that deviates from the 
common course (οἷμος) ; hence in the classical writers especially—proverb." 
It denotes here, as corresponding to the Hebrew win, if we define the 
conception more exactly, not parable (because it is not a history), but adle- 
gory.°—The Pharisees do not understand the meaning of what He thus al- 
legorically delivered to them, and therefore (οὖν, ver. 7) Jesus sees Himself 
compelled to begin again (πάλιν), and to explain to them, first of all, the 
main point on which the understanding of the whole depended, namely, 





only τὰ ἴδια that the shepherd calls by name, 
and so forth. Thus the particular Church 
belongs to the Universal. 

1That would be merely ὄνομα, or ὀνόματι, 
or ἐπ’ ὀνόματος, Polyb. 5. 35. 2, 11. 15. 1. 

2 εκ THs εἰς ἕκαστον ἄκρας φροντίδος, Euth, 
Zigabenus. 

3 See Interpp. ad Theocr. δ. 101; Pricaeus 
on the passage. 

4 Leben Jesu, 11. p. 955. 


5 Similarly even Luther: ‘It denotes the 
Christian freedom from the law and judg- 
ment.”’ 

8 Pollux, i. 250. 

7 Plat. Soph. p. 261 B; Soph. Aj. 6/9; Ae. 
NN. i, 12. 22; Lucian, Nigr. 1. 87; comp. 2 
Pet. 11. 22. 

® See Wilke, Rhetor. Ὁ. 109. Suidas: ἡ 
παροιμία ἐστὶ λόγος ἀπόκρυφος δι᾿ ἑτέρου προδή- 
λου σημαινόμενοςς 


320 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
how the door in ver. 1 is to be understood. It is incorrect, therefore, with 
most recent commentators (also Hengstenberg and Godet), to say that we 
have a second parable with a different turn ; if Christ had not intended 
even in ver. 1 to describe Himself as the door, He would only have confused 
His hearers in ver. 7, instead of enlightening them. — ἐγώ] with great em- 
phasis. —rév προβάτων] to the sheep, as is required by ver. 1; not, through 
which the sheep enter into the fold,’ so that Jesus characterizes Himself as the 
tutorem ac nutritorem of the sheep (Fritzsche). Christ, however, is the door 
to the sheep, so far as the true spiritual leaders of the people of God receive 
through Him the qualification and appointment to their vocation. See on 
Vere 

Ver. 8. See Ewald, Jahrb. ix. p. 40 ff. The actual antithesis to the éyé 
εἶμι ἡ θύρα is formed by the many who had come forward to be the teachers 
and leaders of the people of God, without connecting their working with 
Christ. He describes them from the point of view of the time at which they 
came forward : before me; they came forward before Christ had appeared as 
the door to the sheep ; they had developed their power and activity since the 
time of the second temple, in a way that gradually grew more and more 
pernicious, and they formed now the party of hierarchical, specially Phari- 
saical, antagonists of Christ. The members of this hierarchical caste are in- 
tended ; the expression used by Christ, however, is popular, and not to be 
pressed as hard and unhistorical (Hase) ; the use of the present εἰσί, more- 
over, gives it a living relation to the leaders of the people, as they then 
actually were before his eyes. On the other hand, passages like vil. 19, v. 
39, 45, iv. 22, exclude any possible reference to Moses and the prophets. 
Hence we may not, with Hilgenfeld, regard the language as ‘‘ harshly anti- 
Judaistic,” or under cover of the Gnostic dualism, refer it to the entire Old 
Testament past, i.e. to all the pre-Christian leaders of the people of God. Nor 
may we in any way set aside the temporal meaning of πρό, whether explaining, 
with Calovius : in advance of me (antequam mitterentur) ; or, with Briick- 
ner (after Stier) : before they have sought and found meas the door ; or, with 
Wolf, converting it into ywpic,—a view which comes substantially to that 
of Olshausen (‘‘ without connection with the Logos”) ; or, with Tittmann 
and Schleusner, taking it for ὑπέρ, loco, and with Lange importing into this 
view, ‘‘instead of me,” the notion of absolute pre-eminence, as though the 
one who precedes would thrust completely aside him who is thus thrown 
into the background. πρό, in the sense of instead, is foreign to the New 
Testament, and rare in Greek writers. But when ἦλθον, with a view to the 
removal of everything objectionable, is taken pregnantly, making it express 
an arbitrary or unauthorized > coming forward,* we import into the word a 
meaning which in itself, indeed, is a matter of course, but must have been 
distinctly expressed (as in ver. 438), if it were to be emphatic.* This also 


1 Chrysostom, Euth. Zigabenus, Wolf, 3 Hieronymus, Augustine, Isidore, Herac- 


Lampe, Fritzsche, Ebrard, Hengstenberg, 
Baeumlein, Godet, and others. 

2 Nonnus takes it in the sense of creeping 
in secretly; πάντες ὅσοι πάρος ἦλθον ὑποκλέπ- 
τοντι πεδίλῳ. 


leon, Euth. Zigabenus, Luther, Melanch- 
thon, Jansen, and several others; also Lu- 
thardt, Ebrard. 

4 In ἦλϑον by itself, so far as it precedes 
πρὸ ἐμοῦ, it is impossible to find, as Luthardt 


CHAP. X/; 9; 921 
against B. Crusius, who lays the stress on the purpose of the ἦλθον (‘in 
order to give the people a new time”). The explanation, finally, of false 
Messiahs,* is unhistorical, as their coming began after Christ’s day ; a cir- 
cumstance indeed on which B. Bauer grounds against John a charge of 
anachronism. De Wette considers the discourse out of harmony with the 
wisdom and gentleness of Jesus. But the worthless men, to whose entire 
class He alludes, stood actually in His presence, and had surely done enough 
to call forth His severity and wrath. — κλέπται εἰσὶ x. λῃσταί] namely, of the 
sheep, ver. 1. Comp. the wolves in sheep’s clothing. Instead of πάντες 
ὅσοι, ἅπαντες ὅσοι would have been still stronger. —- ἀλλά]. The want of 
success which attends this predatory (soul-destroying) procedure. — οὐκ 
ἤκουσαν] did not listento them. For their adherents did not belong to the 
true people of God (τὰ πρόβατα). 

Ver. 9. "Hye εἰμι ἡ θύρα] τῷ διπλασιασμῷ τοῦ ῥητοῦ βεβαιοῖ τὸν λόγον, Euth. 
Zigabenus. — δ ἐμοῦ] emphatically occupying the front place, excluding 
every other mediation. — εἰσέλθῃ} namely, to the sheep in the fold. Comp. 
vv. 1, 7. The subject is therefore a shepherd (ric), who goes in to the sheep 
through the door. Others, on the contrary,* regard the sheep as the subject, 
and the θύρα as the door for the sheep. But there is no ground for sucha 
change of figure, since both the word εἰσέρχεσθαι after vv. 1 and 2, and the 
singular and masculine ric, can refer only to the shepherd, and any other en- 
trance than through the door is for the sheep inconceivable ; so that the em- 
phatic δ ἐμοῦ, so far as the ἐγώ is the door, would be without any possible 
antithesis. — σωθήσεται] is not (with Luthardt and older comm. after 1 Tim. 
iv. 16) to be understood directly of the attainment of the Messianic redemption 
(compare especially 1 Cor. iii. 15), which would be foreign to the context 
(see what follows) ; but means : he will be delivered, i.e. he will be set free 
from all dangers by the protecting door ;—in its deeper significance the figure 
undoubtedly involves safety from the Messianic ἀπώλεια, and the guarantee 
of future eternal redemption. This happy σωθήσεται is then followed by wn- 
restrained and blessed service, which is graphically set forth by the words 
εἰσελ. x. ἐξελ., aS in Num. xxvii. 17, as an unhindered entering in and going 
out of the fold, at the head of the flock, whilst engaged in the daily duty of 
tending it ; and by νομὴν εὑρήσει, as the finding of pasture for the flock.* 
That this νομή, in the interpretation of the allegory, is ψυχῆς νομή," which 
works for the eternal life of those who are fed through the evangelical grace 
and truth which they appropriate (comp. ver. 10), needs no illustrating. 


does, the thought ‘‘on his own responsi- 
bility,” or “‘so that he places Christ after 
himself.” ἦλϑον denotes neither more nor 
less than the simple venerunt ; as in ver. 10. 
ἐγὼ ἦλϑον is equal to the simple ego veni ; the 
emphasis rests primarily on πάντες ὅσοι, 
omnes quotquot, and then on πρὸ ἐμοῦ, which 
is placed at the end. 

1 Chrysostom, Cyril, Theodore of Mop- 
suestia, Huth. Zigabenus, Theophylact, Gro- 
tius, Maldonatus, Hammond, Tittmann, 
Schleusner, Klee, Weizsicker, and several 


others. 

2 Strabo, p. 18, 1. 11, Isoer. Loch. 12. 

3 Chrysostom, Euth. Zigabenus, Maldo- 
natus, Bengel, and several others; also 
Fritzsche, Tholuck, de Wette, B. Crusius, 
Maier, Baeumlein, Hengstenhberg, Godct, 
etc. 

4 ποιμνίων νομάς, Soph. O. 1. 760; compare 
Plat. Legg. iii. p. 679 A: νομῆς yap οὐκ ἣν 
σπάνις. 


δ᾽ Plat. Phaedr. Ὁ. 348 Β. 


322 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Ver. 10. The opposite of such a one as entered dv’ ἐμοῦ, is the thief to whom 
allusion was made in ver. 1; when he comes to the sheep, he has only 
selfish and destructive ends in view.’— ἐγὼ ἦλθον, etc.] Quite otherwise J / 
JI have come (to the sheep), etc. By this new antithesis, in which Christ 
contrasts Himself, and not again the shepherd appointed through Him, with 
the thief, the way is prepared for a transition to another use of the figure 
which represents Him no longer as the door.?, Compare the promise in Ex. 
XXxiv. 23 ; xxxvil. 24, in contrast to the false shepherds in Ezek. xxxiv. 
The opposite of θύσῃ κ. ἀπολ.; the sheep are not to 
be slaughtered and perish, but to have life; and as required by the figure, 
the Messianic life in its temporal development and eternal perfection. — kai 
περισσὸν éy.| and have it abundantly (overflowingly), 1.6. inthe figure: rich 
fulness of nourishment (comp. Ps. xxiii) ; as to the thing, abundance of 
spiritual possessions (grace and truth, i. 14, 17), in which the life consists. 
Incorrectly Vulgate, Chrysostom, Euth. Zigabenus, Grotius, and many 
others, compare also Ewald, who interpret the passage as though περισσότερον 
were used, more than ζωή, viz.—the kingdom of heaven; or, according to 
Ewald, ‘‘ Joy, and besides, constantly increasing blessing.” The repetition 
of ἔχωσιν gives the second point a more independent position than if καί 
alone had been used.* 

Ver. 11. Ἐγώ] Repeated again with lively emphasis. It is no other. —6 
ποιμὴν ὁ καλός] the good, the excellent shepherd, conceived absolutely as He 
ought to be : hence the article and the emphatic position of the adjective. 
In Christ is realized the ideal of the shepherd, as it lives in the Old Testa- 
ment.* With the conception of καλός compare the Attic καλὸς κἀγαθός," and 
the contrary : πονηρός, κακός, adixoc. —In the following specification of the 
things in which the good shepherd proves himself to correspond to his idea, 
ὁ rout. ὁ καλός is solemnly repeated. —riféva τ. ψυχήν] As to substance, 
though not as to the meaning of the words, equivalent to δοῦναι τ. ψ. (Matt. 
xx. 28). It is a Johannean expression,® without corresponding examples in 
the classics ;7 and must be explained, neither from the simple 03¥, Isa, 1171, 
10," ποῖ from 93 WD) Ὁ," where 23 is essential ; but from the idea of the 
sacrificial death as a ransom that has been paid.” Its import accordingly 
is : to pay down one’s soul, impendere, in harmony with the use of τιθέναι in 
the classics, according to which it denotes to pay." Compare Nonnus : καὶ 
ψυχῆς ἰδίης ob φείδεται, ἀλλὰ ἐθήσει λύτρον ἑῶν͵ ὀΐων. --- ὑπέρ] for the good of, in 
order to turn aside destruction from them by his own self-sacrifice. Com- 
pare xi. 50 f. It is less in harmony with this specific point of view, from 
which the sacrifice of the life of Jesus is regarded throughout the entire 


2 ff. — wa ζωὴν ἔχωσι]. 


1Comp. Dem. 782. 9: a φησι φυλάττειν 5 Also Tob. vii. 7; 2 Macc. xv. 12. 


πρόβατα, αὐτὸς κατεσϑίων. 

9 From ver. 11 onward, but as the true 
Shepherd Himself (Matt. xxvi. 31; Heb. xiii. 
205 ΤΡ Θ, 41. 2c: 

3 Comp. ver. 18; Xen. Anab. i. 10. 3: καὶ 
ταύτην ἔσωσαν Kal ἄλλα --- ἔσωσαν. 

4 Ps. xxiii. ; Isa. x1. 11+ Hzek. xxxiv.; Jer. 
Xxiii.; Zech. xi.; also Mic. v. 3. 


6 xiii. 87 f., xv. 13; 1 John iii. 16. 

7 Against Kypke, I. p. 388. 

8 Hengstenberg. 

9 Judg. xii. 3; 1 Sam. xix. 5. 

10 Matt. xx. 28; 1 Tim. ii. 6. 

1180 frequently in Demosthenes and 
others; see Reiske, Znd. Dem. p. 495, ed. 
Schaef. ; Dissen, ad Dem. de Cor. Ὁ 271. 


CHAP! Ki) TZ, 323 


New Testament, to take τιθέναι, with de Wette, Ebrard, Godet, as denoting 
merely lay down (as in xiii. 4) ; or to assume the idea which is foreign to 
the passage, ‘‘to offer as a prize for competition” (Ewald). 

Ver. 12 f. In opposition to the idea of the good shepherd, we have here 
that of the hireling. The term μισθωτός must not be taken to refer to the 
conduct of the Pharisees in their leadership of the people (Baeumlein and 
older writers, also my own view previously), as these hierarchs are included 
in the characteristic designation of Thieves and Robdbers (vv. 8, 2), with 
which the description of the hireling, who is cowardly, and careth not for 
the sheep, would not harmonize. Nor can it be directed against the mode 
in which the legitimate priesthood lead the people, as Godet thinks ; for the 
priesthood consisted to a large extent of Pharisees, and formed with these 
latter, as far as antagonism to Christ was concerned, one great party (vii. 
32, 45; xi. 47, 57; xviii. 3). The expression ὁ μισθωτός rather represents 
those leading teachers of the people of God, who, instead of being ready to 
sacrifice their lives for the community, flee from danger, and forsake, from in- 
difference and disregard, their charge. Under the figure of the μισθωτός, there 
rise to the view of Christ the many cross-forsaking teachers, who would arise 
even in the apostolic age (Gal. vi. 12 ; Phil. iii. 18), and to whom the Apos- 
tle Paul forms the most brilliant historical contrast. The question by whom 
the μισθωτός is hired, leads beyond the purpose of the allegory, which sets 
forth, in contrast to the good shepherd, a shepherd who, influenced solely 
by self-interest, takes charge of a flock, which is not his own property. — καὶ 
οὐκ ὧν ποιμήν] is closely connected with ὁ μισθ. δέ : but he who is a hireling 
(hired for wage) and is not a shepherd,—shepherd in the sense of being 
owner of the sheep which he leads out to pasture ; hence the words οὗ οὐκ 
εἰσί, etc., are added for the purpose of more emphatically expressing the 
meaning. Note that Christ possesses a Church (flock) even before His 
death ; partly, according to. the old theocratic idea, namely, that of the old 
people of God as His ἴδιοι, i. 11 3 partly ὧν reality, namely, the totality of 
those who believed on Him, whom the Father has given Him (vi. 37) ; 
partly proleptically (ver. 16) ; though, as far as He is concerned, they are first 
purchased (compare Acts xx. 28 ; Titus ii. 14) by Him through His death, 
after which event began the extension of His shepherd’s functions to all, by 
the drawing of His Holy Spirit (xii. 32). — There is no justification for inter- 
preting the wolf specially, either of the devil,’ or of heretics, after Acts xx. 
20." It isa general image of every sort of power, opposed to the Messiah, 
and bent on destroying the kingdom of God, which may make its appear- 
ance ; this power, however, as such, has its causal and ruling principle in 
the devil, xii. 31; xiv. 30; Matt. x. 16. —dprdCee αὐτὰ κ. σκορπίζει τὰ πρόβ.] 
he snatches them (namely, the individuals on which he falls), and scatters the 
sheep, i.e. the mass of them, the flock ; hence the word πρόβατα is neither 
superfluous nor harsh (de Wette). — ὅτε μισθωτ. ἐστι] nothing else. This and 
what follows supplies the ethical key to the behaviour described. — Notice 


1Euth. Zigabenus, Aretius, Olshausen, Chrysostom. 
and seyeral others; admitted eyen by 2 Augustine, Jansen, and several others, 


324 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

further, that while in verse 12 we read ὁ jo. δέ, here we have ὁ δὲ μισθ. 5 
because the antithesis of the hireling was first brought forward in ver. 12, 
and greater emphasis was secured by the immediate connection of μισθ. 
with ὁ." 

Ver. 14 f. After the description of the hireling, there now follows again 
that of the opposite,—the characterization of Himself as the good shepherd, 
first specifying His intimate acquaintance with His sheep, and then repeating 
His readiness to sacrifice Himself on their behalf. The latter point consti- 
tutes the refrain of the characterization (vv. 17, 18), being here concretely 
expressed (it is different in ver. 11, where it was predicated of the good 
shepherd in abstracto). —xaboc γινώσκει με, etc.| The nature and mode, the 
holy nature of that reciprocal acquaintanceship. Compare xiv. 20, xv. 10, 
xvii. 8, 21. As between God and Christ, so also between Christ and His 
people, the reciprocat knowledge is a knowledge growing out of the most 
intimate fellowship of love and life,—that fellowship which directly in- 
volves γινώσκειν 3 comp. on Matt. vil. 23. — τίθημι) I lay down ; near and cer- 
tain future. The clause «. τ. ψ. is not dependent on καθώς. 

Ver. 16. The repeated mention of His sacrificial death, by which the union 
of Jews and heathen into one community of believers was to be effected (see 
on Eph. ii. 14),raises His look to the future when He (as the good Shepherd 
lifted up on high,* shall be the guide also of the heathen, who have become 
believers, and whom he now prophetically terms His sheep.* But the thought 
that He does not need the faith of the Jews (Hengstenberg after Ruperti) is 
arbitrarily forced into the passage as an intervening link of logical connec- 
tion. The Jews outside of Palestine* are not intended, as they form part of 
the fold of the Jewish theocracy, to which the words ἐκ τῆς αὐλῆς ταύτης refer, 
and within which Jesus Himself lived and spake ; hence also the demon- 
strative ταύτης. -- ἔχω] He is their owner.* ‘Hoe verbum habet magnam 
potestatem,” Bengel. — ἃ οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκ τῆς αὐλῆς ταύτης] which are not from this 
fold, which are not derived from it. This expression, however, does not 
imply that Jesus conceived the heathen as alsoin an αὐλή 5° for the emphasis 
rests not on ταύτης, but on τῆς αὐλῆς, and the characteristic feature of the 
heathen is the dispersion (vii. 35, xi. 52) ;7 while the thought of a divine 


1 Comp. Klotz, ad Devar. Ὁ. 378. God (comp. Rom. xi. 28). It is therefore in- 


2 Compare Heb. xiii. 20; 1 Pet. 11. 25. 

3 The relation of ver. 16 to what precedes 
corresponds entirely to the New Testament 
idea, that salvation proceeds from the Jews 
to the heathen (comp. iy. 22, xi. 52). This 
advantage of the Jews is also to be recog- 
nized as acknowledged by John, to whom 
we are not to ascribe the idea of a perfect 
equality of the two (Liicke, B. Crusius; 
comp. also Messner, Lehre der Ap. p. 355). 
The heathen who are to be gained are, how- 
ever, even before they are recipients of 
salvation, τέκνα τ. Seod, and Christ has 
them as His sheep, according to the 
ideal view of the future, as an actuality 
80 far as it is certainly fixed in the counsel of 


correct to explain the mode of expression 
from the fellowship with God realized 
through conscience (Luthardt) ; because, to 
be a child of God and an adherent of Christ 
presupposes regeneration. For this, how- 
ever, they are destined by the divine elec- 
tion of grace, and fitted and prepared by 
the prevenient divine drawing. Compare 
xi. 52, xii. 32, and prophetic utterances, such 
as Mic. iv. 2; Isa. xlix. 1ff., lii. 13 ff., lili. 
10 ff. 

4 Paulus. 

5. Comp. Acts xviii. 10. 

6 In answer to de Wette. 

7 Correctly Bengel : ‘‘ alias oves dicit, non 
aliud ovile ; erant enim dispersae in mundo.” 


CHAP. Χ 17,182 525 


leading of the heathen’ does not correspond at all to the figure of an αὐλή, 
of which the conception of theocratic fellowship constitutes an essential 
feature. Compare the figure of the olive tree in Rom. xi. 17 ; Eph. ii. 12; 
Matt. viii. 11.— dei] according to the divine decree. — ἀγαγεῖν] neither 
adducere, fetch ;* nor συναγαγεῖν, assemble, xi. 52 ;* but lead, as shepherd, who 
precedes the sheep, and whom they follow, ver. 4. Bengel’s remark is appro- 
priate : ‘‘ Non opus est illis solwm mutare ;” for the shepherd who leads also 
the heathen is the evalted Christ, πάντων κύριος. Acts x. 36. — καὶ γενήσεται, 
ete.] and will become, inasmuch as 1 lead, beside my sheep out of the Jewish 
αὐλή, those other sheep of mine, also, one flock (consisting of the two parts, 
ἀμφοτέρωθεν, Nonnus), one shepherd. This is the happy issue ; by the asyn- 
detic collocation, the conception of unity (μία, εἷς) is made to appear with 
more marked prominence. Comp. 1 Cor. x. 17; Eph. iv. 5. On εἷς ποιμήν, 
observe in reference to γενήσεται : ‘‘de jure Jesus semper unicus est pastor ; 
de jure et facto igitur unus jiet,” Bengel. The fulfilment of His declaration, 
which began with the conversion of the heathen by the apostles, is still ad- 
vancing, and will be completed only with the realization of what is spoken 
of in Rom. xi. 25 f. The Stoic dream of the union of all men ὥσπερ ἀγέλης 
συννόμα νόμῳ κοινῷ συντρεφομένης * has been dispelled ; the idea, however, con- 
sidered in itself, goes on realizing itself in Christ till the judgment day. 
Vv. 17, 18. Christ’s portraiture of himself as the Good Shepherd is finished. 
He now further bears testimony to that which filled His heart, while set- 
ting forth this great vocation, which was only to be fulfilled by dying and 
rising again, namely, the love of His Father, which rests upon Him just because 
of that which He has declared concerning Himself as the good shepherd.— 
διὰ τοῦτο. . . ὅτι] is to be taken as in all the passages where it occurs in 
John :° therefore—because, namely, διὰ τοῦτο referring to what had preceded, 
and ὅτε introducing a more precise explication of διὰ τοῦτο. The sense con- 
sequently is : therefore, because of this my relationship as Shepherd, of which 
I have spoken down to ver. 16, my Father loves me, because, namely, [(ἐγώ ; 
no other does so or can do so) lay down my life, in order to take it again. 
Note in particular : (1) The explanation ὅτε... μου is pragmatically correct, 
because it is precisely a readiness to sacrifice His life which is the main char- 
acteristic of the good shepherd (vv. 11,15). (9) iva πάλ. λάβω αὐτὴν does not 
belong to ayaz., but expresses the intention or design of τίθ. τ. ψ. μου (not 
merely its result, as Theodore of Mopsuestia, Euth. Zigabenus, Grotius, and 
many suppose ; or its condition, as Calvin, de Wette, and several others 
maintain) ; for the ground of the love of God lies not merely in the sacrifice 
considered by itself, but in the fact that the Good Shepherd, when He gives 
up His life, is resolved to take it again, in order that He may continue to 
fulfil his pastoral office till the final goal is reached, when all mankind shall 
constitute His flock. Indeed, only on the condition of His taking His life 
again, could He fulfil the office of Shepherd unto the final completion contem- 


1 Acts xiv. 17, xvii. 27. 3 Nonnus, Euth. Zigabenus, Theophylact, 
2 Vulgate, Luther, Beza,andmany others; Casaubon. 

also Tholuck, Luthardt, Hengstenberg, 4 Plut. de fort. Alex. 6. 

Godet. 5 V. 16, 18, viii. 47, xii. 18, 89; 1 John iii. 1. 


326 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


plated in the divine decree, and referred to in ver. 16. For this reason, also, 
iva cannot be regarded as introducing the divine intention (Tholuck), because 
the ground of the Father’s love must lie in the volition of Jesws,—which voli- 
tion, it is true, corresponds to the Father’s will, though this is not here ex- 
pressly declared, but first in ver. 18. — Ver. 18. It must be, however, not an 
unwilling, but a voluntary self-sacrifice, if it is to form the ground of the love 
of the Father to Him ; hence the words οὐδεὶς... ἀπ’ ἐμαυτοῦ (mea ipsius 
sponte). Nor must He proceed to effect this voluntary sacrifice of His own 
authority ; but must receive a warrant thereto, as also for that which He had in 
view in so doing, viz. the resumption of His life ; hence the words :? ἐξουσίαν 

. λαβεῖν αὐτήν. Nay, more ; even this very thing which He purposed to do, 
namely, the surrender and resumption of His life, must have come to Him as 
a commission from God ; hence the expression : ταύτην τ. ἐντολὴν. . . πατρός 
μου, in which ταύτην (this and not something different) is emphatic, and τὴν 
ἐντολήν is correlate to the idea of ἐξουσία, as this latter is grounded in the 
divine mandate. Notice further : (1) The ἐξουσία, the power conferred (so 
also in xix. 10 f., not power generally), lies in the relation of subordination 
to God, of whom the Son is the commissioned representative, and to whom He 
submits Himself voluntarily, ¢.e. from no compulsion exerted by a power 
outside of Himself, but with self-determined obedience to the Father.? 
Equality of nature * is the condition of this moral harmony. (2) The view 
which pervades the New Testament, that Christ did not raise Himself from 
the dead, but was raised by the Father, is not affected by this passage, in- 
asmuch as the taking again of His life, for which the theanthropic Christ 
had received authorization, implies the giving again of the life, to wit, the 
re-awakening activity of the Father. This giving again on the part of God, 
by which Christ becomes ζωοποιηθεὶς πνεύματι (see 1 Pet. ili, 19, and Huther 
on the passage), and that ἐξουσία, which Christ receives from God, are the 
two factors of the resurrection—the former being the causa efficiens, whilst 
the latter, the ἐξουσία of Christ, is the causa apprehendens.* — (8) ταύτην τὴν 
évroA. embraces the aforementioned twofold ἐξουσία ; justly so, inasmuch as 
the authorization to die and to rise again was only formally divided accord- 
ing to its two aspects. Chrysostom and several others erroneously refer 
ταύτην to the dying alone. 

Vv. 19-21. Πάλιν] see ix. 16. —év τοῖς ᾿Ιουδαίοις.1 These words refer to 
the Pharisees (ix. 40) who, in keeping with their relationship to Jesus 
(against de Wette), are designated according to the class to which they 
belonged (as the Jewish hierarchical opposition). The majority of them 
clung to the hostile judgment (compare viii. 48), which they had contemptu- 
ously expressed ; some of them, however, felt themselves impressed, and 
denied the assertion of the rest. Comp. ix. 16.— τέ αὐτοῦ ἀκούετε) ἐ.6. of 
what use is it to you to listen to His discourses --- καὶ μαίνεται) in conse- 


1 [ἐξουσίαν, right, privilege, permission ; 5 Olshausen. 
not, asin the Eng. Version, power. It isa 4 Compare Constitutiones Apostol. 5. 7. 8: 
privilege accorded to Him by His Father.— ἑαυτὸν προστάγματι τοῦ πατρὸς διὰ τριῶν ἡμερῶν 
K.] ἀνεγείρας. 


2 xiv. 80 ἢ. ;' Matt. xxvi. 53. 


CHAP. X., 22, 23. 327 


quence of being possessed by a demon. — μὴ δαιμόνιον, etc.] surely a demon 
cannot, etc. ; a confirmation of that denial from the miracle which had 
given rise to the entire discussion. We see from this that these ἄλλοι be- 
longed to the more unprejudiced and conscientious class which had given 
expression to its feelings in ix. 16. At the same time, the conclusion must 
not be drawn that they would have refused to recognize any demoniacal 
miracles (if in themselves beneficent)—Matt. xii. 24 is opposed to this 
view ; but they believed it impossible to attribute a miracle of so greata 
kind to a demon, who must have been working through the medium of 
Jesus. Note, moreover, that also here they do not get further than a nega- 
tive judgment. 

Vv. 22, 38. A new section ; the proceedings at the feast of the Dedication 
of the Temple. — As there is not the least hint of a return journey to Galilee 
or Perea, and as vv. 26 ff. point back to the discourse concerning the Good 
Shepherd, we must needs suppose that Jesus remained in Jerusalem and the 
neighbourhood between the feast of Tabernacles and the feast of Dedication 
(about two months), and did not labour outside of Judea ; He first leaves 
Judea in ver. 40.1 The insertion here of a journey to Galilee or Perea? 
is dictated by harmonistic assumptions and.clumsy combinations (sug- 
gested especially by the narrative of the journey in Luke ix.51 ff.), and not 
by the requirements of exegesis ; for πάλιν in ver. 40 cannot be reckoned 
among such requirements. — τὰ ἐγκαίνια] the feast of Renewal, founded by 
Judas Maccabaeus, to commemorate the purification and consecration anew 
of the temple after its desecration by Antiochus Epiphanes, celebrated for 
eight days every year, from the 25th Kislev onward (the middle of 
December), and especially distinguished by the illumination of the houses ; 
hence also termed ra φῶτα. See 1 Mace. iv. 50 ff. ; 2 Macc. i. 18, x. 6 ff. ; 
Joseph. Antig. xii. 7.7. From this festival (13130) sprang the Christian 
Church Dedication Festival, and its name ἐγκαίνια. See Augusti, Denkw. 
III. p. 316. —év Ἵερουσ. The celebration was not restricted to Jerusalem, 
but was universal (see Lightfoot, p. 1063 f.) ; the words ἕν ‘Iepouc. are 
added because Jesus was still there. —«. χειμὼν ἦν] a remark added for the 
sake of John’s Gentile Christian readers, for whom the statement that it was 
winter when the festival occurred, would be sufficient to explain why Jesus 
walked about in Solomon’s porch and not in the open air ; hence the expla- 
nation, stormy weather (Matt. xvi. 8, so Er. Schmid, Clericus, Lampe, — 
Semler, Kuinoel, Lange), is not in harmony with the context.— The στοὰ 
Σολομῶνος (comp. Acts iii. 11) was a portico on the eastern side of the 
temple buildings, * which, according to Josephus, was a relic from Solomon’s 
days which had remained intact in the destruction of the temple by Nebu- 
chadnezzar. The mention of this particular part of the temple is one of the 
traces of the writer having been himself an eye-witness ; events like this no 
doubt impressed themselves on the memory so as never to be forgotten 


1 Compare also Wieseler, p. 318; Ewald, Riggenbach, Luthardt, Godet. 

Gesch. Christi, p. 471. 3 Hence denominated or. ἀνατολική by 
2 As recently proposed, especially by Josephus in his Anté. xx. 9. 7. 

Ebrard, Neander, Lange L. J. II. p. 1004 f., 


328 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
(comp. viii. 20). Any reason for Jesus being in the porch, beyond the one 
given in the words καὶ χειμὼν ἦν," must be rejected as arbitrary, since John 
himself gives no hint regarding it. 

Ver. 24. Oi Ἰουδαῖοι] Here too the standing party of opposition. — ἐκύκλωσαν] 
encircled Him. The word graphically sets forth the urgency and obtru- 
siveness of the Jews ; but neither implies that Jesus had been deserted by 
His followers (Lange), nor represents the Ιουδαῖοι as pushing in between Him 
and His disciples, and so enclosing Him in their midst (Godet). — ἔλεγον 
αὐτῷ] ‘This speak they out of a false heart, with a view to accusing and 
destroying Him,” Luther. According to Hengstenberg, they really vacil- 
lated between an inclination and disinclination to believe. But see vv. 26, 
31. They desire an express and thoroughly direct declaration, though not 
as if making a last attempt to induce Jesus to take up the réle of a political 
Messiah (Lange). —7r. uy. ἡμ. αἴρεις] αἴρειν not in the sense of take away ;? 
but in that of lift wp. It denotes to excite the soul, which, according to the 
connection, may be due to very different mental influences ;* in this case, by 
strained expectation, which thou causest us. The explanation: dvapré¢ 
μεταξὺ πίστεως κ. ἀπιστίας," is an approximation to the sense, but is not the pre- 
cise signification of the words. —¢i σὺ εἶ, etc.] if thou, and so forth, as in 
Luke xxii. 67. ; 

Vv. 25, 26. Jesus had not only told them (on many occasions, if not 
always so directly as, for example, to the woman of Samaria, or the man 
born blind) that He was the Messiah, but had also testified to the fact by 
His Messianic works (v. 36). But they do not believe. The actual proof of 
their unbelief is first subjoined in the second clause : for ye belong not to my 
sheep ; otherwise ye would stand in a totally different relation to me than 
that of unbelief ; ye would hear my voice, and know me, and follow me, 
wv. 4, 14, 27. —éo... ὑμεῖς] Reproachful antithesis. —kafoc εἶπον ὑμῖν] 
belong, as also Lachmann and Tischendorf punctuate, to what precedes 
(comp. i. 33); but not in such a way as to involve merely a retro- 
spective reference to the figure of the πρόβατα (Fritzsche : ‘‘ ut similitu- 
dine utar, quam supra posui’’), which would render this repulse very 
meaningless ; but in such a way as to recall to their recollection the 
negative declaration itself as having been already uttered. It is true, indeed, 
that He had not given direct expression to the words ὅτι οὐκ ἐστέ, etc. in the 
preceding allegory ; indirectly, however, He had done so, namely, by a 
description of His sheep, which necessarily involved the denial that the 
Tovdaioe belonged to them. That this is the force of καθ᾽ εἶπ. ὑμ., He Him- 
self declares by the exhibition of the relation of His sheep that follows. 
Weare precluded from regarding it as an introduction to what follows,°® which 


would require a comma before καθώς, 


1 Luthardt, after Thiersch, Apost. Zeital- 
ter, Ὁ. 73: for “the purpose of expressing 
in a figurative way the unity of the Ola and 
New Covenants.” 

2Nonnus: ὑποκλέπτεις 
enecas. 

3 Eur. Jon. 928; Hec. 69; Aesch. Sept 198: 


φρένα: Elsner: 


and a colon after ὑμῖν, by the circum- 


Soph. 0. R. 914; Prov. xix. 18; Philo, de 
Monarch. I. p. 218; Joseph. Anti. iii. 2. ὃ; 
iii. 5. 1. 

4 Huth. Zigabenus, and many others. 

5 Curss., Cant., Corb., Arr., Euth. Zigabe- 
nus, Tholuck, Godet. 


CHAP. X., 27-380. 329 


stance that Jesus nowhere else quotes and (in the form of a summary) 
repeats a longer discourse of His own. In keeping with the style of the 
Gospels, only a brief, sententious saying, such as xiii. 33, would be fitted 
for such self-quotation. In this case, however, the quotation would 
embrace at least vv. 27 and 28.—The circumstance that Jesus should refer 
to this allegory about two months after the date of vv. 1-21, which has 
been erroneously used as an argument against the originality of the discourse 
(Strauss, Baur), may be simply accounted for by the assumption that during 
the interval He had had no further discussions with His hierarchical oppo- 
nents,—a supposition which is justified by its accounting for the silence 
observed by John relatively to that period. The presupposition involved in 
the words καθὼς εἶπον ὑμῖν, that Jesus here has in the main the same persons 
before Him as during the delivery of His discourse regarding the shepherd, 
has nothing against it ; and there is no necessity even for the assumption 
that John and Jesus conceived the discourses to be directed against the 
Ἰουδαῖοι as a whole (Briickner). 

Vy. 27, 28. Description of the relation of the sheep to Him (comp. vv. 
4, 14), which brings clearly to view that the ᾿Τουδαῖοι cannot belong to them. 
Notice in ver. 27 the climactic parallelism of the two halves of the verse as 
far as δίδωμι αὐτοῖς (ver. 28), after which, commencing with καὶ οὐ μὴ ἀπόλ., 
etc., the discourse goes on to express in a double form the inseparableness 
of the blessed relationship. On the emphatic polysyndeton, compare vv. 3, 
12. — τὰ πρόβ. τὰ ἐμά] the sheep which belong to me. — ζωὴν αἰών. also con- 
ceived already in its temporal development, iii. 15, v. 24, and repeatedly.— 
καὶ ov μὴ ἀπόλ.] The negation belongs to the verb ; this declaration : ‘‘ they 
shall certainly not perish,” will be accomplished in eternity. The lost 
sheep, ὁ.6. the sheep which has been separated, and wandered away from 
the flock (Matt. x. 6 ; Luke xv. 4), typifies him who is separated from the 
protection and gracious leading of Christ, and has fallen into unbelief. 
Compare the following καὶ οὐχ ἁρπάσει, etc., where this protection and 
gracious leading is set forth with still more concrete tenderness by the 
words ἐκ τῆς χειρός μου. His hand protects, bears, cherishes, leads them. 
Liberty and the possibility of apostasy are not thus excluded (in answer to 
Augustine and the teaching of the Reformed Church) ; he who has fallen 
away is no longer a πρόβατον, but on the part of Christ everything is prom- 

“ised by which preserving grace is secured, and this is the ground of the 
Certitudo salutis, 

Vv. 29, 30. Explanation of the assertion just made, οὐχ ἁρπάσει, etc. If 
in my hand, they are also in the hand of my Father, who is greater than 
all, so that an ἁρπάζειν, etc. is impossible ; I am one with Him. — ὃς δέδωκέ 
μοι] sc. αὐτά. On the import of the words, compare on vi. 87. In charac- 
terizing God as the giver of the sheep, Jesus enables us to see how fully He is 
justified in appealing, as He here does, to the Father. — μεῖζον (see the crit- 
ical note) : something greater, a greater potence. On the neuter here em- 
ployed, compare Matt. xii. 6 (Lachmann).’— πάντων] Masculine. Compare 


1 See Bernhardy, p. 335 ; Ktihner II. p. 45; Dissen ad Dem. de Cor. Ὁ. 396 (πονηρὸν ὁ συκοφάντης). 


9900 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


τίς, ver. 28, and οὐδείς, ver. 29. Without any limitation : all besides God. 
—rkai οὐδεὶς δύναται, etc.] Necessary consequence of the μεῖζον πάντων, but 
not setting aside the possibility of losing the grace by one’s own fault, vi. 
66. —ék τ. yep. τοῦ πατρ. μου]. This expression, τοῦ πατρ. μ.; is due to the 
presupposition, flowing out of ὃς δεδωκέ μοι, that God did not let the 
sheep out of His hand, 1.6. out of His protection and guidance, when 
He gave them to Christ. But this continued divine protection is. really 
nothing else than the protection of Christ, so far, that is, as the Fa- 
ther is in the Son and works in Him (see vv. 37, 38) ; hence the latter, 
as the organ and vehicle of the divine activity in carrying out the Messianic 
work, is not separated from God, is not a second some one outside and | 
alongside of God ; but, by the very nature of the fellowship referred to, 

one with God.’ Compare on ἕν ἐσμεν, 1 Cor. 111, 8. God’s hand is there- 

fore His hand in the accomplishment of the work, during the performance 

of which He administers and carries into execution the power, love, etc. of 

God. The unity, therefore, is one of dynamic fellowship, 1.6. a unity of 

action for the realization of the divine decree of redemption ; according to 

which, the Father is in the Son, and moves in Him, so that the Father acts 

in the things which are done by the Son, and yet is greater than the Son 

(xiv. 28), because He has commissioned, consecrated, and sent Him. The 

Arian idea of ethical agreement is insufficient ; the reasoning would miss its 

mark unless unity of power be-understood (on which Chrysostom, Euth. 

Zigabenus, and many others, also Liicke, justly lay emphasis). The or- 

thodox interpretation, which makes it denote unity of essence (Nonnus : 

ἕν γένος ἐσμέν ; Augustine : wnum, delivers us from Charybdis, that is, from 

Arius, and swmus from Scylla, that is, from Sabellius), specially defended by 

Hengstenberg, though rejected even by Calvin as a misuse of the passage, 

goes beyond the argumentation ; although, in view of the metaphysical 

character of the relation of the Son to the Father, clearly taught elsewhere, 

and especially, in John, the Homoousia, as the essential foundation, must 

be regarded as presupposed in the fellowship here denoted by ἕν ἐσμεν. 

Vv. 31, 32. The Jews understood the expression in ver. 30 to refer to 
essential unity, and in their tumultuous and angry excitement would even 
stone (Lev. xxiv. 10 f.) the blasphemer ; the overawing impression, however, 
produced by Christ’s reply was powerful enough to restrain them. — ἐβάσ- 
τασαν] sustulerunt (Vulgate), ἀνηέρταζον (Nonnus) they lifted up stones, with 
the intention of throwing them at Him. The word is more characteristic 
than aipevv in viii. 59, though on account of πάλιν the two must have the 
same import ; hence the interpretation : they fetched (Hengstenberg, Godet, 
and others), is less exact.? — πάλω»"] viii. 59. — καλὰ ἔργα] not specially : works 
of love (Kuinoel, B. Crusius), but in general : praeclara opera, distinguished — 
works. ® — ἔδειξα ὑμῖν] have I showed you, v. 20. Comp. ii, 18 ; Ps, lxxviii. 


1 Compare Weiss, Lehrbegr. p. 205 f. them as works of God performed through 
2 Compare Hom. Od. A. 594 ; Soph. Aj. 814 ; Him. The explanation of Luthardt says 
Polyb. 15. 26. 3. too little: ‘‘ Works with which no fault can 


3 Jesus was the more able thus to desig- be found.” 
nate His acts, because He characterized 


CHAP, X., 34-36. ‘ 331 
11.2 ἐκ τοῦ πατρός μου] from my Father, who is in me, and from whom, 
therefore, they go out through me. Compare vv. 37, 38. — διὰ ποῖον, etc. | 
propter quale, etc. Not without the irony of profound indignation (comp. 
2 Cor. xii. 18) does Jesus ask, What, then, is the character of that one of 
His works, on account of which they are about to stone Him?? Not as 
though He did not know why they were intending to stone Him, but doubt- 
less in the consciousness of having actually shown Himself by His works to 
be something totally different from a blasphemer. — περὶ βλασφημ. καὶ ὅτι] for 
blasphemy, and, indeed, because.. The reproach: ‘‘thou makest thyself God ” 
(comp. v. 18), i.e. a divine being (i. 1), was a consequence of the mistaken 
view taken of ver. 80, which they had interpreted of essential unity. Kai 
connects with the general charge a more exact definition of that on which it 
was based. 

Vv. 34-38. Jesus justifies Himself from the reproach of blasphemy by 
defending His assertion that He was the Son of God—the words of ver. 30 
which had excited the opposition amounted to this—from the Scriptures 
(vv. 34-36) ; He then sets forth the unity affirmed in ver. 30 as credibly 
attested by His works (vv. 37, 38). 

Vv. 34-36. In Ps. Ixxxii. 6, unrighteous authorities of the theocratic people 
.—not angels (Bleek), nor yet heathen princes (de Wette, Hitzig)—whose 
approaching destruction, in contrast with their high dignity, is intended to 
stand out, are called gods, agreeably to the old sacred view of rulers as the 
representatives of God, which was entertained in the theocratic nation. 
Compare Ex. xxi. 6, xxii. 8, 38. From this, Jesus draws the conclusion ὦ 
minori ad majus, that He might 6811] Himself God’s Son without blasphemy. 
He is surely far more exalted than they (ὃν ὁ πατὴρ ἡγίασε, etc.) ; and never- 
theless had designated Himself, not θεός, as though wishing to make a God 
of Himself, but merely υἱὸς τ. θεοῦ. ὃ ---- ἐν τῷ νόμῳ] Spoken of the Old Testa- 
ment generally, of which the law was the fundamental and authoritative 
portion. Comp. xii. 34, xv. 25 ; Rom. 111. 19 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 91. --- ὑμῶν] as 
in viii. 17. —éketvovc] whom ? Jesus takes for granted as known. — εἶπε] 
namely, ὁ νόμος (compare afterwards ἡ γραφῇ), not God (Hengstenberg). — 
πρὸς οὖς] to whom, not adversus quos (Heinsius, Stolz), which does not follow 
from the context. There is nothing to warrant the supposition that the 
prophets are also referred to (Olshausen). — ὁ λόγος τοῦ θεοῦ] Neither the 
λόγος ἄσαρκος (Cyril), nor the revelations of God (Olshausen, comp. Godet). 
but the saying of God just mentioned : This saying belongs, 
not to the time when the Psalm was written, but to that earlier period (the 
period of the induction of the authorities into their office, comp. Ps. Tiana) 
_to which God, the speaker, points back. — καὶ ob δύναται, etc.] This clause, 


ἐγὼ εἶπα, etc. 


1 ῬΙαῦ. Crat. Ῥ. 480 E: τὸ δεῖξαι λέγω εἰς τὴν 
τῶν ὀφϑαλμῶν αἴσϑησιν καταστῆσαι. Ι 

2 λιϑάζετε, See Bernhardy, p. 370; Buttm. 
Neut. Gr. p. 178 [E. T. p. 205]. 

3 Hengstenberg incorrectly remarks: ‘‘ He 
accepts the charge, ‘Thou makest thyself 
God.’ " On the contrary, He does not enter 


on it at all, but simply justifies the pred- 


icate, “ Son of God,” which He had assumed. 
for Himself. But Beyschlag also is wrong 
when he says (p. 106): ‘‘ That which Jesus 
here affirms concerning Himself (ὃν ὁ πατὴρ 
ἡγίασε, etc.) might equally have been affirm- 
ed by every prophet.’”? On sucha view, no 
regard would be paid to the relation of 
πατήρ and υἱός, 


332 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


though containing only an auxiliary thought, and not a main point of the 
argumentation (Godet), has been without reason treated as a parenthesis ; 
whereas both in point of structure and sense it is dependent on εἰ : and it isim- 
possible, etc. So also Ewald, Godet, Hengstenberg. — λυθῆναι] The Scripture 
(consequently, also, that saying of the Psalms) cannot be loosened, i.e. cannot 
be deprived of its validity. The auctoritas normativa et judicialis of the Script- 
ures must remain unbroken. Note, in connection herewith, the idea of the 
unity of the Scriptures as such, as also the presupposition of their theopneustia. 
— bv ὁ πατὴρ yy. etc.| That is surely something still greater than that ad- 
dress of the λόγος τ. θεοῦ to authorities when they were installed in their offices. 
In this question, which is placed in the apodosis, and which expresses sur- 
prise, the object, which is correlate to the ἐκείνους of ver. 35, is very em- 
phatically placed at the commencement ; and ὑμεῖς (you people) is placed 
over against the inviolable authority of the Scripture. — ἡγίασε hath consecra- 
ted, a higher analogue of the consecration to the office of prophet (Jer. 1. 5 5 
Sir. xlv. 4, xlix. 7), denoting the divine consecration to the office of Messiah, 
who is the ἅγιος τοῦ θεοῦ (vi. 69 ; Luke iv. 34). This consecration took place 
on His being sent from heaven, and immediately before His departure (hence 
ἡγίασε καὶ ἀπέστ.), in that the father not merely ‘‘ set apart” the Son to the 
work (as though the word ἐξελέξατο had been used ; Hofmann, Schriftbew. 
I. p. 86 ; comp. Euth. Zigabenus, Hengstenberg, and Briickner), but also 
conferred on Him the Messianic ἐντολῇ and ἐξουσία, with the fulness of the 
Spirit appertaining to them (iii. 84), and the power of life (v. 26), and the 
πλήρωμα of grace and truth (i. 14). --- ὅτι βλασφημεῖς] The reply which, in 
view of ὄν, ete., we should have expected to be in the oblique construction 
(βλασφημεῖν or ὅτε βλασφημεῖ, comp. ix. 19), passes over with the increasing 
vivacity of the discourse into the direct construction.* — ὅτε εἶπον] because I 
said. He had set it indirectly in vv. 29, 30. 

Vv. 37-39. Your unbelief, which lies at the foundation of the judgment 
ὅτι βλασφημεῖς, Would then be justifiable, if I did not, etc. In the other case, 
however, you ought to believe, if not me, at all events my works, in order 
that you, etc. — εἰ ov ποιῶ] if [leave them undone.*—ra ἔργα τοῦ πατρ. pm. | 
which my Father works ; compare on ix. 3, xiv. 10, also ver. 23. — μὴ mor. 
μοι] not merely permissive, but an actual command, as in the case of the fol- 
lowing πιστεύετε (see the critical note). The alternative is decided: they 
ought not to believe Him if, ete. —éuoi] My person in and by itself, apart 
from the actual testimony borne to it by the épya. — To believe the works, is 
to hold for true the testimony which is contained in them (v. 36). The 
olject of faith is that which Jesus declares concerning Himself, and what, in 
agreement therewith (comp. xiv. 11), the works prove concerning Him. 
According to the reading iva γνῶτε x. γινώσκητε (see the critical note), which 
Hengstenberg, notwithstanding, rejects as giving an intolerable meaning, 
Jesus describes this as the end to be attained by His prescription : in order 


1 Comp. Matt. v.19; John v. 18, vii. 23; Gr. p. 234 [E., T. Ὁ. 272]. 
Herod. 3, 82; Plat. Phaedr. Ὁ. 256 D; Gorg. 3 Comp. Buttm. Newt. Gr. Ὁ. 297 [E. T. p. 
p. 509 A; Dem. 381. 12, 700, 13. 346] ; Baeumlein, Partik. p. 278. 5 

2 Compare viii. 54, and see Buttm. Newt. 


- 


CHAP. X., 40-42. 999 


that ye may attain to knowledge, and may (permanently) know, etc.—dis- 
tinguishing between the act and the state of knowledge.’ — ὅτε ἐν ἐμοὶ ὁ rar. 
κἀγὼ ἐν αὐτῷ] This nowis the unity which He meant in ver. 30 ; not essential 
unity (old orthodox explanation of the περιχώρησις essentialis patris in filio 
et filii in patre, see Calovius), although it is metaphysically the fundamental 
condition, but dynamic unity : the Father lives and moves in Christ, who is 
His active organ, and again Christ is in the Father, so far as Christ in God 
is the power which determines the execution of the divine ἔργον. ~The 
thought that Christ hasin God ‘‘the ground of His existence and working” 
(de Wette), lies far remote from the words κἀγὼ ἐν αὐτῷ, because the relation 
of the clauses of the proposition must be equal. But this relation is nothing 
else than that of inner, active, reciprocal fellowship. In accordance there- 
with, the Father is in the Son, as in the executor of His work, as the Son is 
also in the Father, because Christ is the regulative and determining agens et 
movens of the work of redemption in the Father. Comp. the many Pauline 
passages which represent all the divine redemptive activity as taking place 
in Christ ; e.g. Rom. viii. 39 ; Eph. i. 3 ff. — Ver. 39. οὖν] In consequence 
of this defence, which averted the threatened tumultuous stoning, for 
which the Jews had begun to prepare themselves. The supposition that 
πιάσαι denotes laying hold of with a view to carrying out the stoning, is op- 
posed by the πάλιν, which refers back to vii. 30, 32, 44 (against Calvin, 
Luthardt, Hengstenberg). — καὶ ἐξῆλθεν, ete.] And yet they were unable to 
carry their plan into execution ; He escaped out of their hands, which are 
conceived as already stretched out after Him. How this deliverance was 
effected must be left undetermined (Kuinoel : by the arrival of His adher- 
ents ; Hengstenberg : by the indecision of His enemies) : of any miraculous 
element (e.g. becoming invisible) in His escape, although assumed by many 
early commentators, and still by B. Crusius and Luthardt, John gives no 
hint. Comp. on viii. 59. Euth. Zigabenus: ἀναχωρεῖ διὰ τὸν θυμὸν τῶν 
φθονερῶν, ἐνδιδοὺς αὐτῷ λωφῆσαι καὶ λῆξαι τῇ ἀπουσίᾳ αὐτοῦ. 

Vv. 40-42. Πάλιν.] 1. 928. --- πέραν τ. ᾽Τορὸδ.] He went away from Jerusalem, 
beyond the Jordan (as in vi. 1, xviii. 1) to Perea, and, indeed, to the place, 
etc. Instead of allowing themselves to be won over to faith and redemp- 
tion, the Ἰουδαῖοι had grown ever more hardened and decided in their hos- 
tility, till it had reached the extreme ; the Lord then finally gives them up, 
and knowing that His hour was near, though not yet fully come, He with- 
draws for a calm and undisturbed, although brief, season of activity to 
Perea, where He was safer from the hierarchs (comp. xi. 54) ; and in the 
place where John was when he baptized for the first time (namely, i. 28 ; later, 
in Salim, iii. 23), there could be as little lack of susceptible hearts as of quiet, 
elevating, and sacred memories for Himself. —éuevvev ἐκεῖ] How long, we 
cannot precisely ascertain, as He spent also some time in Ephraim before 
the feast of the Passover (xi. 54 f.). In any case, however, the ἔμεινεν ἐκεῖ 
lasted but for a very short period, as is evident also from the word viv in 
xi. 8. -- καὶ πολλοί, etc.| ‘‘ Fructus posthumus officii Johannis,” Bengel. — 


1 Compare ἐπιμεληϑῆναι καὶ ἐπιμελεῖσϑαι, Plat. Legg. viii. p. 849 B. 


334 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ἔλεγον] not αὐτῶ, but a bearing of testimony in general. —’Iwdvvy¢ μέν, ete. ] 
Logically we should expect μέν after σημεῖον ; but even classical writers fre« 
quently disregard logical precision in their mode of placing μέν and δέ." --- 
σημεῖον ἐποίησεν οὐδέν] A characteristic feature of the history of John, which 
in this respect also has remained free from fanciful additions ; the people, 
however, referred to the circumstance in view of the σημεῖα which Jesus had 
wrought, as they had been informed, elsewhere, and probably here also, 
before their own eyes. In this way we may also account for μέν not occu- 
pying its strictly logical position.—The repetition of ᾿Ιωάννης in ver. 42 
belongs to the simplicity of the style, which is here faithfully reflected, and is 
in harmony with the feeling of reverence entertained by the people for the 
holy man whose memory still lived among them. — 4/767 ἦν] As was actually 
shown by the works of Jesus. In this way, their experience of the truth of 
the testimony of John became the ground of faith in Christ. What a con- 
trast to the experiences which Jesus had just had to pass through among 
the Ἰουδαῖοι ! The ray of light thus vouchsafed to Him in the place where 
He first commenced His labours, is here set forth in all historical simplicity, 
Baur, however,’ maintains that the people are merely represented as speaking 
these words in order that the entire preceding description of the life and 
works of Jesus may be surveyed from the point of view of the miracles. John 
himself gives a comprehensive retrospect, but in the right place, namely, at 
the close of the active ministry of Jesus in xii. 37 ff., and in how different 
a manner 1 -- ἐκεῖ (see the critical note), emphatically closes the verse. 


"1§ee Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. i. 6. 11; 2p, 182f., and Theol. Jahrb. 1854, p. 280 f. 
Baeumlein, Partik. p. 168. 


OL 


CHAP. XI. 33 


CHAPTER XI. 


Ver. 12. of μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ] A. 44 have merely αὐτῷ. D. K. Il. δὲ, Curss. Verss.: 
αὐτῷ οἱ μάθηταί (so Lachm, and Tisch.). B. C.* L. X. Copt.: οἱ μαθ. aito. The 
simple αὐτῷ is the original reading ; οἱ μαῦ. was written in the margin; then 
was introduced into the text partly before and partly after αὐτῷ ; and in the 
former position brought about the partial change of αὐτῷ into αὐτοῦ. ---- Ver. 17. 
ἐλθὼν. . . εὑρεν] Lachm. : ἦλθεν. . . καὶ εὗρεν, solely afterC.* Ὁ. Partly before 
(so Lachm. in the margin), partly after ἡμέρας (so Elzev. and Lachm.), stands 
ἤδη, which, however, is altogether omitted (so Tisch.) by A.* 17). Curss. Verss. : 
τέσσ. ἤδη yu. must be regarded as the original reading (B. C.*). The word ἤδη, 
beginning and ending with H, was easily passed over, as standing immediately 
before ἡμέρας, which also begins with H, and was then restored in the wrong 
place. — Ver. 19. Instead of καὶ πολλοί, we must, with decisive testimonies, 
read πολλοὶ δέ with Lachm. and Tisch. — αὐτῶν] after ἀδελφοῦ must, with Tisch., 
after B. Τὴ. L. 8., be deleted as a usual addition. — Ver. 21. ὁ ddeAd. μου οὐκ dv 
ἐτεθνήκει] Lachm. and Tisch., after decisive witnesses, read ov« dv ἀπέθανεν ὁ 
ad, μου. If ἐτεθνήκει had been the original reading, it would have been found 
as a various reading also in ver. 32; it isa clumsy interpretation. — Ver. 22. 
ἀλλά] is wanting in B. C.* X. 8. Curss. Verss. Chrys. Bracketed by Lachm., 
deleted by Tisch. An antithetical interpolation. —- Ver. 29. ἐγείρεται] B. C.* Ὁ. 

ΤῸ, δὲ. Curss. Verss.: ἠγέρθη. So Lachm. A mechanical transposition into the 
historical tense, with which the reading ἤρχετο (instead of ἔρχεται) in the same 
Codd., except D., is also connected. — Ver. 30. After ἣν Lachm. and Tisch. 
have ἔτι (B. C. X. 8. Curss. Verss.). An addition more precisely determining the 
meaning, which other witnesses place before jv. — Ver. 31. λέγοντες] B. C.* D. L. 
Χ &. Curss. Verss.: δόξαντες, which, as an unusual expression, must with 
Tisch. be received into the text on the authority of these decisive witnesses. — 
Ver. 32. The position of αὐτοῦ before εἰς τ. πόδ. (Elz. and Lachm. place it after) 
has the decision of the Codd. in its favour. — εἰς] B. C.* Ὁ. L. X. &. Curss. : 
moc. So 'Tisch., and the witnesses are decidedly in its favour. — Ver. 39. In- 
stead of τετελευτηκότος, Elz. has τεθνηκότος, in opposition to decisive testimonies. 
A gloss. — Ver. 40. The future form ὄψῃ has decisive evidence in its favour 
(Lachm. and Tisch.). — Ver. 41. After λίθον Elz. places οὗ ἣν ὁ τεθνηκὼς κείμενος, 
in opposition to decisive testimony. Other witnesses have other explanatory 
additions. — Ver. 45. ἅ] Lachm. has 4, after A.#* B. C. D. Curss. Verss. (in 
ver. 46, also, the 6 is adopted by Lachm., althongh the evidence in its favour 
is weaker). The one act, which is meant, would easily suggest the singular. — 
After ἐποίησεν Elz. inserts 6’Iycotc. An unusual addition, opposed to over- 
whelming evidence. — Ver. 50. διαλογίζεσθε] A. B.D. L, δὲ. Curss. Or. Cyr. 
Chrys. : λογίζεσθε. Recommended by Griesbach ; adopted by Lachm. and 
Tisch., and correctly too ; διαλογίζεσθαι was more familiar to the copyists from 
the other Gospels. — Ver. 57. δὲ καί] Lachm. and Tisch. have deleted καί on 
the authority of decisive witnesses. — Instead of ἐντολήν, Β. J. M. 8. Curss. 


336 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
Or. (twice) have ἐντολάς, which, with Tisch,, is to be adopted. The Recepta is 
a correction. 


Ver. 1 f.’ This stay of Jesus in retirement, however, is terminated by the 
sickness of Lazarus (δέ). --- Simplicity in the style of the narrative : But 
there was ὦ certain one sick, (namely) Lazarus of Bethany, of the town, etc.: 
ἀπό (vii. 42; Matt. ii. 1, xxvii. 57) and ἐκ denote the same relation 
(i. 46 f.), that of derivation ; hence it is the less allowable to regard the two 
sisters and the brother as Galileans, and Mary as the Magdalene (Hengsten- 
berg).? That Lazarus /ived also in Bethany, and was lying ill there, is plain 
from the course of the narrative. For change of preposition, without any 
change of relation, comp. i. 45 ; Rom. iii. 80 ; 2 Cor. 111. 11 ; Gal. 11. 16 ; 
Eph. i. 7 ; Philem. 5.*—This Bethany, situated on the eastern slope of the 
Mount of Olives, and, according to ver. 18, about three-quarters of an hour’s 
walk from Jerusalem (see on Matt. xxi. 17), was characteristically and spe- 
cially known in the evangelical tradition from the two sisters who lived 
there ; hence its more exact designation by the words ἐκ τῆς κώμης Μαρίας, 
etc.,’ for the sake of distinguishing it from the Bethany mentioned in 1. 28 
(see critical note oni. 98). --ἦν δὲ Μαρία, etc.] Not to be put ina parenthesis, 
A more exact description of this Mary,*—who, however, must not be iden- 
tified with the woman who was a sinner, mentioned in Luke vii., as is done 
still by Hengstenberg (see on Luke vii. 36, 37 f.)—from the account of the 
anointing (Matt. xxvi. 6 ff.; Mark xiv. 3 ff.), which John presupposes, in a 
general way, as already known, although he himself afterwards takes occa- 
sion to narrate it in xii. 1 ff. So important and significant did it appear to 
him, although tradition had not preserved it in its pure original form 
(not even in Matthew and Mark). — ἧς ὁ ἀδελφός, etc.] Thus, to refer to Laz- 
arus as the brother of Mary, was perfectly natural to the narrative, and after 
ver. 1 is clear initself. Entirely baseless is Hengstenberg’s remark : the 
relation of Lazarus to the wnmarried Mary was more intimate than to the 
married Martha, who had been the wife of Simon the leper, Matt. xxvi. 6 
(which is a pure invention). See in general, against the erroneous combi- 
nations of Hengstenberg regarding the personal relations of the two sisters 
and Lazarus, Strauss, Die Halben und die Ganzen, p. 79 ff. 

Vv. 3, 4. Merely the message that the beloved one is sick. The request 


10On the whole section relating to the 
raising of Lazarus, see Gumlich in the Stud. 
u. Kritiken, 1862, pp. 65 ff., 248 ff. 

2In the Constitt. Apost. 3. 6. 2, also, Mary 
Magdalene is expressly distinguished from 
the sister of Lazarus. 

3 Kiihner, 11. Ὁ. 219. 

«This genitive, presupposing, as it does, 
the nominative form Μαρία, is opposed to 
the adoption in John of the Hebrew form 
Μαρίαμ, which, in the various passages 
where the name occurs, is supported by 
very varying testimony, in some cases by 
very strong, in other passages, however, by 
no evidence at all. 


5 Wor the legends about Lazarus, see es- 
pecially Thilo, Cod. Apocry. p. 711; Fabric. 
Cod. Apocr. 11. pp. 475, 509. 

ὁ On account of her predominant impor- 
tance, and from being so well known, Mary 
is mentioned jirst in ver. 1. Had she been 
the elder sister (Ewald), there would be no 
apparent reason why Martha should be 
mentioned first in vy. 5, 19, and 20. Comp. 
also Luke x. 38, where Martha appears as 
mistress of the house.—Lazarus seems to 
have been younger than the sisters, and to 
have held asubordinate place in the house- 
hold, xii. 2. 


CHAP. XI., 5-7. 3907 


lay in the message itself, and the addition ὃν φιλεῖς supplied the motive for 
it fulfilment. —<irev] spoken generally, and not addressed to any definite 
person, but in the hearing of those present, the messenger and the disciples. 
Sufficient for the moment asa preparation both for the sisters and the dis- 
ciples. — οὐκ ἔστι πρὸς θάνατον] πρός refers to destination (comp. afterwards 
ὑπέρ) : itis not to have death for its result, which, however, does not mean, 
as the antithesis shows : it is not deadly, he will not die of it. The idea of 
death is used with a pregnancy of meaning, and the words signify : he shall 
not fall a prey to death, as death is wont to be, with no reawakening.} 
Comp. Matt. ix. 24. That Jesus certainly knew, by His higher knowl- 
edge, that the death of Lazarus was certain and near at hand, though 
the death must be conceived as not having yet actually taken place (see on 
ver. 17), is confirmed by ver. 14 ;—for the assumption of a second message 
(Paulus, Neander, Schweizer) is purely arbitrary. With this significant 
declaration, Jesus designed to supply to the sisters something fitted, when 
the death of their brother took place, to stimulate the hope to which Martha 
gives actual expression in ver. 22. There is no warrant for introducing a 
reference to the spiritual and eternal life of the resurrection (Gumlich). — 
ὑπὲρ τῆς δόξ. τ. θ.] 1.6. for the furtherance of the honour of God. Comp. ix. 
3. The emphatic and more definite explanation of the expression is given 
in iva δοξασθῇ, etc.—words which, containing the intention of God, state 
the kind and manner of the ὑπὲρ τ. δόξ. τ. 0., 80 far, namely, as the glorifica- 
tion of the Son of God involves the honour of God Himself, who works 
through Him (comp. v. 23, x. 30, 38). It is in these words, and not in 
ver. 25 (Baur), that the doctrinal design of the narrative is contained. 
Comp. vv. 40, 42. 

Ver. 5 is not an elucidation of ver. 3 (de Wette), seeing that ver. 4 inter- 
venes ; nor is it a preparation for ver. 6 (B. Crusius: ‘‘ although He loved 
them all, He nevertheless remained”) ; but explains the motive impelling 
Him to open to them the consolatory prospect referred to in ver. 4: 
‘‘ Felix familia,” Bengel. —7yéra] An expression chosen with delicate 
tenderness (the more sensuous φιλεῖν is not again used as in ver. 3), because 
the sisters are also mentioned.* Marthais named jirst, as being the mistress 
of the house, and the eldest (ver. 19 f.). Compare the preceding note. 
Arbitrarily Hengst. : ‘‘ Mary is not required to be separated from Lazarus, 
because she was most deeply affected by his death.” 

Vv. 6, 7. οὖν] Resumption of the narrative after the observation in ver. 
5. — After ver. 6 a colon only ought to be placed, for the course of the nar- 
rative is this : ‘‘ When therefore He heard that he was sick, He remained 
then, indeed, etc.; (but) afterwards,” etc. —pév] logically is quite correct 
after τότε : then, indeed (tum quidem), when He heard, He did not immedi- 
ately go away, but remained still two days. [See Note XXXVII. p. 360.] 
There is no corresponding δέ after ἔπειτα, aS one would naturally expect,* 


1 ϑάνατος yap κυρίως ὃ μέχρι τῆς κοινῆς avac- 8 [But in the classics ἔπειτα sometimes 
τάσεως, Huth. Zigabenus. takes the place of δέ as the antithetic cor- 

2Comp. Xen. Mem. ii. 7.12; Tittmann, relative of μέν. With πρῶτον μέν’ this is con- 
Synon, p. 53; and Wetstein. stant.—K.] 


338 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

because the adversative relation, which was in view at first, has given way 
to one of simple succession.’ — ἔπειτα μετὰ τοῦτο] deinde postea (Cic. p. Mil. 
24), asin the Classics also (comp. Plat. Phaedr. p. 258 E : ἔπειτα λέγει δὴ 
μετὰ τοῦτο) Synonymous adverbial expressions are frequently conjoined.?— 
The question why Jesus did not leave at once for Bethany is not solved by the 
assumption, that He designed to test the faith of the parties concerned 
(Olshausen ; Gumlich also mixes this reason up with his otherwise correct 
view), which would, in opposition to ver. 5, have amounted to a harsh and 
arbitrary delaying on His part ; nor is it explained by the similar notion, 
that the message of ver. 4 was meant first to produce its effect (Ebrard), as 
though there had not been without that time enough for this ; just as little 
is it accounted for by the supposition that important business connected 
with His work in Peraea still detained Him,* for John gives not the slight- 
est hint of sucha reason, and it isa purely ὦ priori assumption. It is to be 
explained by a reference back to ver. 4, according to which Jesus was con- 
scious of its being the divine will that the miracle should be performed pre- 
cisely under the circumstances and at the time at which it actually was per- 
formed, and no otherwise (comp. ii. 4), for the glory of God. The divine 
dei, of which He was conscious, decided Him, and that, under a moral 
necessity, lest He should act ὑπὲρ μοῖραν, to remain still ; the same δεῖ again 
impelled Him at once to depart, when, in virtue of His immediate knowl- 
edge, He became aware of the death of His friend. Comp. onver. 17. All 
the more groundless was it tomake use of the delay of Jesus as an argument 
against the historical truth of the narrative (Bretschneider, Strauss, Weisse, 
Gfrérer, Baur, Hilgenfeld), according to which Jesus intentionally allowed 
Lazarus to die, in order that He might be able to raise him up again (Baur, 
Ῥ. 193). —eic¢ τὴν "Iovdaiav] for they were in Peraea, x. 40. The more defi- 
nite goal, Bethany, is not at first mentioned ; but is specified afterwards, vv. 
11, 15. The less reason, therefore, is there for finding a special design in 
the use of the words εἰς τ. "Iovd. (Luthardt : ‘‘ into the land of unbelief and 
hostility”), a meaning which Godet and Gumlich import also into πάλιν. 

Ver. 8. The question breathes, solicitude for the safety and life of the 
beloved Master. — viv] just now, refers to the recent events which, though 
past, seemed still to form part of the present, x. 31. Hence the use of the 
imperfect ; see Kiihner, 11. p. 885. — dd] emphatically at the beginning. 
- ὑπάγεις] Present, as in x. 82. 

Vv. 9, 10. The sense of the allegorical answer is this: ‘‘ The time 
appointed to me of God for working is not yet elapsed ; as long as it lasts, no 
one can do anything tome; but when it shall have come to an end, I shall fall 
into the hands of my enemies, like him who walketh in the night, and who 
stumbleth, because he is without light.” In this way Jesus sets aside the 
anxiety of His disciples, on the one hand, by directing their attention to the 


1Comp. Klotz, ad Devar. Ὁ. 539; Stall- 
baum, ad Plat. Phaed. p. 89 A; Baeumlein, 
Partic. p. 163. 

2 Kiihner, II. p. 615; Fritzsche, αα Mare. 
p. 99. Comp. τότε ἔπειτα, which occurs fre- 
quently as early as in Homer; Nagelsbach 


on the J/ias, p. 149, ed. 3. 

[The adverbs are scarcely synonymous. 
ἔπειτα, then, afterwards ; δή, vivacious, 7 
sooth, you see.—K.] 

3 Liicke, Krabbe, 
Lange, Baumgarten. 


Neander, Tholuck, 


BHAP XT ..09, 20% 339 
fact that, as His time is not yet expired, He is safe from the apprehendcd 
dangers ; and, on the other, by reminding them (ver. 10) that He must make 
use of the time apportioned to Him, before it come to an end.! So substan- 
tially Apollinaris (διδάσκει ὁ κύριος ὅτε πρὸ τοῦ καιροῦ Tov πάθους οὐκ ἂν ὑπὸ 
᾿Ιουδαίων πάθοι" καὶ διδάσκει τοῦτο διὰ παραβολῆς, ἡμέρας μὲν καιρὸν ὀνομάζων τὸν πρὸ 
τοῦ πάθους, τὸν δὲ τοῦ πάθους νύκτα), Ruperti (only partially), Jansen, Maldon- 
atus, Corn. ἃ Lapide, Wolf, Heumann, and several others ; also Maier and 
B. Crusius ; comp. Ewald and Hengstenberg. On individual points, note 
further : (1) dédexa is placed emphatically at the beginning, signifying that 
the day referred to is stal2 running on, and that anxiety is still premature 
(not : only twelve hours ; Bengel correctly remarks: ‘‘jam multa erat 
hora, sed tamen adhuc erat dies”), The supposition that Jesus spoke the 
words early in the morning, at sunrise (Godet, Gumlich), is as arbitrary as 
it is unnecessary. (2) τὸ φῶς τ. κόσμ. is the sunlight, so designated in har- 
mony with the elevated tone which marks the entire saying ; the words 
ὅτε. . . βλέπει belong merely to the coloring of the picture, and are not 
intended to be specially interpreted (for example, of the guidance of the 
divine will, as Godet thinks, following older commentators). (8) Applying 
the figure to Jesus, night (ver. 10) commenced with the ἐλήλυθεν ἡ ὥρα, Xvii. 
1 (comp. xii. 27) ; the day with its twelve hours was then over for Him, 
and, according to the divine decree, the stumbling in His path which, with 
the close of the twelfth hour, had become dark, must now follow,? 
in that He fell into the hands of His enemies ; till then, however, οὔπω 
ἐληλύθει ἡ ὥρα αὐτοῦ, Vii. 30, viii. 20. (4) The expression ὅτι τὸ φῶς οὐκ ἔστιν 
ἐν αὐτῷ, Which is also a detail not intended for interpretation, is not equiva- 
lent to : he has not, etc. (Ewald ; it is also inadmissible to take this view of 
Ps. xc. 10), but is an outflow of the notion that, in the case of a man walk- 
ing in the night, it is dark in him, i.e. his representation of his surroundings 
is dark and without light, so that he cannot discover his whereabouts in his 
consciousness of that which is round about him. Grotius : ‘in oculis ejus ;” 
but the expression ἐν αὐτῷ suggests the inner intuition and representation. 
(5) Substantially the same, and decisive for the view which the disciples 
would take, are the thought and figure in ix. 3 f. ; hence also here neither 
is day to be taken as an image of tempus opportunum,® nor νύξ of tempus 
importunum ; nor is it any more allowable to say, with Gumlich and Briick- 
ner (comp. Melanchthon, Beza, and Calvin), that φῶς τοῦ x. τ. is God, who 
shows the Son the way, so that this latter thus walks in the day, and His 
person and work remain unendangered (οὐ προσκόπτει 3) ; similarly Baeum- 


1 Not, as Godet interprets: that He dare 
not lengthen the working time appointed to 
Him by the divine will, that He may not 
venture to add toit asit were a thirteenth 
hour. Sucha thought was totally foreign 
to the minds οὐ the disciples in giving their 
warning. All that they desired was, that 
He should not shorten His life by exposing 
Himself to the threatening danger of death. 

3 The idea set forth is therefore not * the 


wish to beactive beyond the ordained goal 
and limit of life,’ which would, indeed, be 
absurd (Tholuck’s objection) ; but to be re- 
moved from activity on the attainment of the 
ordained god of life. When the twelfth hour 
has passed, night falls on the wanderer, and 
he stumbles. 

3 Morus, Rosenmiiller, Paulus, Kuinoel. 

4 Ver. 10. τὸ φῶς οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν αὐτῷ is then 
explained by Briickner, after Matt. vi. 22 f., 


340 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

lein ; Liicke, on the other hand, rightly refers τῆς ἡμέρας to the ““ day’s 
work” of Christ, which has its definite limit (its twelve hours) ; but then he 
explains ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ of fulfiling the duties of his calling (comp. Melanchthon), 
which is always the way of safety, and takes νύξ as an image of unfaithful- 
ness to one’s calling, which leads to destruction. In this way, however, two 
totally different meanings are assigned to the figurative term ἡμέρα, the 
second of which is the more decidedly to be rejected, as the mention of 
twelve hours is evidence that the temporal explanation alone is correct, 
For this reason, further, we must reject not only the view taken by de 
Wette, who regards the day as the image of ‘‘ upright, innocent, clear action,” 
the twelve hours, as the ways and means of action, and the night as the 
lack of prudence and singlemindedness ; but also that of Luthardt : ‘‘ He who 
keeps within the limits of his calling will not strike against anything, will 
not make false steps, for the light of the world, 1.6. the will of God, gives 
him light ; he, however, who passes beyond the limits of his calling will go 
wrong in his doings, seeing that he is guided, not by God’s will, but by his 
own pleasure.” Tholuck also diverges from the consistent carrying out of 
the temporal view ; for, though understanding the twelve hours of the day 
of the fixed time of the vocation, he afterwards introduces the calling itself : 
‘¢Whoso abides not by his calling will come to damage.” Comp. Schwei- 
zer, p. 106; also Lange, who combines several very different views. 
According to Chrysostom, Theophylact, and Euth. Zigabenus, the walking 
in the day denotes either a blameless walk, in which a man has no need to be 
afraid ; or fellowship with Christ (so also Erasmus : ‘‘ quamdiu vobis luceo, 
nihil est periculi ; veniet nox, quando a me semoticonturbabimini.”* YVat- 
ablus, Clarius, Lampe, Neander). Both are incorrect, for the simple reason 
that the disciples had expressed concern, not for themselves, but for Christ, 
by their question in ver. 8 (Chrysostom and his followers arbitrarily remark 
that they had been more in anxiety, ὑπὲρ ἑαυτῶν) ; and because the former of 
these views would furnish no explanation of the mention of the hours, which 
is just the key to the figure. This objection holds good also against Hilgen- 
feld,* who brings out as the meaning of Jesus: He has the light absolutely 
in Himself, and for him, therefore, no dark point can exist in His earthly 
course. On this view, moreover, ver. 10 remains without explanation. Ols- 
hausen, adopting the second view of Chrysostom, is prepared to accept an 
inadmissible double meaning of ἡμέρα ;—partly in His brotherly relationship 
to men, Jesus regards Himself as accomplishing His ordained day’s work ; 
but again, in His higher dignity, as the spiritual enlightener, in whose bright- 
ness the disciples would have nothing to fear.* Comp. Bengel, who thinks 





to mean that the eye, which has received 
the light, becomes itself a lamp, and so the 
whole man is illumined. But how could 
Jesus expect the disciples to understand so 
far-fetched an illusion? If such had been 
His meaning, He must have used, in agree- 
ment with Matt. vi. 23, some such words as: 
ὅτι TO φῶς τὸ ἐν αὐτῷ σκότος ἐστίν. 

1 50 in the Paraphr. But in the Annotat. 


he takes substantially our view: ‘‘ Dies 
habet suas horas, nec is nostro arbitrio fit 
previor aut longior ; et ego tempus habeo 
praescriptum, quo debeam redimendi orbis 
negotium peragere, id Judaeorum malitia 
non potest anticipari: proinde nihil est, 
quod mihi timeatis.”’ 

2 Lehrbegr. p. 263. 

3 Ebrard adopts Olshausen’s view in the 


CHAP. XI., 11-13. 941 


that τὸ φῶς τ. κόσμ. τούτου signifies the ‘‘ providentia Putris respectu Jesu, 
et providentia Christi respectu jidelium. 

Vv. 11-18. Kai μετὰ τοῦτο λέγει] This representation separates the two 
discourses, between which a pause is to be conceived as intervening.—The 
death of Lazarus, which has just taken place, and become the occasion of 
the determination to leave at once (ver. 7 ; see on ver. 17), Jesus designates 
(comp. Matt. ix. 24), in view of his resurrection, by the word kexoiu., has 
Jallen asleep, the event having become known to Him by immediate knowl- 
edge (spiritual far-seeing). Hence also the definiteness of His statement, to 
which the addition of the words ὁ φίλος ju. communicates a touch of painful 
sensibility, while the ἡμῶν (owr) claims also the loving sympathy of His disci- 
ples. — ἐξυπνίσω] awaken out of sleep; a late Greek word, rejected by the 
Atticists.’— The misunderstanding of His disciples, who thought of the sleep 
which follows after a crisis has been passed through (see examples of the 
same thing in Pricaeus ; comp. also Sir. xxxi. 2, and Fritzsche’s remarks 
thereon), loses its apparent improbability (against Strauss, de Wette, Reuss) 
when we refer back to ver. 4, the words of which they had naturally un- 
derstood, not in the sense intended by Jesus, that He would raise him up 
from the dead, but, after the analogy of ix. 3, as signifying that He pur- 
posed to come and miraculously heal him. The journey thereby involved, 
however, they did not desire (ver. 8) ; the expression κεκοίμηται accordingly 
corresponded to their wishes ; hence the conclusion at once drawn, that he 
must be on the way to recovery, and the effort, by calling attention to this 
fact, to make the journey appear unnecessary. The very earnestness of 
their desire, caused them to overlook the significant nature of the words iva 
ἐξυπνίσω αὐτόν, and to fail to see that it would have been absurd thus to 
speak of one who was really asleep. Such a mistake on their part is psy- 
chologically intelligible enough.* The notion that ver. 4 had led them to 
believe that Jesus had already healed at a distance (Ebrard, Hengst.), and 
that, in consequence, they necessarily understood sleep to refer to recovery, 
is incompatible with the fact that the words of ver. 4 do not at all suggest 
such a healing (how different in iv. 50 !) ; and that if they had thought of 
such a healing having taken place, they would have grounded their σωθήσεται 
on this, and not on the fact of sleeping ; they would hence have dissuaded 
from this journey as unnecessary in a very different way. According to 
Bengel (and Luthardt), the disciples believed, ‘‘somnum ab Jesu immissum 
esse Lazaro ut eveniret quod praedixerat ipse ver. 4.” But there is no ex- 


following more definite shape: ‘“‘The day sential elements are read into the passage ; 


has its determinate measured duration. If 
aman use the day as day, i.e. the time for 
working given him by God as a time of 
working, he needs to be inno fear that his 
working will bring him mischief, for the 
light of the mundane sun illumines him. 
But he who walks as though it were night, i.e. 
without working the will of God, would pro- 
eure for himself eternal mischief, because 
he would not have in him the light (in the 
absolute sense, i. δ). In this way the es- 


and what astrange difference in the con- 
ceptions found in the same expressions ! 
How could the disciples have possibly 
understood their Master ! 

1Lobeck ad Phryn. Ὁ. 224. Comp. Acts 
ΧΥΪ. 97. 

2“ Niscipuli omni modo quaerunt Domi- 
num ab isto itinere avocare,”’ Grotius; ‘‘ /i- 
benter hane fugiendi periculi occasionem 
arripiunt,” Calvin. 


342 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
egetical support for this view, not even in the use of the first person singu- 
lar πορεύομαι, which finds its very natural explanation in the connection 
with ἐξυπνίσω (the case is different with ἄγωμεν, ver. 7), without that sup- 
position (against Luthardt). 

Ver. 14 f. Παῤῥησίᾳ] 1.6. without the help of figurative hints as in ver. 11. 
Comp. x. 24, xvi. 25. — Λάζ. ἀπέθ.1 Now a declaration of the simple oceur- 
vence ; hence there is no addition to the word Λάζ. as in ver. 11. — dv ὑμᾶς] 
is immediately explained by the words ἵνα ricretc.; for every new advance 
in faith is, in respect to degree, a coming to believe, comp. 11. 11. The words 
ὅτι οὐκ ἤμ. ἐκεῖ are to be taken together with χαίρω. If Jesus had been there, 
He would not have permitted His friend to die (against Paulus), but have 
saved him even on the sickbed ; in this case the far greater σημεῖον of His 
δόξα, the raising him from the dead, would not have taken place, and the 
faith of the disciples would therefore not have had the benefit of it, though, 
just on the eve of the death of their Lord, it stood greatly in need of being 
increased. Bengel aptly remarks: ‘‘cum decoro divino pulchre congruit, 
quod praesente vitae duce nemo unquam legitur mortuus.” —iva] indicates 
the telic direction, or intention of the emotion (not merely hope, de Wette). 
Comp. viii. 56. Remark that Jesus rejoices not at the sorrowful event i 
itself, but at the circumstance that He was not there, in consequence of which 
it assumed a salutary relation to the disciples. — ἀλλ Abrupt transition,’ 
And the summons is now brief and measured. 

Ver. 16. Thomas (SD8A=O0N8N), after the Greek translation of his name 
(twin), was called among the Gentile Christians Didymus. That Jesus gave 
him this name for the purpose of signifying that his nature was one which 
halted, and was divided between the old and the new man, is an invention 
of Hengstenberg’s, which he even goes so far as to base on Gen, xxv. 23 f.— 
Notwithstanding what had been said in ver. 9, Thomas looked upon the 
return of Jesus as leading to His death; with His ardent temperament, 
he at once expresses what is in His mind, but with the immediate 
resignation and courage of love,? since their business was to obey the 
clearly and definitely declared will of the Lord (differently in xiv. 5, xx. 
24). There is no ground for charging him here with ‘‘inconsideratus 
zelus” (Calvin) ; nay, ‘‘Fear and Unbelief” (Chrysostom, Euth. Zigab.) ; 
dualism of Belief and Unbelief (Hengstenberg), and the like. — μετ’ αὐτοῦ] 
refers to Jesus,* not to Lazarus (Grotius, Ewald). — συμμαθητής occurs in the 
New Testament only here.‘ 

Ver. 17. ᾿Ελθών] into the neighbourhood of Bethany, see ver. 30. That 
Jesus went by the direct road, may, in view of this object, be taken for 
granted ; to insert here events from the Synoptic Gospels for harmonistic 
purposes, only causes confusion. — εὗρεν] namely, by inquiry. — τέσσαρασ] 
As we must assume that Lazarus did not die before the day on which the 


1 Herm. ad Vig. p. 812; Baeuml. Partic. p. with the context from ver. 8 and from καὶ 


15. ἡμεῖς, In Which the καί points to Jesus. On 
2 Soph. Fragm. 690. Dind: ϑανόντι κείνῳ the thought, comp. Matt. xxvi. 35 and paral- 
συνϑανεῖν ἔρως μ᾽ ἔχει. Eur. Suppl. 1009 ff. lels. 


3 This reference follows in accordance 4 But see Plat. Huthyd. Ὁ. 272 c. 


OHAP. XI.'.18;,19. 343 


words of vy. 7 ff. were spoken, whilst Jesus was made at once and directly 
aware of the departure of His friend, then, if the Lord, as is probable, com- 
menced the journey on the same day, and if Lazarus, agreeably to the Jew- 
ish custom, was buried on the day of his death, two full days and parts of 
two other days (the first and fourth) must have been spent in travelling to 
Bethany. No material objection can be urged against this supposition, 
since we do not know how far northwards in Perea Jesus was sojourning 
when He received the message announcing the illness. The wswal opinion— 
still entertained by Luthardt, Ebrard, Gumlich, Hengstenberg, Godet—is, 
that Lazarus died and was buried on the very day on which Jesus received 
the message. In this case Jesus must have remained that day and the two 
following in Peraea, and begun the journey on the fourth day (a journey 
which some suppose to have occupied merely ten or eleven hours, or even a 
shorter time),’ and completed it on the same (Ebrard) or on the following 
day. On this supposition, however, Jesus would either not have known of 
the death of His friend before the third day, which would be quite opposed 
to the character and language (vv. 4, 6) of the narrative ; or else He would 
know of it as soon as it happened, and therefore at the time of the arrival of 
the messenger, which would alone accord with the tone of the entire history. 
In this latter case, the two days’ postponement of His departure, which, not- 
withstanding He had resolved on, would be unnatural and aimless, and the 
words of ver. 4, which treat the sickness of Lazarus as still continuing, 
would have been inappropriate. Correctly, therefore, have Bengel (on ver. 
11 with the comparison of iv. 52) and Ewald fixed the death of Lazarus as 
contemporaneous with vy. 7, 8, so that the occurrence of the death and the 
knowledge of it possessed by Jesus determined His leaving at once. They 
would then have arrived at Bethany on the fourth day (comp. on i. 28). 

Ver. 18. This observation explains the fact mentioned in the following 
verse, that so many of the ’Iovdaior (from the neighbouring capital) were pres- 
ent. —7v| The use of the praet. does not of itself necessarily imply that 
Bethany had ceased to exist at the time when the writer wrote, but might 
be explained (as it usually is) from the general connection with the past 
events narrated.* Still, as John is the only one of the evangelists who thus 
uses the praet. (see besides xviii. 1, xix. 41), and as he wrote a considerable 
time after the destruction of Jerusalem, it is more natural to suppose that 
Jerusalem and the surrounding region were conceived by him as lying waste, 
and Bethany as no longer existing. — ἀπὸ σταδίων dexar.| fifteen stadia off, 1.6. 
about three-eighths of a geographical mile. On this mode of describing the 
distance (Apoc. xiv. 20) see Buttm. Newt. Gr. p. 133 [E. T. p. 153]. Com- 
pare also xii. 1, and on Acts x. 30. A stadium = 5894 feet Rhenish (6064 
feet English) ‘measure. 

Ver. 19. Ἔκ τῶν Iovdaiwy] is generally taken as equivalent to ‘IepocoAyurav, 
but altogether without ground. Wherever John uses the term ‘‘ the Jews,” 


1 But see van der Velde, Reise durch Syr. 2See on Acts xvii. 21; Kriiger on Xen. 
u. Pal. Tl. p. 245 ff. The actual road was Anab. i. 4. 9; Breitenbach, ad Xen. Hier. 
undoubtedly considerably longer than the 9, 4. 
distance in a straight line. 


344. THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


unless it be in the purely national sense (as in ii. 6, ii. 13, iii. 1, iv. 9, and 
frequently), to distinguish them as a nation from other nations, he constantly 
means the Jewish opposition to Jesus. See on i. 19. So also here. On 
them, however, the miracle produced the noteworthy deep impression which 
will be recorded in vv. 45, 46. The Lazarus family, which, without doubt, 
was a highly respected one, must—and might it not have been so, notwith- 
standing its friendship with Jesus ?—have had many acquaintances, perhaps 
also relatives, among these Jews. — πρὸς τὰς περὶ M. x. M.] is not quite iden- 
tical in force with πρὸς τὴν M. x. M.,? but designates the two sisters with their 
surroundings (Bernhardy, p. 263 ; Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. ii. 4. 2; comp. 
Acts xiii. 18). The words might denote the sisters alone, according to later 
Greek usage (see Valckenaer, Schol. ad Act. xiii. 13; Lehrs Quaest. Hp. p. 
28 ff.) ; but this usage is quite foreign to the New Testament, and in the 
present connection, the expression employed has its special decorum, they 
being men who had come. It implies, moreover, that the household was one 
of a higher class. —iva παραμ. avt.| The expression of sympathy and consola- 
tion, which was connected with definite formalities, lasted usually seven 
days.° 

Ver. 20. Martha, now also discharging her duties as hostess, and in con- 
sequence coming more into contact with others from without, is first in- 
formed of the coming of Jesus (how must be left undecided), and with 
judicious haste goes at once to meet Him, without exciting attention by com- 
municating the fact to her sister. — ἐκαθέζετο] The manifestations of sympathy 
were received sitting.‘—Note the different nature of the two sisters, as in 
Luke x. 38 ff. 

Vv. 21, 22. Ei ἧς ὧδε] Not a reproach, but a lament : Hadst Thou been here, 
and stayed not in the distant Peraea. — καὶ viv] Without ἀλλά (see the criti- 
cal note) the expression simply connects past and present : and now, when 
he is dead. She then gives expression indirectly (‘‘ ob νοῦ] magnitudinem,” 
Grotius) to her confidence, which had quickly arisen in consequence of the 
arrival of Jesus, that by His prayer He would be able to raise the dead one 
to life. Having the confidence, she expresses the wish. We can understand 
from ver. 4 why, now that the healing could no longer be effected, she 
should think of a resurrection ; for with her faith in Jesus, and her knowl- 
edge of His wonderful works, she must have felt sure that the declaration 
of ver. 4 would be fulfilled in some way or other. The less, therefore, may 
we adopt Calvin’s judgment : ‘‘ magis affectui suo indulget, quam se contineat 
sub fidei regula.”— The position of the words αἰτήσῃ τὸν θεόν, δώσει ὁ θεός 18 
emphatic ; and the emphasis is heightened by the repetition of 6 θεός." This 
word αἰτεῖσθαι, to beg for oneself, is not elsewhere used of Jesus praying to God 
(but ἐρωτᾶν, παρακαλεῖν, προσεύχεσθαι, δεῖσθαι) ; it corresponds to the intensity 
of Martha’s emotion, which would lead her to choose the more concrete, 
more human expression (comp. Matt. vii. 9; John xv. 16, a/.). Thus 


1 Compare Briickner, Gumlich, Godet. 4See Geier, de Luctu Hebraeorum, Ὁ. 
2 So Lachmann after B. C. L. X. &. 211 ff. Comp. Dougt. Anal. ad Hz. viii. 14. 
31 Sam. xxxi. 13; 1 Chron. x. 12; Judith 5 Comp. Xen. Mem. i. 3. 2: εὔχετο δὲ πρὸς 


Xvi. 23. See Lightfoot, p. 1070 ff. τοὺς ϑεοὺς, . . WS τοὺς ϑεοὺς κάλλιστα εἰδότας. 


CHAP. XI., 23-26. 945 
naively, as to form, does she speak in the excitement of her feeling ; forthe 
idea of the superhuman relation of Jesus to God had not as yet presented 
itself in any way to her mind. But as to substance she was right ; see vv. 
41, 42. 

Vv. 23, 24. Jesus understood her, and promises ἀναστήσεται ὁ ad. cov ! 
He meant’ to carry out the purpose stated in ver. 11, but expressed Himself 
ambiguously—no doubt intentionally—ip order to lead the faith of Martha 
away from her merely personal interest, and to raise it rather to the higher 
general domain of the one thing that is needful. His words might as easily 
denote a raising up to be accomplished at once, as the resurrection at the 
last day. Martha ventures to take it only as a consolatory word of 
promise relatively to Lazarus’ participation in this latter resurrection ; she 
had previously dared to hope for so much, that she was not now able to in- 
terpret so indefinite a reply in her own favour. Accordingly, her response 
expresses that resignation of disappointed expectation, which would now so 
naturally present itself to her mind ; an answer full of submission, and not 
one of ‘‘ as it were further inquiry.” ? 

Vv. 25, 26. Jesus connects with her answer that which He intended to 
say, as fitted to draw her faith from her own interest to His person: I, no 
other than I, am the resurrection and the life, i.e. the personal power of both, 
the one who raises again, and who makes alive. Comp. xiv. 6; Col. iii. 4. 
The ζωή after the ἀνάστασις is its positive result (not its ground, as Luthardt 
and Ewald think), the efernal life, which, however, also presupposes the 
happy state of Co#in Hades, in Paradise (Luke xvi. 22, xxiii. 43). In the 
course of what follows, Jesus tells who it is that experiences Him as this power 
of resurrection and life,* namely, ὁ πιστεύων εἰς ἐμέ. The thought is in both 
clauses the same ; they form a parallelism with a positive and negative 
declaration concerning the same subject, which, however, in the second 
clause, is described not merely by πιστεύων again, but by ζῶν καὶ πιστείων, be- 
cause this was the only way of making the significant antithetical reciprocal 
relationship complete. With a view to this end, dying denotes in the first 
clause physical death, whereas in the second clause it is used in the higher 
sense ; whereas, vice versd, life is spoken of in the first clause in the higher 
sense, in the second in its physical sense. Whoso believeth in me, even if he 
shall have died (physically), will live (be a partaker of life wninterruptedly, as, 
prior to the resurrection, in Paradise, so, by means of the resurrection, 
eternally) ; and every one who lives (is still alive in time) and believes in me, 
will assuredly not die for ever, i.e. he will not lose his life in eternity, viii. 
51,—a promise which, though not excluding physical death in itself, does 


1 That is, He meant the raising of Lazarus, Jerence to Paradise.” Thesoul of the de- 


which actually afterwards took place, and 
which was the fulfilment of the ἐξυπνίζειν ; 
παλίνορσος ἐγείρεται, Nonnus. Quite in op- 
position to the progress and connection of 
the narrative, with its beautiful signifi- 
cance, *is Hengstenberg’s remark: ‘‘ Jesus 
means specially the resurrection at the last 
day, and along with this, also, His trans- 


ceased must already have deen in Paradise, 
Luke xxiii. 43. 

2 De Wette, compare Calvin. 

3 It is not merely ζωή that is carried out in 
what follows (Luthardt) ; for the life which 
Jesus ascribes to the believer, even in death, 
finds its completion precisely in the resur- 
rection. 


346 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


exclude it as the negation of the true and eternal ζωή, vi. 50. Compare 
Rom, viii. 10. In accordance herewith, ζῶν neither can nor may be taken 
in the spiritual sense (Calvin and Olshausen) : to apply κἂν ἀποθ., however, 
to Lazarus, and ζῶν to the sisters,’is inadmissible, simply because Lazarus 
was to be raised again solely to temporal life. Both are to be left in their 
generality. —On πᾶς Bengel remarks ingeniously : ‘‘ hoc versu 25 non adhib- 
itum ad majora sermonem profert,” and on mcr. τοῦτο : ‘‘applicatio ... 
per improvisam interrogationem valde pungens.” 

Vv. 27, 28. Martha’s answer affirms the question, and gives the reason for 
the affirmation ; for to Messiah alone could and must we be indebted for 
that which is mentioned in ver, 25 f.?— ἐγώ] with the emphasis of conscious 
assurance. — πεπίστευκα] I have convinced myself, and believe. Comp. vi. 
09. -- ὁ Χριστός, ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ) The second predicate, although conceived by 
Martha still in the popular theocratic sense, and not yet understood in its 68- 
sentially divine import (comp. on i. 50), satisfactorily expresses her faith in 
the divinely-conferred ἐξουσία of her friend, and is correlative to the ὁ εἰς τ. 
κόσμ. ἐρχόμενος, and to be connected with it. The present ἐρχόμενος is 
employed because she looks for the advent of the Messiah as close at hand. 
Compare on Matt. xi. 3 ; Luke ii. 25, 388. — Ver. 28. That Martha called her 
sister at the bidding of Jesus, is clear from καὶ φωνεῖ ce ; and any doubt as to 
whether He actually commissioned her to do so is baseless.* — λάθρα] not 
openly, that is, whispering these words to her secretly, so that the ’Iovdaior in 
ver. 31 who were present—these men so hostilely disposed towards the be- 
loved Teacher—might not observe what she should say to her, in order that 
they might not disturb the further consolation and elevation which she now, 
with the faith in her heart that she had just so decidedly expressed, ex- 
pected for her sister and herself from Jesus. —6 didaox.] This designation, 
which had probably been customary in the family, was sufficiently intelligi- 
ble to her sister ; she did not need to mention His name, nor does she mention 
it, for the sake of secrecy.. Compare Mark xiv. 14. 

Vv. 30, 31. He had remained outside the place, not, however, because of 
the proximity of the grave (IIe did not even know where it was, ver. 34, 
against Hengstenberg and others), but doubtless because Martha had in- 
formed Him of the presence of the many ’Iovdaior,—which it was so natural 
for Martha to do, that Luthardt should not have called it in question. He 
did not desire their presence while He said to Mary what He intended to say, 
for which reason also He had her called secretly. His intention, however, 
was not realized, for the Jews thought that when Mary went away so hastily 
she had gone to the grave,‘ and followed after her, in order not to leave her 
alone in her sorrow without words of sympathy and consolation. On εἰς τ. 
μνῆμ. Comp. ver, 38, xx. 1. 

1 Euth. Zigabenus, Theophylact. vai, κύριε, and the further words πεπίστευκα, 


2 The simple and full affirmation of what etc., express the holy foundation on which 
was asked is contained therefore in vat, her vat rested in her heart. 


κύριε, and ἐγὼ πεπίστευκα is not a Confiteor 3 Briickner, compare Tholuck ; Hengsten- 
freely formed by Martha in response to the berg, after Chrysostom. 
question (Godet, after Lange) ; on the con- 4 On this custom see Geier, de Luctu Hebr. 


trary, her Conjiteor is contained in the words VII. 26, and Wetstein. 


CHAP. XI., 32-04. 347 

Ver. 32. “Erecev, etc.] Not so Martha, ver. 21. Mary’s feelings were of 
an intenser and stronger kind. — αὐτοῦ πρὸς τ. πόδας] at His feet (πρός, Mark 
v. 22, vii. 25). So afterwards, μου 6 ἀδελφός, my brother had not died, as in 
xiii. 6, and very often in the New Testament and in the classics.’ — εἰ ἧς ὧδε, 
etc.] like Martha in ver. 21, but without adding anything beyond her tears. 
This thought had unquestionably been the oft-repeated refrain of their 
mutual communications on the subject of their sorrow.—No further conver- 
sation takes place, because the Ιουδαῖοι by coming with her disturbed them, 
vv. 31, 33 ; according to Luthardt, because Jesus wished a deed to take the 
place of words ; but of this there is no hint in the text. 

Vv. 33, 84. --- Τοὺς συνελθ. αὐτῇ Iovd.] The Jews who had come with her (see 
on Mark xiv. 53). Note the emphatic κλαίουσαν . . . 
τῷ πνεύματι] Alone correct are the renderings of the Vulgate : infremuit 
spiritu ; of the Gothic : inrauhtida ahmin ; and of Luther : er ergimmete im 
Geiste, He was angered in the spirit. On τῷ πνεύματι, comp. xiii. 21 ; Mark 
viii. 12; Acts xvii. 16. The words βριμάομαι and ἐμβριμάομαι are never used 
otherwise than of hot anger in the Classics, the Septuagint, and the New 
Testament (Matt. ix. 80 ; Mark i. 43, xiv. 5), save where they denote snorting 
or growling proper. For this reason the explanation of sharp pain 
(so also Grotius, Liicke, Tholuck, who thinks the word denotes a painful, 
sympathetic, and shuddering movement, not expressed in sounds, B. Crusius, 
Maier, and several ; compare already Nonnus) must be rejected at the very 
outset, as opposed to the usage of the word. The same applies also to Ewald’s 
notion ® that it is simply a somewhat stronger term for στενάζειν or ἀναστενά- 
ζειν (Mark vii. 34 ; comp. viii. 19). But at what was He angered? This is 
not expressed by τῷ πνεύματι (against this supposition ἐν ἑαυτῷ in ver. 38 is 
sufficiently decisive), as though He were angry at being affected as He 
was (τῷ πάθε). This view, which quite misconceives the humanity of 
Jesus, is taken by Origen, Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, and 
several others. Nor was His anger enkindled at death as the wages of sin ; ν᾿ 


κλαίοντας. --- ἐνεβριμήσατο 


1See Kiihner, § 627 ἃ 4; Stallbaum, ad 
Plat. Rep. p. 518 C. 

2 Aeschyl. Sepl. 461; Lucian, Vecyom. 20. 
See Gumlich, p. 265 f. 

3 “ As though compelled to gather up all 
the deepest powers of love and compassion, 
first, in deepest emotion, repeatedly sigh- 
ing and weeping,” Gesch. Christi, p. 486. 
Somewhat differently in the Johann. Schr. 
Τ. p. 322: “Like an old hero of the prime- 
val age, like a Jacob, who, gathering 
together the deepest forces of his spirit, 
prepares for the combat, and in the midst 
of the struggle weeps aloud.’ Melanchthon 
has a similar idea. 

4 To much the same effect is Cyril’s view, 
who takes τῷ πνεύματι to mean the Holy 
Spirit, and to be used instrumentally : τῇ δυ- 
νάμει τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος, JESUS WAS angered 
at the human compassion which He had felt. 


Hilgenfeld, in his Zehrdegr. Ὁ. 260, Hoang. p. 
296 (comp. Kostlin, p. 139), has recently 
modified this view as follows: a genuinely 
human feeling threatened to tear away the 
human person joined with the Logos from 
His fellowship with the Logos, and the dis- 
pleasure of the Logos was therefore only 
able to express itself inwardly, to vent it- 
self on the humanity. See, on the contra- 
ry, Weiss, Lehrbegr. p. 257. Interpretations 
like these spring from a soil which lies 
altogether outside the domain of exegesis. 
More simply, but also doing violence to the 
moral nature of the human compassion felt 
by Jesus, is the view taken by Merz (in die 
Wiirtemb. Stud. 1844, 2): He became angry 
with Himself because He felt as if His heart 
would break. 

5 Augustine, Corn. ἃ Lapide, Olshausen, 
Gumlich. 


348 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


nor at the power of death (Melanchthon, Ebrard),' the dread foe of the 
human race (Hengstenberg); nor at the unbelief of the Jews (Erasmus, 
Scholten) as well as of the sisters (Lampe, Kuinoel, Wichclhaus ;? nor, 
finally, at the fact that He had not been able to avert this melancholy oc- 
currence (de Wette). The last-mentioned notion is appropriate neither to 
the idea, nor to the degree of anger, nor to ver. 4 ; and all these references 
are forced into the text. Briickner’s opinion : the anger is that of the 
Redeemer misunderstood by His enemies, and not understood by His 
friends, is also an importation ; so also Godet’s forced expedient : Jesus 
was indignant that, in performing this His greatest miracle, to which He 
found Himself pressed by the sobbings of those who were present, He should 
be pronouncing His own death-sentence ; Satan purposed making it the signal 
of His condemnation, and some even of those who were weeping were 
destined to become His accusers. Of all which nothing is either found or 
hinted at in the passage. The reference lying in the context was over- 
looked in consequence of the word ‘Iovdaioe not being taken in the sense in 
which it is constantly used by John, namely, as the designation of the 
hostile party. It must be remembered that, in ver. 38 also, this inward 
wrath of the Lord was aroused by the behaviour of the Jews noticed in ver. 
37. He was angered, then, at the Jews, when He saw them lamenting with 
the deeply-feeling Mary, and professing by their cries (of condolence) to 
share her feelings, while at the same time aware of their bitter hostility to 
Him who was the beloved friend both of those who mourned and of him 
whom they mourned, nor is ver. 45 inconsistent therewith. The moving 
cause of His wrath therefore lay solely in that which the text states (ὡς εἶδεν 
. . . κλαίοντας) ; the separative expression : αὐτὴν κλαίουσαν. . . ’Τουδαίους 
κλαίοντας, sets forth the contrast presented by the procedure of the two, 
while going on together before Him. Alongside of the lamentation of 
Mary, He could not but see that the weeping of the Jews was hypocritical, 
and this excited His strong moral indignation and wrath. John has simply 
expressed this indignation by the right term, without, as Lange thinks, 
combining in ἐνεβριμήσ. the most varied emotions of the mind, as in a 
‘« divine thunderstorm of the spirit.” By the addition of τῷ πνεύματι the 
indignation experienced by Jesus is defined as having been felt in the depths 
of His moral self-consciousness. During this experience, also, the πνεῦμα of 
Jesus was a πνεῦμα ἁγιωσύνης ; see on Rom. i. 4. John might also have 
written τῇ ψυχῇ (see on xii. 27); but τῷ πνεύματι is more characteristic. — καὶ 
ἐτάραξεν ἑαυτόν] not equivalent to ἐταράχθη τῷ πνεύματι, Xili. 21 ; nor even 
denoting, ‘‘ He allowed Himself to be troubled (agitated), swrrendered Him- 
self to the agitation” (de Wette); but, as the active with the reflective pro- 
noun necessarily requires, He agitated Himself, so that the outward manifes- 


1 So also Luthardt (who is followed by had thus, as it were, thrown out threaten- 
Weber in his v. Zorne Gottes, Ὁ. 24): ‘‘ He was ings against Himself.””> Comp. Kahnis, 
angered at death and him who has the pow- Dogmatik, I. p. 504, ‘at the wnnaturainess 
er of death, His antagonist, that he had of death.” 
done such a thing to Him, that he had thus 2 Komm tib. d. Leidensgesch. Ὁ. 66 f. 
penetrated into His innermost circle, and 


CHAP. XI., 35-37. 349 


tation, the bodily shuddering, during the internal movement of indignation, 
is designated by the words, and not the emotion itself.’ Euth. Zigabenus 
remarks, in the main correctly : dvécevce’ συμβαίνει yap τινάσσεσθαι τὰ ἀνώτερα 
μέρη τῶν οὕτως ἐμβριμωμένων. The use of the reflective expression has no 
dogmatic basis (Augustine, Bengel, and several ; also Briickner and Ebrard 
suppose that it was designed to exclude the notion of the passivity of the 
emotion), but is simply due to its being more descriptive and picturesque. 
The reader is made to see how Jesus, in His inner indignation, shakes Him- 
self and shudders. —row rebeix. aitév;| This question He puts to Mary and 
Martha, and it is they who answer it. Having experienced the stirrings of 
indignation, without any further delay, gathering Himself up for action, 
He now asks that which it was in the first instance necessary for Him to 
know. The assumption made by Hengstenberg,’ that He already knew that 
which He asked, is due solely to exegetical assumptions, and reduces 
the question to a mere formality. 

Ver. 35. ’Eddxp. ὁ 1.1 He weeps,* while on His way to the sepulchre, with 
those who were weeping. Mark the eloquent, deeply-moving simplicity 
which characterizes the narrative ; and remark as to the subject-matter, 
how, before accomplishing His work, Jesus gives full vent to the sorrow 
which He felt for His friend, and for the suffering inflicted on the sisters. 
It is also worthy of notice, that δακρύειν is here used, and not again κλαίειν, ---- 
His lamenting is a shedding of tears in quiet anguish, not a weeping with 
loud lamentation, not a κλαυθμός as over Jerusalem, Luke xix. 41. Itisa 
delicate discrimination of expressions, unforced, and true. According to 
Baur, indeed, tears for a dead man, whose grave was being approached in 
the certainty of his being raised to life again, could not be the expression of 
a true, genuinely human sympathy. As though such sympathy could 
measure itself by any merely reflective standard, and as if the death of His 
friend, the grief of those who surrounded Him, and the wailings of the 
sisters, were not sufficient, of themselves, to arouse His loving sympathy to 
tears ! It is precisely a genuine human emotion, which neither could nor 
should resist the painful impression produced by such amoment. But they 
obliterate the delicate character of this trait with their hard dogmatic hand, 
who make the tears shed by Christ refer to ‘‘the misery of the human race 
pictured forth in Lazarus” (Hengstenberg, comp. Gumlich). 

Vv. 36, 87. The ’Iovdaioe express themselves variously : those who were 
better disposed say, How must He have loved Lazarus whilst alive (émper.), 
if He thus weeps for him now that he is dead ! Those who were maliciously 
and wickedly disposed treat His tears as a welcome proof, not of His want 
of love (Luthardt), but of His inability, apart from which He must surely 
have been able to heal Lazarus of his sickness, even as He had healed the 
blind man of his blindness! In this way they at the same time threw doubt 
on the reality of the healing of the blind man (for they regard it as the 


1As Hengstenberg maintains (‘‘ Jesus mus, Jansen, and others. 
stirs Himself up to energetic struggle,” 3 [Incept. Aor.; He began to weep: burst 
etc.); compare also Godet. into tears.—K.] 

2So also Gumlich, after Augustine, Eras- 


350 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


majus in their conclusion ad minus), and suppose, moreover, that Jesus did 
not come sooner to Bethany because He was unable to save Lazarus ; for the 
conclusion drawn by them implies that He had received information concern- 
ing the sickness. The malicious import of the question in ver. 37 has been 
correctly recognized by Chrysostom, Nonnus (ἀντιάχησαν), Theophylact, 
Euth. Zigabenus, Erasmus, Calvin, Bengel, and most of the older commen- 
tators, as also by Luthardt, Lange, and Godet ; some recent writers, how- 
ever, as Liicke, de Wette, Tholuck, Maier, Briickner, Ewald, Gumlich, 
Hengstenberg, groundlessly reject this view, notwithstanding that the fol- 
lowing words, πάλιν ἐμβριμ.. Tightly interpreted, find their explanation in 
these expressions of His opponents.—The circumstance of their appealing to 
the healing of the blind man, instead of to the awakenings from the dead, 
recorded by the Synoptics, is no argument against the reality of the latter 
miracles (Strauss) ; nor even is this appeal less appropriate (de Wette), but 
it was, on the contrary, naturally suggested by their own most recent experi- 
ence ; it was also thoroughly appropriate, inasmuch as they were thinking, 
not of a raising from the dead, but simply of a healing of Lazarus, which 
was to have been effected by Jesus. —iva] the thought is : be active, in order 
that. Comp. on Col. iv. 16. — καὶ οὗτος] like the blind man whom He healed. 
For the healing (the opposite of μὴ ἀποθάνῃ) is the point of comparison. 

Ver. 38. This πονηρία (Chrysostom) of the τινές stirred afresh, in the midst 
of His pain, His deep, though quiet, indignation ; in this case, however, it 
was less noticeable, not being attended with the ταράσσειν ἑαυτόν of ver. 33. 
- εἰς τὸ μνημεῖον] to the grave (not into, see what follows ; comp. ver. 31). 
The sepulchral vaults were entered either by a perpendicular opening with 
steps, or by an horizontal one ; they were closed either by a large stone, or 
bya door. They exist in great numbers, down to the present day.* The 
grave of Lazarus would have been of the first kind if ἐπέκειτο ἐπ’ αὐτῷ be 
rendered : it lay upon it; the one at present shown as the grave of Lazarus, 
though probably without sufficient reason,’ is such. But ἐπέκ. ἐπ᾽ αὐτ. may 
also mean : it lay against it, before it ;* and then the reference would be to 
a grave with an horizontal entrance. No decision can be arrived at. The 
description of the grave would seem to imply that Lazurus was a man of 
some position. 

Vv. 39, 40. While Jesus called upon those present to take away the stone 
(which was done, as related in ver. 41), Mary waited in silent resignation. 
On Martha, however, with her mobile practical tendency, the command of 
Jesus, which implied a desire to see Lazarus, produced a terrifying 
effect. Hersisterly heart (hence ἡ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ tered.) shudders at the thought, 
and rises up against it, and she wishes not to see the corpse of her beloved 
brother, already passing over into a state of putrefaction, exposed to the 
gaze of those who were present ;—from the fact of his having already lain 
four days, she concludes, with good reason, that he must already have begun 
to stink. For her earlier idea of a possible resurrection (ver. 22), which, 


1 Robinson, II. p. 175 ff., and his more re- 2 See Robinson, II. p. 210. 
cent Researches, Ὁ. 827 ff. ; Tobler, Golgotha, 3 Comp. Hom, Od. 6.19: ϑύραι δ᾽ ἐπέκειντο, 
p. 251 ff. 


CHAP. XI., 41, 42. 901 


moreover, had been entertained only for a time, had passed over, owing to 
the expressions of the Lord in vv. 23-26, into faith in Christ, as the Reswr- 
rection and the Life in general, through whom the dear departed one also 
liveth (ver, 26). Accordingly, it is incorrect to suppose that her wish was 
to call the attention of Jesus to the magnitude of the work to be performed 
by Him, with a view to calling forth a new confirmation of His promise 
(Hengstenberg) ; onthe contrary, far removed from such reflections, she 
now no longer at all expects the reawakening of the corpse, and that, too, not 
from unbelief, but because the higher direction which her faith had re- 
ceived through Christ’s words had taught her resignation. — The embalming 
of the body (its fumigation, embrocation, and envelopment in spices, as also 
its anointing, xii. 7) can not have taken place ; otherwise Martha could not 
have come to the conclusion which she expresses. This omission may have 
been due to some cause unknown to us ; but the supposition that the sisters 
still intended carrying out the embalming is inadmissible owing to the jd 
ὄζει. ---- τεταρταῖος] of the fourth day (comp. on ver. 17), that is, one buried for 
that time.'— The gentle reproof contained in ver. 40 refers to vv. 23 ff., 
and is justified ; for that which He had said regarding the glory of God in 
ver. 4 was to be realized through the resurrection promised in ver. 23—prom- 
ised in the sense present to Christ’s mind. At the same time, the perform- 
ance of the miracle was itself dependent on the fulfilment of the condition 
ἐὰν πιστευσ. (Which had been required also in vy. 25 f.) ; to wnbelieving sisters 
He could no more haye restored the dead brother than to an unbelieving 
Jairus his child (Luke viii. 50), or to the widow of Nain her son, if her atti- 
tude towards His compassion and His injunction μὴ κλαῖε (Luke vii. 13) had 
been one of unbelief. 

Vv. 41, 42. Jesus knows that His prayer, that God would suffer Him to 
raise Lazarus to life,—a prayer which He had previously offered up in still- 
ness, perhaps only in the inarticulate yearnings of His heart,—has been 
heard, and He thanks God for hearing it. Petition and thanksgiving are 
not to be conceived as blended in one ;? nor is the latter to be regarded as 
anticipatory (Hengstenberg), as though He offered thanks in the certain an- 
ticipation of the hearing of His prayer (Ewald, comp. Godet). Not that 
He offers thanks because the hearing of His prayer was unexpected and un- 
hoped for (εἶπον) ; no, He for His part (ἐγώ) knew, even while He was ask- 
ing God in stillness, that God always heard Him ;* but because of the 
people standing by, etc. —Some have stumbled at ver. 42, and looked on it 
either as spurious,* or as a reflection of the evangelist who puts this ‘‘ show- 
prayer” (Weisse), or even ‘‘ sham-prayer” (Baur), into the mouth of Christ 
for the purpose of supplying an argument for the story (de Wette ; see, on 
the other hand, Briickner), or for the divinity of Christ (Strauss, Scholten). 


ΠΑ ee Wetstein. Comp. Xen. Anab. vi. 4. ϑέλω (Euth. Zigabenus); but also con- 
9: ἤδη yap ἦσαν πεμπταῖοι (dead); Diog. versely, πάντοτε ϑέλω ἃ ϑέλεις ; see γ΄. 30, 


Laert. 7. 184. il. 27: 
_ Ξ Merz in die Wurtemburg. Stud. 1844, 2, p. 4 Dieffenbach in Bertholdt’s A7vit. Journ. 
65; Tholuck. vol. i. p. 8. 


3 Correct reason for this : πάντοτε ϑέλεις ἃ 


352, THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


But it is precisely He who is most intimate with the Father, who may in- 
dulge in reflection even in prayer, if His reflections relate to God, and are 
prayer. The opposite judgment applies an arbitrary standard to the subject. 
Moreover, if it had been his own reflection, John would probably have said: 
διὰ τοὺς ᾿Τουδαίους instead of διὰ τ. ὄχλον. Comp. ver. 45. — εἶπον] as in vi. 
36: Iwill have said it, namely the εὐχαριστῶ σοι, etc. To refer to ver. 4 
(Ewald) is inadmissible even on account of διὰ τ. ὄχλον alone. — ci] Thou 
and no other. They shall be convinced of it by learning from my thanks- 
giving that my working takes place in Thy strength, in the full certainty 
of a victory of Thy sending. 

Vv. 48-46. With a loud voice, He cried out ; this was the mighty medium 
through which He caused His miraculous power to operate.— The ex- 
pression δεῦρο ἔξω (hither out! hue foras! without verb,)’ includes in itself 
the resurrection-call, but does not imply that the act of reawakening has 
been already performed (Origen). Nonnus correctly remarks : ἄπνοον ἐψύ- 
χωσε δέμας νεκυοσσόος ἠχώ. Jesus did not here call out ἐγείρου or ἐγέρθητι (as 
in the case of the daughter of Jairus, and of the son of the widow of Nain, 
Luke viii. 54, vii. 15), because the words δεῦρο ἔξω seemed the most natural 
to employ in the case of a dead man already lying in the tomb. — δεδεμ. τ. 
πόδ. K. τ. χεῖρ. κειρίαις] By Basil (θαύμαζε θαῦμα ἐν θαύματι), Chrysostom, Euth. 
Zigabenus, Augustine, Ruperti, Aretius, Lightfoot, Lampe,and several others, 
this is regarded as a new miracle, to which is reckoned, besides, even the 
covering up of the countenance. An arbitrary disfiguration of the fact to 
the point of introducing apocryphal elements. It is not necessary, with the 
purpose of escaping from this view, that the Aor. ἐξῆλθε should be under- 
stood de conatu (Kuinoel) ; nor to assume that each limb was enwrapped by 
itself, as was the custom in Egypt (Olshausen, de Wette, B. Crusius, Maier) ; 
but the winding-sheet in which the corpse was wound from head to foot 
(Matt. xxvi. 59), thus embracing the entire body,* might, especially as it 
had to hold no spices (ver. 39), be slack and loose enough to render it pos- 
sible, after it had been loosened by his movements, for the awakened man 
to come forth. He was not completely freed from the grave-clothes, till 
the command λύσατε αὐτόν had been given. — κεερία] Girdle, bandage ; in the 
N. T. it occurs only here, but see Prov. vii. 16.°— kai ἡ ὄψις αὐτοῦ oovd. 
περιεδ.] special mention is here added of the last part of the complete death- 
dress in which he issued forth from the tomb, not, however, in the parti- 
cipial form.’ Tis face was bound about with a napkin.® — λέγει αὐτοῖς] to those 
who were present in general, as in ver. 39. Let him go away (comp. Xviii. 
8). With strength so completely restored had he risen again. But any 
further excitement was now to be avoided. 


OxsERvATION.— On the history of the resurrection of Lazarus, which constitutes the 
culminating point of the miraculous activity of our Lord, we have to remark : 


1Comp. Hom. Od. 3.192; Plat. Pol. iv. 3 Aristoph. Av. 817; Plut. Alc. 16. 
p. 445 Ὁ, v.p. 477 ; D. Stallb. ad Plat. Apol. 4 Kihner, II. p. 423. 
p. 24 C. 5 On περιεδ., comp. Job xii. 8; Plut. Mor. 


2 See Jahn, Arch, I. 2, p. 424. p. 825 E. 


CHAP. XI. ΘῸΣ 


(1) 86 δοβατηρύϊομ of a merely apparent death! is decidedly opposed, both tothe 
character of Jesus Himself, and to the styleand purpose of the narrative, which 
is distinguished for its thoughtful tenderness, certainty, and truthfulness. (2) 
To reduce the account to a strange misunderstanding, which either makes a con- 
versation between Christ and the two sisters, on the occasion of the death of 
Lazarus, regarding the resurrection, originate the story of the miracle,? or (with 
Gfr6fer*) confounds the latter with the account of the awakening of the (only 
apparently dead) youth of Nain, — Nain being thus an abridgment of the name 
Bethany,—or which converts, in the tradition prevailing at Ephesus, the 
Lazarus of the parable in Luke xvi. into a Lazarus raised from the dead by 
Jesus (Schenkel), is an arbitrary and violent procedure, simply incompatible 
with the genuineness of the Gospels. (3) The complete annihilation of the 
history into a myth (Strauss) is a consequence of assumptions which, in connec- 
tion with so detailed and unique a narrative as this,* reach the very acme of 
boldness and arbitrariness, in order to demonstrate by misrepresentation of 
individual features the existence of internal improbabilities, and the want of 
external evidence for the credibility of the narrative. (4) The subjective theory of 
‘the occurrence, which makes it to be aform created > by the writer himself for 
the purpose of setting forth the idea of the δόξα of Christ (Baur, p. 191 ff.), 
which claims adequate recognition only when it demonstrates its death-denying 
power (comp. Keim, Gesch. J. 1. Ὁ. 132), makes out of the miracle of the history 
a miraculous production of the second century, a creation of the idea in a time 
which bore within itself the conditions for productions of quite a different 
kind. That very artistic style of representation which, in the account of this 
last and greatest miracle, is most strikingly prominent, is only comprehensible 
from the personal, profound, and sympathizing recollection which had pre- 
served and cherished, even in its finest traits, the truth and reality of the event 
with peculiar vivacity, fidelity, and inspiration. No narrative of the N. T. 
bears so completely the stamp of being the opposite of a later invention. But 
in none, again, was the glow of the hope of the Messianic fulfilment so imme- 
diately operative to preserve and animate each feature of the reminiscence. 
This also in answer to Weizsiicker, p. 528, who leaves it undecided how far the 
allegorical point of the narrative assumed by him—the setting forth, namely, of 
the doctrine that believers have everlasting life—is attached to actual facts. 
But in this way, with ideal assumptions, even the best attested history would 
fall into the dead condition of ἃ priori doubt. And what an incredible height 
of art in the allegorical construction of history must we ascribe to the composer! 


1 Paulus, Gabler in his Journ. Κι)" auserl. 
theol. Lit. 111. p. 235 ff. ; Ammon, Leben Jesu, 
Ill. p. 128; Kernin the Τιδ. Zeitschr. 1839, 
I. p. 182 ; Schweizer, p. 153 ff. 

2 Weisse, II. p. 260 ff. 

3 Heiligth.und Wahrh. p. 311 ff. 

4 Ewald, Gesch. Chr. Ὁ. 484. ‘‘No narra- 
tive of this apostle is pervaded by so intense 
a glow andrapid liveliness of description as 
this, in which he undertakes to set forth, in 
one great picture, the trembling of Jesus 
for the life of His friend, the attendant 
struggle with the darkness of the world, 
and the calmness and joy of victory, prom- 


inent over all, and undisturbed from first 
to last ; while between these press in the 
still higher tones of the consciousness of 
His Messianic glory and of its confirmation 
in power.”’ 

5 This subjective picture would seem, ac- 
cording to Baur, p. 247, an intensification of 
the (two) synoptical raisings from the dead 
(comp. Scholten): ‘‘the superlative to the 
lower degrees, on which the Synoptics re- 
main.’”’ The name Lazarus is significantly 
taken from the parable, Luke xvi. The 
substantial contents of the narrative are in 
ver, 25, and all else unsubstantial form. 


354 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Yet Holtzmann also! appears to think only of an allegory (‘‘living hieroglyph’). 
(5) It appears, indeed, surprising that the Synoptics are silent concerning the rais- 
ing of Lazarus, an event in itself so powerful to produce conviction,® and so 
influential in its operation on the last development of the life ofJesus. Yet 
this is not inexplicable (Brickner), but is connected with the entire distin- 
guishing peculiarity of John ; and the argumentum e silentio employed against 
the latter must—the genuineness of the Gospel being granted—rather turn 
against the Synopties if their silence were conceivable only as the consequence 
of their want of acquaintance with the history (Liicke, de Wette, Baur). But 
this silence is intelligible, not on the supposition of tender considerateness 
towards the family at Bethany,* in which—even setting aside the fact that Luke 
also wrote only a few years earlier than John, and not before the destruction of 
Jerusalem—there is suggested something altogether arbitrary, and in unexam- 
pled contradiction to the feeling and spirit of that early Christian time. Just 
as little is it to be explained from the fact that the deep and mysterious character 
of the history placed it in the class of what belonged to the special mission of 
that evangelist who had been in most confidential relations with Jesus (Heng- 
stenberg),®—a view which is not to be adopted, for the reason that the synop- 
tical raisings from the dead also are not less profound and mysterious, as lies, 
indeed, in the facts themselves. Rather is that silence of the Synoptics only 
comprehensible when we consider that they so limit the circle of their narratives 
that, before they open, with the entrance of Christ into Jerusalem (Matt. xxi. 
and parall.)—and thus with the so-called Passion-week, the scene of the last 
development—they have introduced nothing of the Lord’s ministry in the 
metropolis and its immediate neighbourhood ; but up to that point confine 
themselves absolutely to his proceedings in Galilee, and generally to those 
quite remote from Jerusalem (the geographically nearest miraculous work being 
the healing of the blind men at Jericho, Matt. xx. 29 ff.). This, as their 
Gospels actually prove, is the allotted province to which the older evangelistic 
historical writings confined their task and performance, and this included the 
Galilean raisings from the dead, but excluded that of Lazarus. John, on the 
other hand, conversely, choosing from the different classes of miracles, selected 
out of the raisings from the dead not a Galilean one, but that which lay beyond 
that older theatre of the Saviour’s history, and was most closely connected with 


1 Judenth. u. Christenth. p. 657. 

21Itis well known what Spinoza himself 
(according to Bayle, Dict.) is said to have 
confessed : ‘‘ that could he have persuaded 
himself of the truth of the raising of 
Lazarus, he would have rent in pieces his 
whole system, and would have embraced 
without repugnance the ordinary faith of 
Christians.”’ 

3 Epiphanius, Grotius, Wetstein on xii. 10, 
Herder, Schulthess, Olshausen, Baeumlein, 
Godet ; so also with pictorial fancifulness, 
Lange, L. J. 11. 2, p. 1138 f. 

4 Τί would have certainly sufficed, instead 
of passing over the entire history in silence, 
simply not to have mentioned the names, as 
in the case of Peter’s smiting with the 
sword. And isit supposed, then, that when 


the synoptists wrote (thirty years and more 
after the Lazarus incident), the resolution 
to put him to death, xii. 10, was still to be 
feared! Is it known that at so late a 
period Lazarus and his sisters were still 
alive ? 

5 So also Philippi, der Hingang des Joh. Ev. 
1866, p. 11f. He thinks that Matthew re- 
lated nothing of that which was reserved 
for John; that he knew that the latter also 
would write his Gospel. <A classified distri- 
bution of the material of this kind is in it- 
self very improbable in view of the spirit 
of the apostolic time, even irrespective 
of the fact that the first Gospel, in its 
present form, cannot have proceeded from 
the hands of the apostle. 


CHAP. XI., 45, 46. 355 


its great final period. He has thus certainly supplied—as in general by his 
notices from the Judean ministry of the Lord—an essential deficiency in the 
older evangelical narrative. The acquaintance of the Synoptics, which is not 
to be doubted, with the raising of Lazarus, makes their silence regarding it 
appear not inexcusable (Baur’s objection), but simply a consequence of that 
limitation which the older evangelical history had prescribed to itself, so as 
neither to contain any mention of the stay of Jesus in Bethany at that time, 
nor of His subsequent sojournin Ephraim, but to make the Messianic entrance 
of Jesus to proceed from Jericho onwards, excluding any lodging in the family 
of Bethany ; comp. on Matt. xxi. 1, note. (6) The fact that in the accusation 
and condemnation of Jesus no use was made of this miracle, either against 
or for Him (employed by Strauss, and especially by Weisse), cannot be evidence 
against its historical character, since the Jews were prudent enough to give a 
political colour to their accusation, and since the disciples could not appear in 
favour of Jesus, and He Himself would not enter upon a more minute defence 
of Himself ; while Pilate, as judge, even if he had heard of the act, and had 
interested himself about it, yet was not warranted to introduce it into the 
examination, because it was not brought forward either in confirmation or 
refutation of the charge. Moreover, had the evangelist recorded this history 
merely as an introduction to the entry which follows, etc. (Keim), he could less 
properly have left the further development without any reference to it. 
(7) The impossibility of an actual awakening from the dead is relative, not 
absolute (as Jesus’ own resurrection shows), and can yield no ἃ priori counter- 
proof—even setting aside the fact that the ἤδη ὄζει rests on an inference only, 
however probable—where, as here, the worker is the bearer of the divine life. 
He certainly ascribes the result to God; but this applies to all His miracles, 
which were indeed ἔργα τοῦ πατρός, and Christ was the Accomplisher through the 
power of God, Hence Schleiermacher’s proposal (ZL. J. p. 233) to put Christ— 
with the exception of the firm persuasion, that that which He prayed for will 
also be done by God—outside the realm of miracle, erroneously puts aside the 
question. Jt is Christ who raised Lazarus, ver. 11, but therein also exhibited 
an ἔργον ἐκ Tov πατρός, x. 33. 


Vv. 45, 46. This occurrence makes an overwhelming impression upon the 
party adverse to Jesus, upon the ’Iovdaiox. Many from the ᾿Τουδαίοις — those, 
namely, who had come to Mary, and had seen the act of Jesus—believed on 
Him. A certain number, however, of them (of these who had become be- 
lievers) went away (from the scene of the miracle) to the Pharisees, and said 
to them, etc., but with well-meaning intent, in order to put them in posses- 
sion of a correct account of the act, and to bear witness to them of the 
miracle (comp. Origen). The ordinary understanding of the passage finds 
here two sections among the ᾽Τουδαῖοι who had come to Mary; many of them 
had become believers, but certain of them remained wnbelieving, and the latter 
had denounced Jesus to the Pharisees with evil intent (as a juggler, thinks 
Euth. Zigabenus ; as a sacrilegious person, who had disinterred the corpse, 
thought Theophylact ; as a dangerous person, think most commentators), 
or communicated the fact, simply with the view of obtaining a judgment 
upon it (Luthardt). The error of this interpretation lies in not observing 
that John has not written τῶν ἐλθόντων (which is the reading of D,) but oi 


356 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ἐλθόντες, k.7.2., 80 that ἐκ τῶν ᾿Τουδαίων is said generally of the Τουδαῖοι in general, 
and oi ἐλθόντες (ii, qui, etc.) more closely defines the πολλοί ; instead of τινές, 
however, ver. 46, there now remain no others, none who had not become 
believers, since ἀπῆλθον indicates that they went away from the place to the 
Pharisees, while in the preceding only the Jews who came to Mary are men- 
tioned. Lachmann and Tischendorf have rightly placed a comma after 
’Iovd. — πρὸς τὴν Μαρίαν] for the same reason as in ver. 1 she was named jirst, 
—here she is briefly named alone. Hengstenberg strangely imports into the 
words an antithesis to those who had come only for Simon’s sake. See on 
Vive b, Ὁ: 

Vv. 47, 48. Now, since Jesus had, even according to the testimony of 
His earlier opponents, even raised a dead man, the matter becomes too seri- 
ous for the Pharisees to permit them to look on any longer without taking 
a decisive step. The chief priests (with whom they have accordingly com- 
municated) and they themselves summon a sitting of the council, i.e. a sitting 
of the Sanhedrin. On συνάγ. cvvédp. comp. Diod. Sic. ii. 25. Not to be 
translated : they assembled the Sanhedrin. In that case, as everywhere, 
where this is expressed by ovvédp., the article must have been used. — τί 
ποιοῦμεν) what are wedo? The Indic. is used ;* for that something must 
now definitively be done, was undoubted. Comp. Actsiv. 15, 16. — ὅτε] the 
simple because, as statement of the ground of the question. — οὗτος ὁ ἄνθρ.] 
contemptuously. — οὕτω] without interposing. —xai ἐλεύσονται, κ.τ.}.} so 
they fear, in keeping with the political view of the Messiah, Comp. vi. 15. 
And they really fear it (against Strauss, Weisse, who here see an invention) ; 
they do not merely delude themselves with it (Luthardt) ; nor do they wish 
to give to their proper motive (envy, Matt. xxvii. 18) only another colour 
(Calvin, Hengstenberg). Now, when they saw the last outbreak before 
their eyes, their calculation must necessarily be shaped according to the 
popular conception of the Messiah, and according to the effects which this 
notion would produce upon the mass (uproar, etc.). — ἀροῦσιν] they will 
take away (tollent, Vulgate), not equivalent to ἀπολέσουσιν," which is less 
appropriate to the egoistic sense, which is concerned about the withdrawal 
of their own power. Nonnus well remarks : ἀφαρπάξουσι. --- ἡμῶν] correla- 
tive to Ῥωμαῖοι, placed first with the emphasis of egoism, though not as genit. 
of separation (away from us), since such a construction with αἴρω is only 
poetical ;* but : the place and nation belonging to us. —rédv τόπον] is to be 
defined solely from the emphatic ἡμῶν ; our place, i.e. the holy city,* the 
residence of the Sanhedrin and of the entire hierarchy. Hence neither : 
the country (so most commentators, as Luther: ‘‘country and people’), 
nor: the temple.* The latter is sustained neither by Acts vi. 13, nor by 
passages like 3 Esdr. viii. 78 ; 2 Macc. v. 19; Matt. xxiii. 38. The San- 
hedrists apprehend that the Romans, who had, indeed, acquiesced in great 


1 See Stallbaum, ad Plat. Symp. p. 176 A. 4 Chrysostom, Grotius, Ewald, Bacumlein, 
2 Huth. Zigabenus, Beza, Grotius, Liicke, Godet. 
de Wette, Tholuck, Hengstenberg, and 5 Maldonatus, Licke, de Wette, Maier, 
others. B. Crusius, Hengstenberg. 


3 Kihner, II. p. 160. 


CHAP. XI., 49-52. 357 
part hitherto in the hierarchical constitution of the Jews, and the spiritu- 
ally political sway of the Sanhedrin, would enter Jerusalem, and remove 
the city as well as the people’ from the rule of the Sanhedrin, because it 
knew so badly how to maintain order. 

Vv. 49, 50. Caiaphas, however, solves this question of helplessness, cen- 
suring his colleagues on account of the latter, since the means to be adopted 
had been clearly put into their hands by circumstances. — εἷς tic] unus 
quidam.* This one alone was aman of counsel. — Kaidgac] see on Matt. 
xxvi. 3; Luke iii. 2. — τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐκείνου] He was high priest of that year. 
The previous and following time is left out of consideration, not, however, 
negatived, but simply that remarkable and fatal year is brought into promi- 
nence. Comp. xviii. 18. The supposition of an annual change in the office 
cannot be ascribed *® even to a Pseudo-John, considering his manifest ac- 
quaintance elsewhere with Jewish affairs ; but to appeal to the fact that the 
high priests were frequently changed in those times, and that actually before 
Caiaphas several were only a year in office, Josephus ἡ (Hengstenberg), is 
least of all applicable in the case of Caiaphas, who was already in office, 
A.D. 25. Again, the assumption of an alternative holding of the office by 
Annas and Caiaphas, in virtue of a private agreement (comp. on Luke, Joe. 
cit. ; so Baur, ascribing this view to the Pseudo-John, and Maier), is as 
purely arbitrary (see Bleek, p. 257) as the pretended allusion to the change 
of Asiarchs (Gfrérer). — ὑμεῖς] you, people. — οὐκ οἴδατε οὐδέν] that you can 
still ask : τί ποιοῦμεν. ---- οὐδὲ λογίζ. (see critical notes) : nor do ye consider 
that, etc. The proud, discourteous style of this address evinces passionate 
feeling generally, not exactly the manner® of Sadduceeism (Hengstenberg, 
Godet) ; from Acts v. 17 it is by no means clear that Caiaphas was a Sad- 
ducee. — ἡμῖν] for us Sanhedrists. — In συμφέρει ἵνα, as in xvi. 7, the con- 
ception of divine destination is expressed : that it is of advantage to us 
that one man must die, οἷο. --- ὑπέρ] in commodum, in order that the people 
may be preserved from the destruction which threatens them, ver. 48. — 
ἀπόληται] through their subjugation, and the overthrow of the national inde- 
pendent existence. — Observe the interchange of ἔθνος (the people as a 
nation) and λαός (the people as a political, here theocratic, community). — 
The principle itself, which regarded in itself may be moral and noble, is 
expressed in the feeling of the most ungodly and selfish policy. For simi- 
lar expressions, see Schoettgen and Wetstein. To refer the scene to a 
legend afterwards current among the Christians (Weizsicker), is opposed to 
the earnest narrative of the evangelist. 

Vv. 51, 52. Observation of John, that Caiaphas did not speak this out of 
his own self-determination, but with these portentous words—in virtue of 
the high priest’s office which he held in that year—involuntarily delivered 


Ebrard (apud Olshausen), that the two al- 
ternated with each other in the offering of 
the annual sacrifice of atonement. And 


1 ἔϑνος, Luke, xxiii. 2; Acts x. 22, ἐξ al. 
2Comp. Mark xiv. 47, 51, οἱ al. ; Bern- 
hardy, p. 442. 


3 Against Bretschneider, Strauss, Schen- 
kel, Scholten. 

4 Antt. xviii. 2. 2. 

5 Here, too, belongs the supposition of 


that John means to say that in that year 
this function fell to Caiaphas. But he does 
not say so. 

6 Josephus, Bell. ii. 8. 14. 


358 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

a prophecy..—The high priest passed in the old Israclitish time for the 
bearer of the divine oracle, for the organ of the revelation of the divine 
decisions,* which were imparted to him through the interrogation of the 
Urim and Thummim (Ex. xxviii. 30 ; Num. xxvii. 31). This mode of in- 
quiry disappeared, indeed, at a later time,* as the high-priestly dignity in 
general fell gradually from its glory ; yet, there is still found in the pro- 
phetic age the belief in the high priest’s prophetical gift (Hos. iii. 4), as also 
in Josephus,* the idea of the old high-priesthood as the bearer of the 
oracle distinctly appears, and Philo® sets forth at least the true priest as 
prophet, and thus idealizes the relation. Accordingly—as closely con- 
nected with that venerable and not yet extinct recollection, and with still 
surviving esteem for the high-priestly office—it was a natural and obvious 
course for John, after pious reflection on those remarkable words which 
were most appropriate to the sacrificial death of Jesus, to find in them a 
disclosure of the divine decree,—expressed without self-knowledge and wiil, 
—and that by no means with ἃ ‘‘sacred irony” (Ebrard). Here, too, the 
extraordinary year in which the speaker was invested with the sacred office, 
carries with it the determination of the judgment ; since, if at any time, it 
was assuredly in this very year, in which God purposed the fulfilment of His 
holy counsel through the atoning death of His Son, that a revelation 
through the high-priestly organ appeared conceivable. dpyiep. ὧν certainly 
bears the main emphasis : but τοῦ ἐνίαυτ. ἐκ. is again significantly added to 
it (not, asde Wette thinks, ‘‘ mechanically, as it were’’), as in ver. 49.° For 
Rabbinical passages on unconscious prophecies, see in Schoettgen, Ὁ. 349. 
The notion of prophecy, however, is different from that of the oyp-n3a 
(against de Wette) ; comp. on xii. 27, 28. The latter is a heavenly voice of 
revelation. —é7:] not: that, according to which what follows would di- 
rectly state the contents of προεφήτ., but: he gave utterance to'a prophecy 
in, reference to the fact that." For what follows goes beyond that which the 
words of Caiaphas express. — ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἔθνους] Caiaphas had said : ὑπὲρ τοῦ 
λαοῦ ; but John turns to the negative part of ver. 50 (κ. μὴ ὅλ. τὸ ἔθνος ἀπόλ.), 
because he wishes to set the Gentiles over against the Jews, and this sep- 
aration is national.’ For the benefit of the nation Christ was to die ; for 
through His atoning death the Jews, for whom, in the jirst instance, the Mes- 


sianic salvation was designed, iv. 


1 Here there is the conception of an w- 
conscious prophecy, so far as that which 
Caiaphas spoke in another sense must yet, 
according to divine direction, typically set 
forth the substance and object of the re- 
demptive death. See Diisterdieck, De vrei 
propheticae natura ethicd, Gottingen 1852, p. 
76. 

2See generally Ewald, Alterth. p. 385; 
Keil, Arch. 1. p. 182. 

3 Josephus, Antz. iii. 8. 9. 

4 Antt. vi. 6. 3. 

5 de Creat. Princ. Il. Ὁ. 367. 

ὁ According to Tholuck, τ. ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐκ. 


22, were to become partakers through 


should be understood in the sense that the 
high priest himself was bound to explain 
that in this yeara greater and more general 
collective sacrifice was to be offered than 
that offered by him once a year on behalf 
of the people (Heb. ix. 7). But how can 
this lie in τ. ἐνιαυτοῦ éx.? Especially as 
ἀρχιερεύς, «.T.A., Would seem only to make 
the προεφήτ. explicable, but expresses 
nothing as to the relation of the high- 
priestly sacrifice. This also against Lu- 
thardt’s similar interpretation, I. p. 87. 

7 Ti, 18. ix. 1%, 60/07. 

8 Comp. Luke yii. 5; John xviii. 35. 


CHAP. XI., 53, 54. 359 
faithin the eternal saving deliverance. But the object of His death extended 
still further than the Jews ; not for the benefit of the nation alone, but in 
order also to bring together into one the scattered children of God. These are the 
Gentiles, who believe on Him, and thereby are partakers of the atonement, 
children of God (i. 12). The expression is prophetic, and, just as in x. 16, 
proleptic,’ according to the N. T. predestinarian point of view,? from which 
they appear as those who, in order to further their entrance into the filial state, 
are drawn by God (vi. 44), are given by the Father to the Son (vi. 37), and 
endowed with the inward preparation (vi. 65), Euth. Zigabenus rightly re- 
marks : τέκνα μὲν οὖν τοῦ θεοῦ τὰ ἔθνη ὠνόμασεν ὡς μέλλοντα γενέσθαι. This like- 
wise in answer to Hilgenfeld,* according to whom.the Gentiles, as natural 
children of God, who do not first become so through Christianity, must be 
meant (but see i. 12, iii. 3, 6, ef al.). A filial state towards God out of Christ 
is opposed to the N. T., not only as Hilgenfeld puts it, from a Gnostic, dual- 
istic point of view, but also, as Luthardt conceives it,* referring the essence 
of it only to the desire after Christ (Tholuck, Weiss, Godet, to the suscepti- 
bility). This is only the preliminary step to the filial state. The gathering 
into one, i.e. to a unity, to an undivided community, is not intended in a local 
sense ; but, amid their local dispersion, they were to become united in a 
higher sense, in virtue of a faith, etc., through the κοινωνία τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος, 
as one communion ἐν Χριστῷ. Chrysostom aptly remarks : ἕν σῶμα ἐποίησεν᾽ ὁ ἐν 
“Ῥώμῃ καθήμενος τοὺς ᾿Ινδοὺς μέλος εἶναι νομίζει ἑαυτοῦ. The uniting with the 
believing Jews® is not spoken of here, but in x. 16 ; here only the Christian 
Solding together of the scattered Gentiles themselves. 

Vv. 53, 54. Οὖν] In consequence of this word of Caiaphas, which pre- 
vailed. —iva]| They held deliberations with one another, in order, etc., Matt. 
xxvi. 4. — rappyo.] frankly and freely, vii. 4. --- ἐν τοῖς "Iovdaiowc] He with- 
drew Himself—since those deliberations of the high council, whether through 
Nicodemus or otherwise, had become known to Him (oiv)—from intercourse 
with His Jewish adversaries, and betook Himself to the sequestered 
village of Ephraim, according to Eusebius 8 miles, according to Jerome 20 
miles’ N.E. from Jerusalem, in Judea; according to Josephus,® in the 
neighbourhood of Bethel, comp. 2 Chron. xiii. 20 (according to the Keri). 
It can hardly be the present village of Taiyibeh,® considering its more west- 
erly situation. Hengstenberg identifies it on insufficient grounds with Baal 
Hazor, 2 Sam. xiii. 28; and Vaihinger, in Herzog’s Enecycl., with 15DY, 
Josh. xvili. 22. The mention of the desert is not opposed to the north-east- 
erly situation of Ephraim, as Ebrard thinks ; for the desert of Judea (i.e. 
ἡ ἔρημος Kar’ ἐξοχήν) extended as far as the region of Jericho. —eic¢ τ. χώραν, 


1 Calvin well remarks: ‘“ Filios ergo Dei, 
etiam antequam vocentur, ab electione 
aestimat, qui fide tandem et sibi et aliis 
manifestari incipiunt.” 

2 Rom. ix. 24 ff., xv. 27; Gal. iii. 14; Eph. 
i. 9 ff.; Rom. viii. 29, 30, xi. 25, 26, xvi. 25, 
26; Eph. iii. 4 ff. ; Col. i. 27; Acts xiii. 48, 
xviii. 10. 

3 Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 153, Evang. p. 297. 


4Comp. also Messner, Lehre der Ap. p. 
330 f. 

5 The ποιεῖν τὰ ἀμφότερα ἕν. Eph. ii. 14. 

6 For the expression συνάγειν (and the like) 
εἰς ἕν, comp. Plat. Phileb. p. 378 C; Eur. Or. 
1640, Phoen. 465. 

7 So also Ritter, XY. p. 465, XVI. p. 531 ff. 

8 Bell. iv. 9. 9. 

9. See Robinson, IT. p. 337 f. 


360 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


x.T.A.] He departed into the country (as opposed to Jerusalem, the capital 
city) ; then a more precise defining of the place to which He withdrew, 
namely, the neighbourhood of the desert ; and, finally, definite mention of the 
place, a town named Ephraim.* 

Ver. 55. Ἢν δὲ éyy. τ. πάσχα τ. "I.] Comp. 11. 18, vi. 4. -- ἐκ τῆς χώρας) as 
in ver. 45,—thus : out of the country (as opposed to Jerusalem), ποῦ : owt of 
that district (Grotius, Bengel, Olshausen). —iva dyvic. éavr.| refers to the 
legal usages of self-purification, which varied greatly according to the 
degrees of the Levitical uncleannesses (washings, sacrifices, etc.). These, 
in compliance with the general principle of appearing before God pure,’ 
were completed before the beginning of the feast, in order to obtain from 
the priest the declaration of ceremonial cleanness.* Pilgrims accordingly 
set out according to thcir needs, in good time before the feast ; see Light- 
foot, p. 1078, and Lampe. 

Ver. 56. The people, owing to the sensation which Jesus had in so many 
ways already aroused, and the edict of their spiritual superiors against Him 
(ver. 57), have taken a lively interest in the question, whether He will vent- 
ure, as heretofore, to come to the feast. Their anxious question is a double 
question ; What think you? (do you think) that He certainly will not come? 
Since He has not performed the pilgrimage with any of them, and is not 
yet present, His coming is strongly doubted of among them. Liicke : what 
do you think (in reference to this), that He will not, etc. But on that 
view His not coming would be already presupposed as certain, which would 
be premature. To understand the words in the sense that He és not come * 
is grammatically incorrect. The passages quoted by Hartung * do not apply 
here.° — The inquiry is interchanged in the court of the temple, because it 
was there that His appearance was to be looked for ; while ἑστηκότες vividly 
represents the groups as standing together. 

Ver. 57. With the explanatory dé (καί is spurious) the particular cireum- 
stance is now added, on account of which men so greatly doubted of His 
coming. — deddéxeccav] comes first with emphasis. Already had the direc- 
tions of the rulers in question been given. — iva] object, and with this con- 
tents of the ἐντολαί, the issuing of which we are to think of as the fruit of 
the sitting, ver. 47 ff., and of the further deliberations, ver. 53, 


Norres py American Eprror. 
XXXVII. “When therefore he heard,’’ etc. Ver. 6. 


The rendering of this verse is not quite happy, either in the Common or 
the Revised Version, owing to the failure to give the force of the μέν with τότε. 
The Common Ver, says, ‘‘ He abode two days still,’’ apparently mistranslating 


1 On χώρα, comp. Plat. Legg. v. p. 745 Ὁ, others ; not the Vulgate. 


Vil. p. 817 A’; Mark i. 5; Acts xxvi. 20); 5 Partikell. IL. p. 156. 

3 Mace. iii. 1. ὁ Tholuck (who otherwise follows our in- 
2 Gen. xxxv. 2; Ex. xix. 10, 11. terpretation) incorrectly adduces Polyp. iii. 
3 Num. ix. 10; 2. Chron. xxx. 17, 18, δὲ al. 111.1. In that passage μή stands with the 

Comp. xviii. 28. perf. quite as in Gal. iv. 11. See Ellendt, 


4 Erasmus, Castalio, Paulus, and several Jew. Soph. I. p. 412. 


NOTES. 361 


τότε by ‘still.’ The Revision renders τότε correctly, but neglects μέν, and 
both seem to imply that because He heard he was sick He lingered two days in 
the same place. The original gives a distinctly different conception. ‘‘When 
He heard that he was sick, at that time, indeed, He remained two days in the 
place in which He was ; then, after this, He saith,’’ etc. The concessive μέν 
shows that, though naturally He would have immediately gone, yet then—for 
reasons afterwards given or implied—He yet lingered two days. The matter is 
correctly explained by Meyer. 


862 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


CHAPTER XII. 


Ver. 1. ὁ τεθνηκώς] is wanting in B. L. X. 8. Verss. Bracketed by Lachm., 
deleted by Tisch. But those testimonies are here the less decisive, since the 
word before ὃν ἐγ. ἐκ, vexp. ὁ Ἴ. appeared entirely superfluous, and hence was 
easily dropped. For its addition there was no reason. — Ver. 2. avak. σὺν αὐτῷ] 
Elz. : συνανακ. αὐτῷ, against decisive testimonies. — Ver. 4. Instead of Ἰούδ, 
Xiu. Ἴσκαρ., Tisch. has merely Ἰούδας ὁ Ἴσκαρ., and that before εἷς, according 
to B. L. 8. Cursives, Verss., where, however, the position before εἧς is not so 
strongly supported. Σίμωνος was, after vi. 71, xili. 2, 26, readily added. — Ver. 
6. εἶχεν καί] B. D. L. Q. 8. Cursives, Copt. Vulg. Or. : ἔχων. <A correction of 
the style. — Ver. 7. εἰς τ. ἡμέρ. τ. ἐνταφ. μ. τετῆρ.] Lachm. and Tisch. : iva εἰς τ. 
quép. τ. Evtagd. μου τηρήσῃ, after decisive testimonies. Not being understood, 
the words were altered according to the thought in the parallel passages, es- 
pecially Mark xiv. 8. — Ver. 8 is entirely wanting in D., and, had the counter 
testimony been stronger, would have been liable to the suspicion of having 
been interpolated from Matt. xxvi. 11, Mark xiv. 7, if it stood before ἄφες, κ.τ.λ., 
and occupied the characteristic position of words as in the Synoptics (πάντοτε 
first). — Ver. 13. ἔκραζον] Lachm. and Tisch., ἐκραύγαζον, after preponderating 
evidence. The Rec. is from Matt. and Mark. — Ver. 15. θύγατερ] θυγάτηρ (Lachm., 
Tisch.) is so decisively supported, that the vocative—which of itself might 
easily find its way into the text—must be traced to the LXX., Zech. ix. 9. — 
Ver. 17. ὅτι] The witnesses are much divided between ὅτε and ὅτε (Tisch.) ; but 
the latter (A. Β. Q. 8.) is the more strongly attested. Nevertheless ὅτι, which 
Lachm. also has, is to be preferred ; it was changed into ὅτε, because mechan- 
ically referred to the preceding ὁ Ov μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ. --- Ver. 22. καὶ πάλιν] Lachm. 
and Tisch. : ἔρχεται, and then before λέγουσιν : καί, according to A. B. Τὶ. Cur- 
sives, Codd. ἃ. It. Aeth. Hightly. The more closely defining κ. πάλιν was 
added to the repeated ἔρχεται (so 8.) ; and as this had at a later time displaced 
the verb, the καί before λέγουσιν also disappeared, as a disturbing element. Had 
the verb been written as a gloss, ἔρχονται would have been found. — Ver. 25. 
Instead of ἀπολέσει, read with Tisch. ἀπολλύει, according to B. L. &., etc. The 
future was introduced through the parallelism. — Ver. 26. ἐάν τις] Elz. : καὶ ἐάν 
τις, against such weighty testimony, that καί was already rightly deleted by 
Griesb. — Ver. 30. The position of ἡ φωνὴ αὕτη (Lachm., Tisch.) is decisively 
accredited. — Ver. 31. The first τοῦτον is wanting in witnesses of too weak 
authority to cause its rejection (Griesb.). — Ver. 35. ἐν ὑμῖν] Elz. : μεθ’ ὑμῶν, 
against preponderating testimonies. An interpretation. —- Vv. 35, 36. Instead 
of ἕως, Lachm. and Tisch. have both times ὡς, after decisive testimony, The 
first ἕως arose through the final letter of the preceding περιπατεῖτε, and the 
more readily, as a reminiscence of ix. 4 suggested itself. The second ἕως then 
followed of itself, but has, besides, some other testimonies (including δὲ.) than 
the first. — Ver. 40. éxzotpag.] Lachm. and Tisch. : orpad., according to B. D. 
δὲ, 33. The compound form is from the LXX., Isa. vi. 10 (hence also many 


GHAR. Xin. 1,2. 303 
witnesses have ἐπιστρέψωσιν). On the other hand, ἰάσομαι. (so Lachm. and 
Tisch.) instead of ἰώσωμαι is so decisively supported by almost all the Uncials, 
that it is not to be traced to the LXX., but the conjunctive is to be regarded as 
an attempt to conform to what precedes. —Ver. 41. ὅτε] Lachm. and Tisch., 
after decisive testimony : ὅτι, which, not being understood, was altered. — Ver. 
47. καὶ μὴ πιστεύσῃ] Lachm. and Tisch. : κ᾿ μ. φυλάξῃ, according to preponder- 
ating testimonies, and rightly ; for aor. has manifestly arisen from the pre- 
ceding (vv. 44, 46). The omission of the μή in Ὁ. and Codd. of the It. is to be 
explained from the apparent paradox. 


Vy. 1, 2. Ody] is the simply reswmptive particle by which the narrative 
returns to Jesus, whom it had quitted at xi. 55. To assume a sequence 
from xi. 57, so that He is supposed to go to Bethany, either on account of 
His safety, or of its nearness to Jerusalem (Luthardt : ‘‘so consciously and 
freely He went to meet death”), and in order to put to shame the thought 
mentioned in xi. 55-57 (Hengstenberg), as though dé or ἀλλά were expressed, 
—is not supported by any indication in the text. — πρὸ ἕξ, ἡμ. τοῦ π.] 8ῖ 
days before the Passover. Comp. Amos i. 1." Analogously in designations of 
space, as in xi. 18. It is no Latinism. As regards the reckoning of the six 
days, it is to be observed that, since the 14th Nisan, on the evening of which 
the paschal meal was kept, was wont to be counted as already belonging 
entirely to the feast (seeon Matt. xxvi. 17), and hence also had been already 
called ἡμέρα τοῦ πάσχα (see Introd. § 2), the 13th Nisan is most naturally 
assumed to be the jirst day before the Passover ; consequently the sixth day 
will be the 8th Nisan, 1.6. (since the 14th Nisan, on which Jesus, according 
to John, died, was a Friday) the Saturday before Easter. So also Ebrard, 
Godet, and Ewald,? who, however, elsewhere, 3 without any sufficient grounds, 
finds the previous evening probable, making J ohn at once name the full day 
of the sojourn, with which Godet also substantially agrees. But according 
to the Synoptics—because they make the 14th Nisan a Thursday—it would 
have been the Friday before Easter.* Against the above assumption of the 
Saturday as the day of arrival, the law of the Sabbath day’s journey (see 
on Matt. xxiv. 20) is no objection,*® since it is not clear from what place 
Jesus started on that day ; He may have arrived from a place that lay very 
near at hand. Others, reckoning the 14th Nisan as the first day before 
Easter, regard the 9th Nisan as the day of arrival.* Others, again, includ- 
ing in their calculation even the 15th Nisan, arrive at the result of the 10th 


1 Frequently thus in Plutarch, Appian, 
Josephus. See Kypke, I. p. 393 f. 

2 Gesch. Chr. p. 511. 

3 Johann. Schr. 1. Ὁ. 329. 

4 Asalso Wieseler, Hengstenberg, and oth- 
ers assume, who (see on xviii. 28) regard the 
account of John, in respect to the day of 
Jesus’ death, as agreeing with that of the 
Synoptics. 

δ Avainst Grotius, Tholuck, Wieseler, and 
several others. 

6 This must therefore, according to the 


calculation which gave Saturday for the 8th 
Nisan, have been the Sunday (Hase, de Wet- 
te). But if we hold that John does not fix 
the day of death differently from the Syn- 
optics, we get as the result the Saturday 
(Wichelhaus and several others), reckoning 
backwards from Thursday the 14th Nisan 
inclusive. Further, the 9th Nisan is ex- 
pressly fixed as the day of arrival in Bethany 
by Theophylact, and recently by Liicke and 
several others. 


904 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Nisan (Monday) ; so Hilgenfeld, Baur, Scholten, who find a twofold ob- 
jection to the historical truth of the Gospel, in the day of the month for the 
selection of the paschal lamb (Ex. xii. 3), and the day of the week which 
opened the Christian Easter week, and from this chronology demonstrate 
the secondary relation of our evangelist to the Synoptics. Yet Baeumlein 
also reckons in this way. — ἦλθεν εἰς Βηθανίαν] according to the Harmonists 
(including Hengstenberg and Godet), making a circuit by Jericho, which 
is as inappropriate to the Johannean as to the synoptical account (see on 
Matt. xxi. 1). The return by Jericho is not reconcilable with the notice in 
xi. 54, where He, in fact, by the healing of the blind men, and by the visit 
to Zacchaeus, awakened so much attention. — ὅπου ἦν Λάζαρος, κ.τ.λ.} added, 
on account of the great importance of the matter, without any further special 
purpose, yet with emphatic circumstantiality. — ἐποίησαν) the family of 
Bethany, namely, xi. 1. 2, which is clear from the following «. ἡ M. διεηκ.ἷ 
On this and the other variations from the narrative of Matt. xxvi. 6 ff., 
Mark xiv. 3 ff., which, however, do not set aside the identity of the occur- 
rence (different from Luke vii. 3 ff.), see on Matt. xxvi. 6 ff. The peculiar- 
ity of John’s account is founded on the fact of the writer’s being an eye- 
witness ; but is referred by Baur, p. 256 ff., to an eclectic and arbitrary 
treatment, dependent on an ideal point of view ; comp. also Hilgenfeld. — 
ὁ δὲ Λάζαρος εἷς ἦν, «.T.A.] appears, indeed, a matter of course (hence Baeum- 
lein and others believe Simon the leper to be indicated as the entertainer) ; 
but the complete restoration of him who had been raised from the dead is so 
weighty a consideration with John, that he further specially brings him 
forward as the present table companion of his Restorer. 
to Marcker, Passim. p. 17. 

Vv. 3,4. To explain the great quantity of the ointment (12 ounces) as 
the outcome of the superabundance of her love (Olshausen), is arbitrary. 
Mary did not anoint with the whole pound, but with a portion of it (comp. 
on ver. 7). On πιστικός," genuine, unadulterated, see on Mark xiv. 3. — ro- 
λυτίμου) belongs to μύρου, as πολυτελ., Mark xiv. ὃ.---τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ] repeated, 
on account of the correlation with ταῖς θριξὴν αὐτῆς, in order to make promi- 


This also in answer 


1 That this meal is to be placed still on 
the same day, therefore Saturday, at the 
usual time of the evening repast, appears 
from the fact that the ἐπαύριον does not fol- 
low before ver. 12 (against Wichelhaus, p. 
153 f.). The Sabbath is not opposed to this, 
since the preparations which had possibly 
been necessary for the meal might already 
have been made on the preceding day, if 
the family—which is a supposition suffi- 
ciently obvious—knew that Jesus was com- 
ing.—But the supposition that the meal was 
a solemn banquet, where Godet, following 
Bengel, introduces a company of the inhab- 
itants of Bethany as the subject of ἐποίησαν, 
finds no support in the text, where, besides 
Jesus and the disciples, only the members 
of the family (no other participators) are 


named, and has the serving of Martha 
against it, which only bespeaks the usual 
domestic entertainment, although the grat- 
itude and respect of the family had more 
richly set forth the meal expressly given /o 
Him, to which the description δεῖπνον ποιεῖν 
(Mark vi. 21) with the dative points. 

3 Τῇ John adopted this word from Mark, 
—which, considering the rareness of its oc- 
currence, is probable, and may have been 
done quite involuntarily,—this shows no 
literary dependence, and does not justify 
the suspicion that he also drew the subject- 
matter from this source (Hilgenfeld). 
Should πιστικός be the adjective of a proper 
name (Pistic), all objection would disappear 
of itself. Comp. on Mark xiv. 3, note 2, 
Goth. also has pistikeinis. 


CHAP. XII., 5-8. 365 
nent the greatness of the love ; with her hairs, Wis feet.--ék τῆς ὀσμῆς] ἐκ 
causal.!— εἷς ἐκ τ. μαθ. a.) the rest did not agree with him ; but it was 
Judas, etc. —6 μέλλων, «.7.A.] This utterance stood in truth already in 
psychological connection with this destiny ; see on vi. 71. 

Vv. 5, 6. Τριακοσίων] Mark xiv. 5 sets forth the climax in the tradition 
by ἐπάνω tpiax. The mention of the price itself (about 120 Rhenish guldens, 
or about £10) is certainly original, not the indefinite πολλοῦ of Matt. xxvi. 

.— πτωχοῖς] without the article : to poor people. — x. τ. yAwoo. εἶχε x. τ. β. 
éBdor.] gives historical definiteness to the general κλέπτης ἦν. He had the 
chest, the cash-box,? in his keeping, and bore away that which was thrown 
into it, i.e. he purloined it. This closer defining of the sense of βαστάζειν, 
auferre,® is yielded by the context.‘ The article does not signify that he 
had taken away all the deposits (objection of Liicke and several others), 
but refers to the individual cases which we are to suppose, in which deposits 
were removed by him. The explanation portabat ® yields a meaning which 
is quite tautological, and a matter of course. The βαλλόμενα were gifts of 
friends and adherents of Jesus for the purchase of the necessities of life and 
for charitable uses. Comp. Luke viii. 3; John xiii. 29. That the dis- 
ciples had acquired earnings by the labour of their hands, and had deposit- 
ed such earnings in the bag, nay, that even Jesus Himself had done so 
(Mark vi. 3),—of this there exists no trace during the period of His minis- 
try. — The question, why Jesus had not taken away the custody of the chest 
from the dishonest disciple (which indeed, according to Schenkel, he prob- 
ably did not hold), is not answered by saying that He would remove from 
him every pretext for treason,® or that He did not desire violently to inter- 
fere with the development of his sins (Hengst.); for neither would harmo- 
nize with the educative love of the Lord. Just as little, again, is it ex- 
plained by suggesting that Judas carried on his thefts wnobserved, until 
perhaps shortly before the death of Jesus (Liicke), which would be incom- 
patible with the higher knowledge of the Lord, ii. 25 ; comp. vi. 64, 71. 
The question stands rather in the closest connection with another—how Jesus 
could adopt Judas at all as a disciple ; and here we must go back solely to 
a divine destination, Acts i. 16, ii. 23. Comp. the note after vi. 70, 71. 
That the custody of the chest had been entrusted to Judas only by agree- 
ment of the disciples among one another (Godet), is an assumption which quite 
arbitrarily evades the point, while it would by no means have excluded the 
competency of Jesus to interfere. 

Vv. 7, 8. According to the Recepta, Jesus says: ‘‘She has fulfilled a 


1 Comp. Matt. xxiii. 25; Rev. viii.5 ; Plat. only in the sense of ψηλαφᾶν (Suidas). See 


Phaedr. Ὁ. 235 C ; Dem. 581. 26, εἰ al. 

2See as regards γλωσσόκ. 2 Chron. xxiy. 
8; Lobeck, ad Phryn. Ὁ. 98 f. 

3 xx. 15; Matt. vii. 17; Polyp.i. 48. 2, e¢ al. 

4See Krebs, Odss. p. 153. So Origen, 
Codd. of the It. Nonnus, Theophylact, Cor- 
nelius ἃ Lapide, Kypke, Krebs, and several 
others, including Maier, Grimm; comp. 
Lange, who, however, explains: he laid 
hold of. But βαστάζειν denotes to lay hold of 


Reisig, ad@ Soph. O. C.1101; Ellendt, Lex. 
Soph. I. p. 299. And in this sense only in the 
tragic poets. 

5 Vulgate, Luther, Beza, and many others, 
including Liicke, de Wette, B. Crusius, Lu- 
thardt, Ebrard, Wichelhaus, Baeumlein, 
Godet, Hengstenberg, Ewald; Tholuck 
doubtful. 

ὃ Ammonius, Chrysostom, Theophylact, 
Euth. Zigabenus, and several others. 


366 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


higher purpose with the spikenard ointment (αὐτό); in order to embalm me 
with it to-day (as though I were already dead), has she (not given it out for 
the poor, but) reserved it.” Comp. on Matt. xxvi. 12. But according to 
the correct reading (see the critical notes): ‘‘ Let her alone, that she may 
not give away to the poor this ointment, of which she has just used a por- 
tion for the anointing of my feet, but preserve it for the day of my embalm- 
ment.” Nonnus aptly remarks : ὄφρα φυλάξῃ σώματος ἡμετέρου κειμήλιον, εἰσό- 
κεν ἔλθῃ ἡμετέρων κτερέων ἐπιτύμβιος ὥρη. Comp. also Baeumlein. According 
to this view, the ἡμέρα τοῦ ἐνταφ. is the actual, tmpending day of embalm- 
ment, in opposition to which, according to the Recepta, the present day of 
the anointing of the feet would be represented proleptically as that of the 
anointing of the corpse. [See Note XXXVIII., p. 383.] The thought of the 
Recepta is that of the Synoptics ; the Johannean carries with it the air of 
originality, and, comparing the significance of the two, the Johannean is 
more in harmony with the fact that Mary anointed the feet merely, and by 
no means resembles a faulty correction (Hengst., Godet). The circumstance 
that the corpse of Jesus was not afterwards actually anointed (Mark xvi. 
1), can, in view of an utterance so rich and deep in feeling, afford no 
ground for deserting the simple meaning of the words. — τηρεῖν is to be ex- 
plained, agreeably to the context (comp. ii. 10), as an antithesis to ἐπράθη, 
ver. 5, but not by the quite arbitrary assumption that the ointment had re- 
mained over from the burial of Lazarus (Kuinoel and several others); but 
to understand τηρήσῃ of the past ; that she may have preserved it (B. Crusius, 
Ebrard) is grammatically wrong.* According to Ewald, τηρεῖν is to be un- 
derstood, as elsewhere, of festal usages (ix. 16): ‘‘ Let her so observe this on the 
day of my burial,” so that Jesus would have that day already regarded as 
equivalent to the day of His burial, when such a loving custom was suitable. 
But as regards τηρεῖν, see what precedes ; instead of the indefinite αὐτό, @t, 
however, τοῦτο was at least to have been expected. — Ver. 8. Reason of the 
statement introduced with iva, x.7.2. — μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν] in your own neighbour- 
hood, so that you have sufficiently immediate opportunity to give alms to 
such. For the rest, see on Matt. xxvi. 11. 

Vv. 9-11. Οὖν] since Jesus thus tarries in the neighbourhood. The lively 
intercourse among the pilgrims to the feast tended the more to spread the 
information. — ἐκ τῶν ’Iovdaiwy] here again (comp. xi. 19), not generally of the 
inhabitants of Jerusalem (so usually), but, according to the standing usage 
in John, of the Jewish opposition. They came, not for Jesus’ sake alone, to 
observe Him further, but i order also to see Lazarus, and to be convinced 
of His actual and continued restoration to life. Since, however, many of 
the ’Iovdaior went forth (from Jerusalem) for the sake of Lazarus, and be- 
came believers in Jesus, the chief priests (7.e. not indeed the Sanhedrim as 
such in general, but rather that part of it which composed its hierarchical 
head) took counsel to put Lazarus also to death. We have here, accord- 


1The modification of this rendering in scious) of preserving it for the representa- 
Luthardt: ‘‘ Leave her in peace as regards tion, beforehand, of the day of my embalm- 
the fact that she has kept the ointment for ment,” is a grammatical impossibility. 
me with the design (even though uncon- Similarly, however, Bengel. 


tal 


CHAP. XII., 12-15. 367 


ingly, the opposite results, that the sight of Lazarus subdues many of the 
hitherto adverse party to faith (comp. already xi. 45); and on the other 
hand, that the extreme Right of the hierarchy resolves the more energeti- 
cally to counterwork this. —7A@ov] Still on Saturday evening and Sunday. 
The procession ef people took place then on Sunday (ver. 12). — ἐβουλ. dé] 
Simple continuation of the narrative ; hence, neither is dé to be understood 
as namely, nor ἐβουλ. as pluperfect (Tholuck). —oi apyiep.] It was indeed for 
the interest of the hierarchy (not exactly for that of the Sadducees, Acts v. 17, 
as Lampe thought, since the chief priests are here adduced as such generally, 
not in their possible sectarian tendency) to remove out of the way the living 
witness also on whom the miracle had been wrought, not merely the miracle- 
worker Himself. The tyrannical power, in this way, proceeds consistently, 
in order, as it imagines, to put away even the recollection of the affair. 
““Praeceps est malitia et semper ultra rapit,” Grotius. —irjyor] not : they 
Jell away,’ which, without closer definition, does not lie in the word, but 
rather : they took themselves off, they removed to a distance ; so great an at- 
tractive power did the matter possess for them, and then followed the falling 
away. The separation in the position of the words: πολλοὶ... τῶν Ἴου- 
δαίων, brings both points emphatically out. 

Vv. 12, 18. Τῇ ἐπαύρ.] after the day designated in ver. 1, consequently 
Sunday (Palm Sunday), not : after the deliberation mentioned in vv. 10, 11 
(Ebrard and Olshansen, Letdensgesch. Ὁ. 36). — ὄχλ. πολ. κιτ.λ.] Unprejudiced. 
pilgrims to the feast, therefore, not again Ἰουδαῖοι. ---- ἀκούσαντες) perhaps 
from the ’Iovdaioc in ver. 11 who had returned as believers. —ra Baia τ. ¢. | 
asasymbol of joy. The article τῶν (not τά) contains the element of definite- 
ness ; the branches of the palm-trees standing on the spot.2 The expression : 
the palm branches of the palms, is similar to οἰκοδεσπότης τῆς οἰκίας, and the 
like.* The thing itself has in other respects nothing to do with an analogy 
to the Lulab at the feast of Tabernacles (Lev. xxiii. 40). Comp. however, 1 
Mace. xiii. δ1. --- ὑπάντησιν αὐτῷ] see Buttmann, Newt. Gr. p. 156 [E. T. p. 
320]. — dcavvd, x.7.A.] See on Matt. xxi. 9. — βασιλεὺς τ. ᾽1.7 without the ar- 
ticle :* the King of Israel who comes in the name of the Lord. 

Vv. 14, 15. πὑρὼν δέ, x.7.4.] The more detailed circumstances, how he 
had obtained the young ass (ὀνάριον), are passed over by John ; hence he is 
not in contradiction with the Synoptics (Matt. xxi. 2 ff. parall.). — καθώς 
ἐστι yeyp.| Zech. ix. 9. See on Matt. xxi. 5. John cites very freely from 
memory ; hence the omission of the other prophetic predicates (even of the 
«πραύς in Matt.), because he has in his eye simply the point of the riding in 
upon the young ass, as a Messianic σημεῖον excluding all doubt. All the more 
fitted to tranquillize, then (μὴ φοβοῦ), in ever more peaceful array, without 
horse and chariot, is the coming of the King of Zion. Instead of μὴ φοβοῦ, 
John might also have said χαῖρε σφόδρα LXX.) ; but there floated before him, 
in his citation from memory, simply the opposition to that terror by which 


otherwise a royal entrance may be accompanied. ‘‘ The Church’s figure of 
1 Cornelius ἃ Lapide, Lampe, Paulus. 3 Lobeck, Paralip. Ὁ. 536 f. 
2 On βαΐον comp. 1 Macc. xiii. 51; Symm. 4 Lachmann has it; Tischendorf, καὶ ὃ. 


Cant. i. 8; Sturz, Dial. Al. p. 88. 


368 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

the cross” (Hengst.) did not yet lie on this ass’s foal, otherwise John would 
not have passed over the "3 of the passage, nor have found the emphasis in 
μὴ φοβοῦ. 

Ver. 16. Observation by John. Comp. ii. 22, xx. 9. But this which 
here took place, namely, that Jesus mounted a young ass which He had 
obtained, His disciples at first (when it took place) did not understand, so 
far, namely, as the connection of the matter with the prediction of the 
prophet remained still hidden from them ; when, however, Jesus was glorified, 
they remembered (under the illumination of the Spirit, vil. 39, xiv. 26) that this, 
this riding on the young ass did not accidentally occur, but that it was writ- 
ten of Him, and that they (the disciples) did this, nothing other than this 
which had been written of Him, to Him, on the occasion of that entrance, — 
in bringing, namely, the ass to Him, whereby they became the instruments 
of the fulfilment of prophecy. In this ἐποίησαν αὐτῷ there is the echo from 
John’s recollection of the way and manner of the εὑρὼν dvapiov as known 
from the Synoptics. To take ἐποίησαν generally : they (indef.) did, and to 
refer it to ver. 18,7 is incorrect, since the first two ταῦτα can only point to vv. 
14, 15. — On ἐπ’ αὐτῷ see Bernhardy, p. 249. Winer, p. 807 [E. T. p. 393]. 

Vy. 17, 18. οὖν] Leading back again after the intermediate observation 
of ver. 16 to the story, and this so as to state how it was the raising of Laza- 
yus which so greatly excited both the people who thronged with Jesus from 
Bethany to Jerusalem (the ’Iovdaioe who had become believers, vv. 9, 11, and 
others, certainly including many inhabitants of Bethany itself), and the 
multitude which came to meet them from Jerusalem (ver. 12). — ἐμαρτ. 
«.7.4. ὅτι] " for they had, in truth, themselves seen the reanimated man ; had 
also, perhaps, themselves witnessed in part the process of the miracle, or at 
least heard of it from eye-witnesses, and could accordingly testify to His 
resurrection. — ἐφώνησεν. . . νεκρῶν] The echo of their triumphant words. 
- διὰ τοῦτο. . . ὅτι] On this uccount (on account of this raising from the 
dead), namely, because ; see on x. 17. — ὑπήντησεν] not pluperfect in sense, ° 
but : they went to meet (as already stated above, vv. 12, 18). —é ὄχλος] The 
article points to ver. 192. -- ἤκουσαν] namely, previously, in Jerusalem, — 
τοῦτο] with emphasis ; hence also the separation in the order of the words, 


Notr.—While we necessarily recognize the main difference between the Synop- 
tics and John, namely,that according to the former, the journey of Christ to Jeru- 
salem is made from Jericho, where He had remained for the night at the house 
of Zacchaeus, and the stay in Bethany is excluded (see on Matt. xxi. 1, note), 
the Messianic entry is yet one and the same event inall four evangelists. Against 
the assumption of two distinct entries,3 which makes one entry from Jericho, and 
another one or two days later, from Bethany, the very nature of the transaction is 
decisive, of which a repetition, and that so early, could have hardly failed to 


1 De Wette, Ewald, and older commenta- ther, Erasmus, and many others. Thus the 


tors. 

2 With the reading ὅτε (see critical notes), 
ἐμαρτ would have to be taken absolutely: 
the people bore witness, who, viz. were with 
Him at the raising of Lazarus. Comp. Lu- 


ὄχλος would be the same as in xi. 42, which, 
however, is not appropriate to ver. 12 and 
ver. 18, and would only tend to confuse. 

3 Paulus, Schleiermacher, wb. d. Schriften 
des Luk. Ὁ. 243 ff., and Z. J. p. 407 fi. 


CHAP. XII., 19-22. 369 


degenerate into an organized procession. Only in its occurring once, and 
being brought about accidentally, as it were, by the circumstances, does it re- 
tain a moral agreement with the mind of Jesus. With this view, too, all four 
accounts conform, and they all show not merely by their silence respecting a 
second procession, but also by the manner in which they represent the one, 
that they are entirely ignorant of any repetition. Such a repetition, especially 
one so uniform in character, is as improbable in itself, as opposed to the natural 
development of the history of Jesus, which here especially, when the last 
bloody crisis is prepared for by the entry of the Messianic King, must preserve 
its divine decorum, and finds its just measure in the simple fulfilment of the 
prophetic prediction, 


Ver. 19. Contrast to the triumph ; the despairing self-confession of the 
Pharisaic adversaries, not as Chrysostom, in spite of the article in οἱ apic., 
explained of the quiet friends of Jesus among the Pharisees. — πρὸς ἑαυτούς] 
to one another ; but ἀλλήλ. is not employed, because the utterance is to appear 
as limited to the particular circle. Comp. on vii. 35. — θεωρεῖτε, x.7.2.] You 
perceive that we profit nothing, namely, by our previous cautious, expectant, 
feeble procedure. ‘‘ Approbant Caiaphae consilium,” Bengel. —6 κόσμος] 
designation, indicative of their despair, of the great multitude. Comp. Dy 
in the Rabbins. See Wetstein. —In ἀπῆλθεν (is gone off or away) is contained, 
by means of the pragmatic connection with ὀπίσω αὐτοῦ, the representation 
of the falling away from the legitimate hierarchical power. Comp. ὑπηγον, 
wery ΠΠ- 

Ver. 20. The WHellenes are, as in vii. 35, not Greek Jews, Hellenists,! but 
Gentiles,— proselytes, however, as is shown by what follows (note especially 
the pres. part. ἀναβαιν. : who were wont to go up), and that of the gate, like 
the Aethiopian chamberlain, Acts viii. 27, not pure Gentiles.2— Where did 
the scene take place? Probably in the court of the temple, with which 
locality, at least, the entry just related, and the connected transactions, 
onwards to ver. 36, best correspond. According to Baur (comp. also 
Scholten), the whole affair is to be referred simply to the idea of the author, 
who makes Jesus, under the ascendency of Jewish unbelief, to be glorified 
by believing heathendom. This idea is that of the history itself. Bengel 
rightly observes : ‘‘ Praeludium regni Dei a Judaeis ad gentes transituri.” 

Vv. 21, 22. The Messianic hope, which they as proselytes share, draws 
their hearts to Him whose Messiahship has just found so open and general a 
recognition. They wish to see Jesus, that is, to be introduced to Him, in 
order to make His nearer personal acquaintance, and this it is which they 
modestly express. For mereseeing, as in Luke xix. 3, any intervention of a 
third party (as Briickner now also recognizes) would not have been required. 
— Whether they came to Philip accidentally, or because the latter was known 
to them (perhaps they were from Galilee), remains undetermined. To pre- 
suppose in Philip, on account of his Greek name, a Greek education (Hengst.), 
is arbitrary, — κύριε] not without the tender of honour, which they naturally 


1 Calvin, Semler, B. Crusius, Ewald. benus, Salmasius, Selden, and several 
3 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Ziga- others, including Paulus, Klee, Schweizer. 


370 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
paid even to the disciple of a Master so admired, who truly appeared to be 
the very Messiah.—That Philip first communicates the proposal to Andrew, 
who was possibly in more confidential relations with Christ (Mark xiii. 3), 
and who was on terms of intimacy with him by the fact of the same birth- 
place (i. 45), and that w7th him he carries out their wish, rests on the cir- 
cumstance that he was himself too timid to be the means of bringing about 
an interview between the Holy One of God—whose immediate destination 
he knew to be for Israel—and Gentiles. His was a circumspect nature, 
prone to scruples (vi. 5 ff., xiv. 8,9). ‘Cum sodali, audet,” Bengel. Note 
the stamp of originality which appears in such side-touches. — In the read- 
ing ἔρχεται ᾿Ανόρ. x. ᾧ. καὶ λέγουσι τῷ °I. (see critical notes), observe (1) the 
lively mode of representation in the repetition of ἔρχεται ; (2) the change from 
the singular to the plural of the verb, which occurs also in the classics.* 
Ver. 23. The proposal of the Gentiles, which had been brought to Him, 
awakens in Jesus, with peculiar force and depth, the thought of His ap- 
proaching death ; for through His death was His salvation in truth to be 
conveyed to the Gentiles (x. 16, 17).—Accordingly, this wish of the Gen- 
tiles must appear to Him as already commencing that which was to be 
effected by His death. Hence His answer to those two disciples (not to the 
“Ἕλληνες, Ebrard), which is pervaded by a full presentiment of the crisis at 
hand, and at the close, ver. 27, resolves itself into a prayer of deep emotion, 
but, by means thereof, into complete surrender to the Father. This answer 
is consequently neither inappropriate (de Wette), nor contains an indirect 
refusal of the request of the Greeks.? Nor is the granting of it to be conceived 
as having previously taken place, and been passed over in silence by John,* as 
shown by the naturally succeeding ἀπεκρ. avtoic,—nor as indirectly conceded 
by the fact that the Apostles brought it before Jesus, and that He commenced 
speaking (Luthardt), which involves the improbability that Jesus was on the 
point of addressing Himself to these Heathen (whom Ewald supposes pres- 
ent), but that their admission, which was to have followed this outburst of 
emotion, was prevented by the voice from heaven which broke in and 
changed the scene. The theory that in v. 23 ff. the synoptical accounts of 
the transfiguration, and of the conflict of soul in Gethsemane, are either 
fused into a historical mixture (Strauss), or formed into an ideal combina- 
tion (Baur), proceeds from presuppositions, which make it possible to adduce 
even Gal. ii. 9 as a witness against John xii. 20 (see against this, Bleek, p. 
250 ff.), as Baur has done. — ἐλήλυθεν] Placed first with emphasis. —iva] 


1Xen. Anad. ii. 4.16, and Kiihner in Joc. But we may also conversely pass the judg 


2 Ewald, Hengstenberg, Godet. 

8 Tholuck, B. Crusius, and older commen- 
tators. 

4 According to Ewald, Gesch. Chr. p. 527, 
Jesus would, in granting the request, be 
exposed to a temptation, and have done 
something at this last development out of 
keeping with His previous ministry, which 
would have awakened disquiet, furnished 
anew embarrassment to the hierarchs, etc. 


ment that Jesus, on the very threshold of 
His death, could not have designed to re- 
fuse an actual manifestation of His univer- 
sal destination, which He, moreover, had 
expressed in x. 16,—offered so accidentally, 
as it were,—especially since the conversion 
of the Gentiles to the Messiah was grounded 
in prophecy. To yield to the prayer was, 
further, by no means a full concession to 
the petitioners. 


CHAP. XII., 24-26. 9.1 


Comp. xiii. 1, xvi. 2, 89. The hour is conceived of absolutely (in the con- 
sciousness of Jesus the present hora fatalis κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν), and that which is to 
take place in it, as the divine indication of its arrival. — δοξασθῇ] through 
death, as the necessary passage to the heavenly glory.? 

Ver. 24. My death, however, is necessary to the successful and victorious 
development of my work, as the wheat-corn must fall into the earth and 
die, in order to bring forth much fruit. The solemn assurance (ἀμήν, ἀμήν, 
x.7.4.) 18 in keeping with the difficulty of getting the disciples to accept 
the idea of His death. —arofdvy] For the vital principle in the corn, the 
germ, forces itself out ; thus the corn is dead, and become a prey to disso- 
lution, comp. 1 Cor. xv. 36. — αὐτὸς μόνος] by itself alone, vi. 15.2 The life 
of the corn which has not fallen into the earth remains limited and bound 
to itself, without the possibility of a communication and unfolding of life 
outwards issuing from it, such as only follows in the case of that corn which 
dies in the earth through the bursting forth of the living germ, and in this 
way of death produces much fruit. Thus, also, with Christ ; it is through 
His death that there first comes upon all peoples and times the rich bless- 
ing which is destined for the world. Comp. ver. 82. 

Ver. 25. As it ismy vocation, so also is it that of those who are mine, to 
surrender the temporal, in order to gain the eternal life. Comp. Matt. x. 
39 ; Luke ix. 24, xvii. 33.—The ψυχή is in each instance the soul, as αὐτήν 
also is be taken in like manner in each instance. This is clear from its 
being distinguished from ζωή. He who loves his soul, will not let it go (ὁ 
φιλοψυχῶν ἐν καιρᾷ μαρτυρίου, Huth, Zigabenus), loses it (see critical notes)— 
1.6. causes it to fall into the death of everlasting condemnation ; and he who 
hates his soul in this world (gives it up with joy, as something which is a 
hindrance to eternal salvation, and in so far must be hated) will preserve 
at for everlasting life, keep it to himself as a possession in the everlasting Mes-: 
sianic life. Note the correlatives : φιλῶν and μισῶν, ἀπολέσει and φυλάξει (comp. 
Xvil. 12), ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ τούτῳ (in the pre-Messianic world), and εἰς ζωὴν αἰώνιον. 
— On μισεῖν, whose meaning is not to be altered, but to be understood rel- 
atively, in opposition to φιλοψυχία, comp. Luke xiv. 26. ‘‘ Amor, wt pereat; 
odium ne pereat ; si male amaveris, tunc odisti; si bene oderis, tunc 
amasti,” Augustine, 

Ver. 26. Requirement and promise, in accordance with that which was 
expressed generally in ver. 25. — follow] on the way of my life-surrender ; 
comp. Matt. x. 38, xvi. 24.— ὅπου εἰμὶ ἐγώ] comp. xiv. 3, xvii. 24. The 
pres. tense represents the fut. as present : where I am, there will also my ser- 
vant be, namely, after I have raised him up (vi. 39, 40, 44, 54) in the Parousia. 
Comp. xiv. 3, xvii. 24. That following after me will lead him into blessed 
fellowship with me in my kingdom. Comp. Rom. viii. 17 ; 2 Tim. ii. 11, 
12. For the counterpart, see vii. 84. According to Luthardt,’ the being 
on the same way is meant, consequently the contents of that requirement are 
simply turned into a promise. A feeble tautology, especially after ver. 25 


1 Comp. xvii. 5, vi. 62; 1 Pet. i. 11. 3 Comp. Euth. Zigabenus 1. 
2 Ast, Lex. Plat. I. p. 314. 


372 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


(εἰς ζωὴν aldviov). — ἐάν τις ἐμ. διακ. x.7.2.] Parallel with the preceding, 
further designating, particularly and specifically, the promised happiness, 
and that in the light of the divine recompense contained init. This thought 
is expressed by the conjunction of διακονῇ and τιμήσει, Which verbs have the 
emphasis (it is different previously, when ἐμοί... ἐμοί bore the emphasis) ; 
he who serves me, him willthe Father honowr, actually, through the glory in 
the everlasting life, comp. Rom. ii. 10, viii. 17. The διακονεῖν, however, is 
here to be understood with the previously enjoined quality of following 
Christ. 

Vv. 27, 28. The realization of His sufferings and death, with which His 
discourse from ver. 23 was filled, shakes Him suddenly with apprehension 
and momentary wavering, springing from the human sensibility, which natur- 
ally struggles against that heaviest suffering, which He must yet undergo. 
To define this specially as the feeling of the divine anger (Beza, Calvin, 
Calovius, Hengstenberg, and many others), which He has certainly appeased 
by His death, rests on the supposition, which is nowhere justified, that, ac- 
cording to the object of the death,’ its severity also is measured in the con- 
sciousness. Bengel well says: ‘‘ concurrebat horror mortis et ardor obedien- 
tiae.” The Lord is thus moved to pray; but He is for the moment uncertain 
for what (τί εἴπω), ἀπορούμενος ὑπὸ τῆς ἀγωνίας, Euth. Zigabenus. rst, a 
momentary fear of the sufferings of death (comp. on Luke xii. 50) obtains 
the upper hand, in virtue of that human weakness, in which even He, the 
Son of God, because He had become man, had His share (Heb. iv.15, v. ἢ, 
8), and He prays: Father, save me from this hour, spare me this death-suf- 
fering which is awaiting me, quite as in Matt. xxvi. 39, so that He thus not 
merely ‘‘cries for support through it, and for a shortening of it” (Ebrard). 
But immediately this wish, resulting from natural dread of suffering and 
death,® yields to the victorious consciousness of His great destiny ; He gives 
expression to the latter (ἀλλὰ διὰ τοῦτο, κ.τ.}.), and now prays: Father, 
glorify Thy name ; i,e., through the suffering of death appointed to me, let 
the glory of Thy name (of Thy being in its self-presentation, comp. on Matt. 
vi. 9) be manifested. The fulfilment of this prayer was brought about in 
this way, that by means of the death of Jesus (and of His consequent δόξα) 
the divine decree of salvation was fulfilled, then everywhere made known 
through the gospel, in virtue of the Holy Spirit (xiv. 16 ff.), and obedience 
to the faith established to the honour of the Father, which is the last aim 
of the work of Christ, Phil. 11. 11. -- ἡ ψυχή μου] not as a designation of in- 
dividual grief (Olshausen), but as the seat of the affections generally. He 
might also have said τὸ πνεῦμά μου (comp. xi. 33, 38), but would then have 
meant the deeper basis of life, to which the impressions of the ψυχῆ, which 
is united with the σάρξ, are conveyed. Comp. on Luke i. 46, 47. — πάτερ, 
σῶσόν με, κ.τ.2.1 The hour of suffering is regarded as present, as though He 
were already at that hour. To take the words interrogatively : shall I say : 


1j, 29, 111. 14, x. 11,12; Matt. xx.28; Rom. the moral greatness and the worth of His 
Vili. 8, iii. 25 ; 2 Cor. v. 21, e¢ al. sacrifice. Comp. Dorner, Jesu Stindlose 
2 Which in itself is not only not immoral, Volikommenh. Ὁ. 6. 
but the absence of which would even lower 


CHAP; XIE. 3°27, 28) 373 


save me ? etc. yieldes the rsult of an actual prayer interwoven into a reflec- 
tive monologue, and is therefore less suitable to a frame of mind so deeply 
τηονϑᾷ. --- ἀλλά] objecting, like our but no !* — διὰ τοῦτο] wherefore, is con- 
tained in the following prayer, πάτερ, δόξασον, x.7.A. Consequently : there- 
fore, in order that through my suffering of death Thy name may be glorified. 
The completion : in order that the world might be redeemed (Olshausen and 
older commentators), is not supplied by the context ; to undergo this suffer- 
ing 5 is tautological ; and Lampe : to be saved, is inappropriate. The τοῦτο is 
here preparative ; let only διὰ τοῦτο. . . ταύτην be enclosed within dashes, 
and the sense is made clearly to appear: but no—therefore I came to this 
hour—Father, glorify, etc. Jesus might have said : ἀλλά, πάτερ, δόξασον σου 
τὸ ὄνομα, διὰ τοῦτο γὰρ ἦλθον é. τ. ὦ. τ. But the deeply emotional language 
throbs more unconnectedly, and as it were by starts. — The repetition of 
πάτερ corresponds to the thrill of filial affection. — cov stands emphatically, 
in the first place, in antithesis to the reference which the previous prayer of 
Jesus contained to Himself. On the subject-matter, comp. Matt. xxvi. 39. 
- οὖν] corresponding to this petition. — φωνὴ ἐκ τ. oip.]| The voice which 
came from heaven : I have glorified it (in Thy mission and Thy whole pre- 
vious work), and shall again (through Thine impending departure by means 
of death to the δόξα) glorify it, is not to be regarded as actual, natural 
thunder (according to the O. T. view conceived of as the voice of the Lord, 
as in Ps. xxix., Job xxxvii. 4, and frequently), in which only the subjective 
disposition, the so-attuned inner ear of Jesus (and of the disciples), distin- 
guished the words καὶ ἐδόξασα, κ.τ.}. ; while others, less susceptible to this 
divine symbolism of nature, believed only ina general way, that in the 
thunder an angel had spoken with Jesus ; while others again, unsusceptible, 
understood the natural occurrence simply and solely as such, and took it for 
nothing further than what it objectively was. So substantially, not merely 
Paulus, Kuinoel, Liicke, Ammon, de Wette, Maier, Bacumlein, and several 
others, but also Hengstenberg.® Several have here had recourse to the 
later Jewish view of Bath-Kol (by which, however, only real literal voices, 
not natural phenomena, without speech, were understood ; see Liibkert in 
the Stud. u. Krit. 1835, 3), as well as to the Gentile interpretations of 
thunder as the voice of the gods (see Wetstein). Against this entire view, 





1 350 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Jansen, 
Grotius, Lampe, and many others, includ- 
ing Lachmann, Tholuck, Kling, Schweizer, 
Maier, Lange, Ewald, Godet. 

2 See Hartung, Partikell. I. Ὁ. 36; Baeum- 
lein, Partik. p. 18 f. 

8 Grotius, de Wette, Luthardt, Lange, 
Ebrard, Godet ; comp. Hengstenberg: ‘‘in 
order that my soul may be shaken.”’ 

4 The reference of ἐδόξασα to the O. 7. 
revelation, which is now declared to be 
closed (Lange, Z. J. II. p. 1208), is without 
any foundation in the context. 

5 See, in answer to him, some appropriate 
observations in Engelhardt, in the ZLuth. 


Zeitschr. 1865, p. 209 ff. He, however, re- 
fers the δοξάσω to the fact that the Son, even 
in His sufferings, will allow the will of God 
entirely to prevail with Him. The glorify- 
ing of God, however, by means of the 
death of Jesus, which was certainly the 
culminating point of His obedience to the 
Father, reaches further, namely (see espe- 
cially xvii. 1, 2)to God’s honour through the 
Lord’s attainment of exaltation throughout 
the whole world by means of His death. As 
ἐδόξασα refers to His munus propheticum, so 
δοξάσω to the fact that He attains to the 
munus vegium through the fulfilment of the 
munus sacerdotale, 


3874 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


it is decisive that John Himself, the ear-witness, describes a φωνὴ ἐκ τοῦ 
οὐρανοῦ, which was an objective occurrence ; that he repeats its express 
words ; that, to understand the first half of these words referring to 
the past, as the product of a merely subjective perception, is without any 
support in the prayer of Jesus ; that, further, Jesus Himself, ver. 30, gives 
His confirmation to the occurrence of an actual voice ; that, finally, the 
ἀλλοι also, ver. 29, must have heard a speech. Hence we must abide by the 
interpretation that a voice actually issued from heaven, which John relates, 
and Jesus confirms as an objective occurrence. It is a voice which came 
miraculously from God (as was the case, according to the Synoptics, at the 
baptism and the transfiguration), yet as regards its intelligibility condi- 
tioned by the subjective disposition and receptivity of the hearers,’ which 
sounded with a tone as of thunder, so that the definite words which resound- 
ed in this form of sound remained unintelligible to the unsusceptible, who 
simply heard that majestic kind of sound, but not its contents, and said : 
βροντὴν γεγονέναι ; whereas others, more susceptible, certainly understood 
this much, that the thunder-like voice was a speech, but not what it said, 
and thought an angel (comp. Acts xxiii. 9) had spoken in this thunder-voice 
to Jesus. This opinion of theirs, however, does not justify us in regarding 
the divine word which was spoken as also actually communicated by an- 
gelic ministry (Hofmann), since the utterance of the ἄλλοι is not adduced as 
at all the true account, and since, moreover, the heavenly voice, according 
to the text, appears simply as the answer of the Father. 

Vv. 80, 31. ᾿Απεκρίθη] not to the disciples (Tholuck), but, according to ver. 
29, with reference to these two expressions of opinion from the people. He 
leaves their opinions, as to what and whose the voice was, unnoticed, but 
recognizes in their hearts the more dangerous error, that they do not put the 
voice (this thunder or this angelic speech, according to their supposition) in 
any relation to themselves. — δ ἐμέ] to assure me that my prayer has been 
heard ; ‘‘novt patris animum in me,” Erasmus. — δ ὑμᾶς} in relation to 
you to overcome unbelief, and to strengthen faith. Comp. xi. 42. — viv 
κρίσις, x.7.A.]| Not an interpretation of the voice (Hengstenberg), but also 
not without reference to dv’ ὑμᾶς (Engelhardt), which is too weighty an ele- 
ment. Rather : how the crisis of this time presses for the use of that δι’ ὑμᾶς ! 
—vtv ... viv] with triumphant certainty of victory, treating the near 
future as present ; now, now is it gone so far! He speaks ‘‘ quasi certa- 
mine defunctus,” Calvin. — κρίσις] Now is judgment, i.e. judicial (accord- 
ing to the context : condemnatory) decision passed upon this world, i.e. on 
the men of the αἰὼν οὗτος who reject faith. This judgment is an actual 
one ; for in the victory of the Messianic work of salvation, which was to be 
brought about by the death of Jesus, and His exaltation to the heavenly 
glory connected therewith,’ the κόσμος was to be set forth in the entire sin- 


1So also Tholuck, Olshausen, Kling, tion to the belief in the last judgment 
Luthardt, Hofmann, Schriftbew. I. p. 391 f., (against Hilgenfeld, Lehrbegr. p. 274), as has 
Lange, Ebrard, Godet, following the old been supposed from a misinterpretation 
commentators. also of iii. 19, 20, in spite of the repeated 
* There lies in it, accordingly, no opposi- mention of the last day, and in spite of v. 


CHAP. XII., 32, 33. 375 
fulness and impotence of its hostility towards Christ, and thereby in fact 
judged.’ Comp. xvi. 9, 10, 88. This victory the ruler of this world in 
particular (τ. κόσμ. τ. solemnly repeated), the devil, was to submit to :? His 
dominion must have an end, because the death of Jesus effected the recon- 
ciliation of humanity, by which reconciliation all were to be drawn away 
from the devil by becoming believers, and placed under the spiritual power 
of the Christ exalted to glory, ver. 82, Rom. v. 12 ff.; Phil. ii. 9-11. He 
is called the ἄρχων τοῦ κόσμου τούτου, as the ruler of the unbelieving, Christ- 
opposing humanity (comp. 2 Cor. iv. 4; Eph. ii. 2, vi. 12), as in the 
writings of Rabbins, he, as ruler of the Gentiles, in opposition to God and 
His people, bears this standing name (DVN W).? Here he is so called, 
because precisely the judgment of his dominium, the world, was declared, — 
ἐκβληθήσεται ἔξω] The necessarily approaching removal of the power of the 
devil through the death and the exaltation of Jesus is vividly represented as 
acasting out from his empire, namely from the κόσμος οὗτος. Only this supple- 
ment is yielded by the context, not τῆς ἀρχῆς (Huth. Zigabenus, Beza), nor 
τοῦ δικαστηρίου (Theophylact), nor out of the kingdom of God (Ewald), and 
least of all τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. The indefinite rendering : he is repulsed,® or to be 
removed from the presence of the judge (Hofmann, Schriftbew. I. p. 449), is 
excluded by the appended é&o. —Note further, that the victory here an- 
nounced over this world and over the reign of the devil wasindeed decided, 
and commenced with the death and the exaltation of Christ, but is ina 
state of continuous development onward to its consummation at the last 
day (comp. Rev. xx. 10) ; hence the passages of the N. T. on the continu- 
ing power and influence of the devil (2 Cor. iv. 4 ; Eph. ii. 2, vi. 12; Rom. 
xvi. 20 ; 1 Pet. v. 8, and many others) do not stand in contradiction to the 
present passage. Comp. Col, ii. 15. 

Vv. 82, 38. And I shall establish my own dominion in place of the devil’s 
rule. —xay] with victorious emphasis, in opposition to the devil. — ἐὰν 
ὑψωθῶ ἐκ τ. γῆς] so that I shall be no more upon the earth. Comp. on ὑψόω 


27, against which here the very absence of 
the article should have been a warning. 
Again, what is subsequently said of the 
devil (as also the passages xiv. 30, 31, xvi. 
11) is not to be explained from the Gnostic 
idea, that the devil, through his having 
contrived the death of Christ, but having 
after His death recognized Him as the Son 
of God, had been cheated, and so forfeited 
his right (Hilgenfeld). Of such Gnostic 
fancies the N. T. knows nothing. The con- 
quest of the devil is necessarily given 
along with the atoning effect of the death of 
Jesus, and through the operation of the 
Spirit of the exalted one it is in process of 
completion until the Parousia. 

} As hereafter the devil is the subject 
which is cast out, so here the κόσμος is the 
subject which is judged. This in answer to 
Bengel: “ judicium de mundo, quis posthac 
jure sit obtenturus mundum.’’ Grotius ex- 


plains κρίσις simply of the vindicatio in 
libertatem ; humanity is to be freed from 
its unjust possessor ; consequently as re- 
gards the material contents, substantially 
as Bengel, comp. also Beza. 

2 Schleiermacher, indeed (Z. J. p. 848), in- 
terprets the ἄρχ. τ. x. τ. of ‘‘ the public power” 
in its conflict with the activity of Jesus. In 
reference to the declarations of Jesus re- 
garding the devil, it is most markedly 
apparent with what difficulty Schleier- 
macher subordinated himself to exegetical 
tests. 

3 See Lightfoot and Schoettgen, also in 
Eisenmenger, Zntdeckt. Judenthum, I. p. 
647 ff. 

4 Luke x. 18; Rev. xii. 8, so Olshausen; 
hence the reading κάτω. 

5 De Wette; comp. Plat. Menex. Ὁ. 243 B; 
Soph. Ged. 2. 386. 


376 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ἐκ, Ps. ix. 14, Probably Jesus (differently in iii. 14) used the verb 01 
(comp. Syr.): (IST {PD N17 OX. This exaltation from earth into heaven 
to the Father (vii. 33 ; Acts ii. 33, vi. 31) was to be brought about by the 
death of the cross; and this manner of His death, Jesus, in the opinion of 
John, indicated (xviii. 32, xxi. 19) by the word ὑψωθῶ (comp. iii. 14, viii. 
28). Thus, according to John, the designation of the return from earth to 
heaven, which Jesus gives by ὑψωθῶ ἐκ τ. y., is not merely a representation of 
His death, so far as this exalts him to the Father, but an announcement of the 
manner of the death (comp. xviii. 82, xxi. 19), through which He will end 
His earthly life, since He was to die exalted on the cross. But this interpre- 
tation of John’s does not justify us in at once understanding ὑψ. é τ. y. 
of the erucifizion (so the Fathers, and most older commentators, including 
Kling, Frommann, Hengstenberg), which is forbidden by ἐκ τῆς γῆς, nor in 
finding therein’ a ‘‘sermo anceps” (Beza and several others including 
Luthardt, Ebrard, Godet, comp. Engelhardt), since by the very force of ἐκ 
t. y. the double sense is excluded. It belongs to the freedom of mystic 
exposition linking itself to a single word (comp. ix. 7), as it was sufficiently 
suggested, especially here, by the recollection of the ὑψωθῆναι already 
employed in iii. 14, and is thus as justifiable in itself in the sense of its 
time as it is wanting in authority for the historical understanding. To this 
mystical interpretation is opposed, indeed, the expression ἐκ τῆς γῆς (comp. 
158. liii. 8) ; but John was sufficiently faithful in his account not to omit 
this ἐκ τ. γῆς for the sake of his interpretation of ὑψωθῶ, and simply adhered 
to this ὑψ., and disregarded the connection.* — On ἐάν, comp. on xiv. 3. — 
πάντας ἑλκ. πρὸς éuavt.| all, i.e. not merely adherents of all nations, or all 
elected ones and the like, but a// men, so that thus none remain belonging to 
the ἄρχων τοῦ κόσμου τούτου. But to the latter, the devil, stands opposed not 
the mere πρὸς ἐμέ, but, to myself, to my own communion. Comp. xiv. 3 ; 
ἐμαυτόν never stands for the simple ἐμέ, also not in xiv. 21 (against Tholuck). 
The drawing takes place by means of the Holy Spirit, who, given by the 
exalted Lord (vii. 39, xvi. 7), and taking His own place (xiv. 18, 19), wins 
men for Christ in virtue of faith, and, by means of internal moral compul- 
sion, places them in the fellowship of love, of obedience, and of the true 
and everlasting life with Him. Comp. vi. 44, where this is said of the 
Father. The fulfilment of this promise is world-historical, and continually 
in process of realization (Rom. x. 18), until finally the great goal will be ἡ 
reached, when all will be drawn to the Son, and form one flock under one 
shepherd (x. 16). In this sense πάντας is to be left without any arbitrary 
limitation (Luthardt’s limitation is baseless : all, namely, those whom He 
draws to Himself). For the manner in which Paul recognized the way and 
manner of the last consummation of the promise thus made, see Rom. xi. 25, 
26. 

Ver. 34. The people—rightly understanding ἐὰν in. ἐκ τ. γῆς, ver. 32, of 
an exaltation to take place by the way of death—gather thence, that in ac- 


1 “Wis suspension on the 6788 appears to ical touch would here bevery strange. | 
Him the magnificently ironical emblem of His 2 Scholten sets aside the whole comment 
elevation on the ¢throne,’’ Godet. An iron- as an interpolation. : 


CHAP. XII., 35, 36. 377 


cordance therewith no everlasting duration of life (μένει, see on xxi. 22) is 
destined for Him on the earth, and do not find this reconcilable with that 
which they on their part (ἡμεῖς) had heard out of the Scripture (νόμος, as in 
x. 34 (of the Messiah (ἠκούσ., namely, by reading, comp. Gal. iv. 21).. They 
reflect on the scriptural doctrine (comp. also the older book of Enoch) of the 
everlasting kingdom of the Messiah, which they apprehend as an earthly 
kingdom, and especially on passages like Ps. cx. 4, Isa. ix. 5, 7, and par- 
ticularly Dan. vii. 13, 14.— From the latter passage, not from ver. 23, 
where He does not speak to the people, they put into the mouth of Christ 
the words τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ ἀνθρ., as He had designated Himself so frequently by 
this Messianic appellation, in order at once to make manifest that He, 
although He so terms Himself, yet. on account of the contradictory token 
of the ὑψωθῆναι ἐκ τ. γῆς Which He ascribes to Himself, cannot be the Dan- 
ielian Son of man, He who was so characterized in the Scripture ; the 
Son of man, by which name He is wont to designate Himself, must in truth 
be quite another person. — οὗτος] this strange Son of man, who is in oppo- 
sition to the Scripture, over whom that ὑψωθῆναι is said to be impending.' 
That the speakers, however, were unacquainted with the appellation ὁ υἱὸς 
τοῦ av6p. for Jesus (Briickner) is, after the first half of the verse, not to be 
assumed. 

Vv. 35, 36. Jesus does not enter upon the question raised, but directs 
the questioners to that one point which concerns them, with the intensity 
and seriousness of one who is on the point of taking His departure. To 
follow this one direction must indeed of itself free them from all those 
doubts and questions, —év ὑμῖν] among you. — περιπ. ὡς τὸ φῶς ἔχετε] On the 
reading ὡς, see the critical notes. Walk as you have the light, i.e. in con- 
formity with the fact that you have among you the possessor and bearer of 
the divine truth (comp. on viii. 12) ; be not slothful, but spiritually active, 
and awake in the enjoyment of this relation, just as one does not rest and 
‘lie still when he has the bright light of day, but walks in order to attain 
the end in view before the darkness breaks in (see what follows). On ὡς 
as assigning the motive (in the measure that), comp. generally on xiii. 34, 
and here especially on Gal. vi. 10. Ellendt aptly says, Lex. Soph. II. p- 
1008 : ‘‘nec tamen causam per se spectatam, sed quam quis, qualis sit, in- 
dicat.” The signification guamdiu (Baeumlein) is not borne by ὡς, not even 
in Soph. Aj. 1117,? Phil. 635. 1330. —iva μὴ σκοτία, κ.τ.}.7 in order that— 
which would smite you asa penal destiny in retribution of your μὴ περιπατεῖν 
—darkness (the element opposed to the divine truth of salvation, which still 
at present shines upon you) may not seize you, like a hostile power. Comp. 
Rom. 1. 21 : ἐσκοτίσθη ἡ ἀσύνετος αὐτῶν καρδία. On καταλάβῃ, comp. 1 Thess. 
v. 4; also in the classics very frequently of danger, misfortune, and the 
like, which befall any one.*— καὶ ὁ reper, x.7.A.] and how dangerous were 

‘The inquiry has init something pert, vii. 14. This also in answer to Hofmann, 
saucy, as if they said: “ἃ fine ‘Son of Schrifibew. ΤΙ. 1, p. 79. 
man’ art thou, who art not to remain for 2 See Schneidewin in Joc, 
ever in life, but, as thou dost express it, art 3 Arrian, Alex, i, 5.17: εἰ νὺξ καταλήψεται 


to be exalted!’ To the Danielian Son of αὐτούς, 
man an everlasting kingdom is given, Dan. 


378 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


this condition! This is brought home in a saying from ordinary life ; 
comp. xi. 9, ix. 4. — ποῦ ὑπάγει] whither he is departing, 111. 8. Thus the 
ἐσκοτισμένος goes away, Without knowing the unhappy end, into everlasting 
destruction ; comp. 1 John ii. 11. For the opposite of this ποῦ ὑπάγει, see 
viii. 14, 21, xvi. 5, et al. —ac τ. φῶς ἔχετε] Repeated and placed first with 
great emphasis. — πιστεύετε εἰς τ. φῶς, iva, K.7.2.] More minute designation 
of that which was previously intended by the figurative περιπατεῖτε. ---- υἱοὶ 
τοῦ φωτ.1 Enlightened persons. See on Luke xvi. 8 ; Eph. v. 8. — γένησθε] 
not be, but become. Faith is the condition and the beginning of it ; comp. 
1. 12. — ἐκρύβη ἀπ’ αὐτῶν] The situation in vill. 59 is different. He now, 
according to the account of John, withdraws from them into concealment, 
probably to Bethany, in order to spend these last days of life, before the 
arrival of His hour, in the quiet confidential circle, not as a warning, 
‘‘summi judicii occultationis Domini” (Lampe, Luthardt), which is not in- 
dicated, and is all the more without support, that the last discourse was 
not condemnatory, but only hortatory. 

Ver. 37. At the close of the public ministry of Jesus there now follows a 
general consideration of its results in respect to faith in Him, as far as ver. 
50. — τοσαῦτα] not so great,’ but so many,” vi. 9, xiv. 9, xxi. 11. Comp. the 
admissions of the Jews themselves, vii. 31, xi. 47. The multitude of the 
miracles, i.e. the so-often-repeated miraculous demonstration of His Messianic 
glory, must have convinced them (comp. xx. 30), had they not been blinded 
and hardened by a divine destiny. The reference, however, of τοσαῦτα is 
not : so many as have hitherto been related, for our Gospel contains the few- 
est miraculous narratives,—but it lies in the general recognition of their 
great multitude. Comp. xiv. 9; 1 Cor. xiv. 10; Heb. iv. 7. — ἔμπροσθ: 
avr. | before their eyes. — οὐκ ἐπίστ. εἰς ait. ] Summary statement. 

Ver. 88. Ἵνα] in order that, according to divine determination, the 
prophecy might be fulfilled. This ‘‘ in order that” contains the definite 
assumption that the prophet Isaiah predicted what, according to divine 
destiny, was to come to pass ; thus, then, the historical fulfilment stood in 
necessary relation of final cause to the prediction. Comp. on Matt. i. 22. 
—6v εἶπε] similar pleonasms, which, however, as here, may denote an 
emphatic circumstantiality, are found also in the Greek writers.* The pas- ἡ 
sage is Isa. 111], 1, closely following the LXX. The lament of the prophet 
over the unbelief of his time towards Ais preaching (and that of his fellows, 
ἡμῶν), and towards the mighty working of God announced by him, has, ac- 
cording to the Messianic character of the whole grand oracle, its reference 
and fulfilment in the unbelief of the Jews towards Jesus ; so that in the sense 
of this fulfilment, the speaking subject (addressing God, κύριε, comp. Matt. 
xxvii. 46), which Isaiah introduces, is Jesus, not the evangelist and those of 
like mind with him (Luthardt).— τῇ ἀκοῇ ἡμ.]} to that heard from us, i.e. to 
the message which they receive from us (comp. on Rom. x. 16), not : which 
we receive (comp. Sir. xliii. 24), namely, actually in Christ (Luthardt), as 


1 Liicke, de Wette, and several others. sics, τοσαῦτά τε καὶ τοιαῦτα, Heindorf, ad 
3 Comp. on the distinction between the Plat. Gorg. p. 456 C. 
two notions, the phrase current in the clas- 3 Xen. Cyr. viii. 2. 14, Anab. i. 9. 11. 


CHAP. X1I.,.39, 40. 379 


Hengstenberg also understands it of that which we have received through 
revelation (comp. Euth. Zigabenus).’ The plural, however, ἡμῶν, comprises 
God and Christ inthe fulfilment. —é βραχίων κυρ.] Plastic expression for the 
power of God,? and that according to the Messianic conception ; in the 
miraculous signs of Christ—in which the unbelieving do not recognize the 
brachium Dei. ‘‘In se exsertum est, sed caeci non viderunt illud,” Bengel. 
But to understand Christ Himself* is required neither by the original text 
nor here by the connection. 

Vv. 99, 40. Διὰ τοῦτο... ὅτι] as always in John (see on x. 17) : therefore, 
referring to what precedes, on account of this destiny contained in ver, 388— 
namely, because, so that thus with ὅτε the reason is still more minutely set 
forth. Ebrard foists in an entirely foreign course of thought, because Israel 
has not willed to believe, therefore has she not been able to believe. Con- 
trary to this Johannean use of διὰ τοῦτο... ὅτι, Theophylact, Beza, Jansen, 
Lampe, and several others, including Liicke, Tholuck, Olshausen, Maier, 
B. Crusius, Luthardt, take διὰ τοῦτο as preparative. —oix ἠδύναντο] not : 
nolebant,* but—thus solving the enigma of that tragic unbelief—they could 
not, an impossibility which had its foundation in the divine judgment of 
obduracy. ‘‘Hic subsistit evangelista, quis ultra nitatur ?” Bengel. On the 
relation of this inability, referred back to the determination of God, to 
moral freedom and responsibility, see on Rom. ix.—xi. —reriddoxev] The 
passage is Isa. vi. 9, 10, departing freely from the original and from the 
LXxX. In the original the prophet is said, at the command of God, to 
undertake the blinding, etc., that is, the intellectual and moral hardening 
(‘‘ harden the heart,” etc.). Thus what God then will allow to be done is 
represented by John in his free manner of citation as done by God Him- 
self, to which the recollection of the rendering of the passage given by the 
LXX. (‘‘the heart has become hardened,” etc.) might easily lead. The 
subject is thus neither Christ (Grotius, Calovius, and several others, includ- 
ing Lange and Ebrard), nor the devil (Hilgenfeld, Scholten), but, as the 
reader would understand as a matter of course, and as also the entire con- 
text shows (for the necessity in the divine fate is the leading idea), God. 
Christ first appears as subject in ἰάσομαι. --- πεπώρ.] has hardened.*— καὶ 
στραφῶσι] and (not) turn, return to me.—idoouwa}| Future, dependent on 
iva wh. See on Matt. xiii. 15. The moral corruption is viewed as sickness, 
which is healed by faith (vv. 87, 39). Comp. Matt. ix. 12; 1 Pet. 11. 24. 
The healing subject, however, cannot, as in Matt. xiii. 15, Acts xxviii. 27, be 
God (so usually), precisely because this is the subject of τετύφλωκεν, k.T.A., 
but it must be Christ; in His mouth, according to the Johannean view of 
the prophecy from the standpoint of its fulfilment, Isaiah puts not merely 
the utterance in ver. 38, but also the words τετύφλωκεν . . . ἰάσομαι αὐτούς, 


1 Comp. on the genitive, Plat. Phaedr. p. Calovius, and several others. 


274 C ; Pausan. viii. 41.6; Pind. Pyth. i. 162. 4 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Ziga- 
2 Comp. Luke i. 51; Acts xiii. 17; Wisd. benus, Wolf. ᾿ 
Ὑ 160. ἘΣ ΡΤ Bars ii, 1 5 158. 1 5, Δ ΤῸ; 5 See Athenaeus, 12, Ὁ. 549 B; Mark vi. 52, 


3 Augustine, Photius, Euth. Zigabenus, viii. 17; Rom. xi. 7; 2 Cor. iii. 14. 
Beda, Ruperti, Zeger, Jansen, Maldonatus, 


380 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

and thus makes Him say: God has blinded the people, etc., that they 
should not see, etc., and should not turn to Him (Christ), and He (Christ) 
should heal them. Nonnus aptly says: Ὀφθαλμοὺς ἀλάωσεν ἐμῶν ἐπιμάρτυρας 
ἔργων. .. μὴ κραδίῃ voéwot. . . καί μοι ὑποστρέψωσι, νοοβλαβέας δὲ σαώσω ἄνδρας 
ἀλιτραίνοντας ἐμῷ παιήονι μύθῳ. Thus the 1st person ἰάσομαι is not an instance 
of ‘‘ negligence,” * but of consistency. 

Ver. 41. Ὅτι] (see the critical notes) : because He saw His glory, and (in 
consequence of this view) spoke of Him. This was the occasion that moved 
him, and it led to his speaking what is contained in ver. 40. — αὐτοῦ] refers 
to Christ, the subject of ἱάσομαι, ver. 40, and the chief person in the whole 
subject under contemplation (ver. 37). According to Isa. vi. 1 ff., the 
prophet, indeed, beheld Goed’s glory, God sitting upon His throne, attended 
by seraphim, etc. ; but in the O. T. theophanies, it is precisely Christ who 
is present as the Logos,’ and their glory is His. See oni. 1. Of course the 
glory of Christ before the incarnation is intended, the μορφὴ θεοῦ (Phil. ii. 6), 
in which He was. — καὶ ἐλαλ. περὶ αὐτοῦ] still dependent on ὅτι ; ἐλάλησε has 
the emphasis as the correlate of εἶδε. 

Vv. 42, 48. Ὅμως μέντοι] yet, notwithstanding.* It limits the judgment on 
the unbelief of the Jews, which had previously been expressed in general 
terms. — καὶ ἐκ τ. apy.] even of the Sanhedrists (in secret, vii. 48). — διὰ τοὺς 
dapic. | the most hostile and dreaded party opposed to Jesus in and outside 
the Sanhedrim. — ἀποσυνάγ.} comp. ix. 22. — τὴν δόξ. τ. ἀνθρ.] the honour 
coming from men. Comp. v. 44. — τὴν δόξ. τοῦ θεοῦ) the honour which God 
imparts. Comp. Rom. iii. 23. They preferred the honour of men (potius, 
see on iii. 19) rather than to stand in honour with God. Theirs was thus 
not yet the faith strengthened for a free confession, which Jesus demands 
(Matt. x. 32), with the setting aside of temporal interests ; Augustine calls 
it ingressus jidei. Where subsequently the right advance followed, the un- 
hesitating confession also was forthcoming, as in the cases of Nicodemus and 
of Joseph of Arimathaea. But the case of Gamaliel is not applicable here 
(Godet) ; he did not get so far as faith. —On ἤπερ, as strengthening the 
negative force of the ἢ (comp. 2 Macc. xiv. 42), see Kiihner, II. sec, 747, 
note 4. 

Vv. 44, 45. The closing observations on Jewish unbelief, vv. 37-43, are 
ended. Over against this unbelief, together with that faith which stood in 
fear of men, vv. 42, 43, John now gives further, vv. 44-50, an energetic 
summing up, a condensed summary of that which Jesus has hitherto clearly 
and openly preached concerning His personal dignity and the divinity of 


1Tholuck, comp. his A. 7.im WN. T. p. 
35 f. ed. 6. 

2 From which a conclusion can as little be 
drawn against the personality of the Logos 
(Beyschlag, p. 166 f.),as from the angelic 
theophunies against the personality of the 
angel or angels concerned (not even in Rey. 
y. 6). That the idea of angels in the N. T. 
wavers between personality and personifi- 
cation is not correct. Observe also, that 
the self-revelation of the devil does not set 


aside the personality of the man who is the 
bearer of it (as Judas). Further, the αὐτοῦ, 
implying the identity of Christ with the 
Logos, here shows clearly enough that the 
latter is viewed as personal. Comp. also 
Pfleiderer, in Hilgenfeld, Zeitschr. 1866, 
p. 258. ᾿ 

3 Herod. i. 189; Plat. Crit. p. 54 D, Men. p. 
92 E ; comp. the strengthened ὅμως ye μέντοι, 
Klotz, ad Devar. p. 343; Baeumlein, Partik. 
p. 172 f. 


CHAP. XII., 44, 45. 951 


His teaching, in condemnation of such conduct (‘‘ Jesus, on the other hand, 
cried and said,” ete.), by which the reprehensible nature of that unbelief and 
half-belief comes clearly into view. So substantially Bengel, Michaelis, 
Morus, Kuinoel, Liicke, Tholuck, Olshausen, Maier, Schweizer, B. Crusius, 
Reuss, Baur,’ Lange, Briickner, Weizsiicker,? Ebrard, Baeumlein, Ewald, 
Godet. Ver. 36 is decisive, for the correctness of this interpretation, ac- 
cording to which Jesus has departed from the public scene of action with- 
out any announcement of His reappearance ; and it is confirmed partly by 
the nature of the following discourse, which contains mere echoes of earlier 
utterances ; partly by the fact that throughout the whole discourse there 
are no addressed persons present ; partly by the aorists, ἐλάλησα, vv. 48, 49, 
pointing to the concluded past. This is not in opposition to ἔκραξε καὶ εἶπεν, ὃ 
since these words (comp. Vil. 28, 37, i. 15) do not of themselves more close- 
ly define the point of time which is intended. Hence we are neither to as- 
sume, with de Wette, that with John the recollection of the discourses of Jesus 
shaped itself ‘‘ under his hand ” into a discourse, genuine indeed, but never 
delivered in such language (what unconsciousness and passivity he is there- 
by charged with ! and see, in opposition, Briickner); nor are we to say, 
with Chrysostom and all the older commentators, also Kling and Hengsten- 
berg, that Jesus here for once did publicly so speak (ἐνδόντος τοῖς ᾿Τουδαίοις 
Tov θυμοῦ, πάλιν ἀνεφάνη x. διδάσκει, Euth. Zigabenus), in accordance with 
which some resort to the explanation, in contradiction with the text, 
that He spoke what follows in ipso discessu, ver. 36 (Lampe). But when 
Luthardt, following Besser,* assumes that Christ spoke these words in the 
presence of the disciples, and with reference to the Jews, there is opposed to 
this not only the fact, in general, that John indicates nothing of the kind, 
but also that ἔκραξε is not appropriate to the circle of disciples, but to a 
scene of publicity. Crying aloud He exclaimed, whereby all His hearers 
were made sensible enough of the importance of the address, and the excuse 
of ignorance was cut off from them. — ὁ πιστ. εἰς ἐμέ, x.7.A.] An utterance 
which John has not in the previous discourses. Comp., however, as to the 
thing, v. 36 ff., vii. 29, viii. 19, 42, x. 38. — ov... ἀλλ] simply nega- 
tiving. The object of faith is’ not the personality of Jesus in itself,—that 
human appearance which was set forth in Him, as if He had come in His 
own name (v. 43),—but God, so far as the latter reveals Himself in Him as 
His ambassador, by means of His words and deeds. Comp. vii. 16 ; Mark 
ix. 37. Similarly : He who beholds me, etc., ver. 45. Comp. i. 14, xiv. 9. 
Yet in this connection the negation (οὐ θεωρεῖ ἐμέ) is not expressed, although 
it might have been expressed ; but what had to be affirmed was, that the 
beholding of Christ was at the same time the beholding of His sender. In 


1 Baur, however, finds in this recapitu- 
latory discourse only a new proof, that with 
John historical narration is a mere form of 


those of the prologue. The form is differ- 
ent, but not the master, and the prologue 
contains more, 


his method of representation. Comp. also 
Hilgenfeld. 

2 Yet the ideas (against Weizsicker, in the 
Jahrb. 7. Deutsche Theol. 1857, p. 167 1.) con- 
tained in this speech are not different from 


3 Against Kling, de Wette, Hengstenberg ; 
also Strauss in advocacy of the non- 
originality of the Johannean discourses. 

4 Zeitschr. 7. Luth. Theol. 1852, Ὁ. 617 ff. 


382 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


His working and administration, the believing eye beholds that of the 
Sender ; in the glory of the Son, that of the Father, i. 14 ; Heb. i. 3. 

Ver. 46. Comp. viii. 12, ix. 5, xii. 35, 96. --- ἐγώ] J, no other, I am the 
light, as possessor and communicator of the divine truth of salvation, come 
into the world, etc. — μὴ μείνῃ] as he is, in a state of unbelief, but that he 
may be enlightened. Comp. ver. 36, i. 4 ff. 

Vv. 47, 48. Comp. ill. 17, 18, v. 45 ff., viii. 15 ff. —Jf any one shall have 
heard the words from me, does not denote hearing in the sense of believing 
(Liicke), but a hearing which is in itself indifferent (Matt. vii. 26 ; Mark 
iv. 15, 16, xviii. 20) ; and by the x. μὴ φυλάξῃ which follows (see the criti- 
cal notes), that very faith which follows hearing is denied. φυλάσσειν, 
namely, denotes not indeed the mere holding fast, guarding (ver. 25), but, 
as throughout, where doctrines, precepts, and the like are spoken of (see 
especially Luke xi. 28, xviii. 21; Rom. ii. 26), the keeping by actual fuwl- 
Jilment. But this takes place simply by faith, which Christ demands for 
His ῥήματα : with faith the φυλάσσειν comes into action ;* the refusal of faith 
is the rejection of Christ,? and non-adoption of His words, ver. 48, is the op- 
posite of that φυλάσσειν so far as its essence is just the ὑπακοὴ τῆς πίστεως. --- 
On ἀκούειν with a double genitive as in Luke vi. 47, Acts xxii. 1, comp. 
XVill. 387.°— ἐγὼ οὐ κρίνω αὐτόν] I, in my person, am not his judge, which is 
meant generally, not exclusively of the /ast judgment, but in a condemnatory 
sense, as opposed to σώζειν, as in iii. 17. — Ver. 48. ἔχει] Placed first with 
great emphasis : he has his judge ; he stands already under his trial. But 
this judge, says Christ, is not Himself, as an individual personally consid- 
ered in and by Himself, but His spoken word ; this, and nothing else, will be 
(and with this arises before the mind all the terror of the jinal decision) 
the determining rule of the dast judgment. It is Christ, indeed, who holds 
the judgment (v. 22, 27), but as the bearer and executor of His word, which 
constitutes the divine power of the judgment. Comp. vii. 51, where the 
law judges and takes cognizance. How decisively does the present pas- 
sage declare against the attempt of Scholten, Hilgenfeld, Reuss, and others, 
to explain away the last judgment out of John! Comp. vv. 28, 29; 1 John 
ive 1% 

Vv. 49, 50. Comp. vii. 16, v. 80. —ér:] gives the reason for the expres- 
sion in vy. 47, 48: for how plainly divine is this my word ! — ἐξ ἐμαυτοῦ] 
αὐτοκέλευστος, Nonnus. — αὐτός] ipse. — ἐντολ. ἐδ. He has given (laid upon) 
me ὦ charge, what I should say, and what I should speak. The former desig- 
nates the doctrine in its contents, the latter the publication of it through the 
delivery which makes it known. Comp. on viii. 48 ; Rom. iii, 19." -- ἡ 
ἐντολὴ αὐτοῦ} namely the commission which has just previously been more 
minutely designated. This is, because it is in truth the outflow and chan- 
nel of the divine redemptive will, eternal life (alike in its temporal de- 
velopment and eternal consummation) ; it is this, however (comp. vi. 33, 


1 Hence the Recepta x. μὴ πιστεύσῃ is a cor- 3 Buttmann, WV. 7. Gr. Ὁ. 145 [E. T. Ὁ. 167]. 
rect gloss. 4 For similar accumulations of the verbs 
2 ἀθετεῖν, here only in John, but comp. of speaking in Greek writers, see Dissen, 


Luke x. 16 ; 1 Thess. iy. 8. ad Dem. de Cor. p. 187; Lobeck, Paral. Ὁ. 61. 


NOTES. 383 


xvii. 17 ; comp. xi. 25, xiv. 6), not as the mere means, but as, in its fulfil- 
ment, the efficient power of life in virtue of the grace and truth which are 
received by believers out of the fulness of Jesus, i. 14, 16. — οὖν] Since that 
ἐντολή is of so great efficacy, how could I speak that which J speak other- 
wise than as the Father has said it tome (at my inauguration) ? Observe 
the correlation of ἐγώ and ὁ πατῆρ, as well as the measured simple solemnity 
of this closing address. 


Nore spy AMERICAN Eprror. 


XXXVIII. “Adgec αὐτήν, ἵνα κιτ.λΔ. Ver. 7. 


The rendering of the Rey. Ver., which is substantially that of Meyer, 
‘* Suffer her to keep it against the day of my burying,’’ seems to have little 
pertinence against the murmuring of the thievish disciple (which was not di- 
rected against any supposed future use of the money, but only against its pres- 
ent alleged waste), nor very intelligible in itself, as that part of it which had 
been used could not beso preserved (and this was probably a large part of 
it), and of a remaining portion of it the text says nothing. If τετήρηκεν, there- 
fore, is to be decisively rejected, the rendering of the margin of the Rev. Ver. 
seems the only right one, which gives to ἄφες αὐτὴν its ordinary N. T. meaning, 
and assumes a not unallowable ellipsis with iva. ‘‘Let her alone : it was that 
she might keep it against the day of my burial,’’ of which the present anoint- 
ing is regarded as a type, and this the more naturally as that real embalming was 
soclose at hand. To him who is not afraid to find coincidences in the Gospels, 
Matt. xxvi. 12 is corroborative of this view. The words ‘‘ that she might keep it” 
are not probably used of her having kept it over from the entombment of Laza- 
rus, but refer to the suggestion made by Judas of its being given to the poor. 
She has not applied it to any such purpose, however intrinsically good ; under 


higher influence it has been kept for even a more sacred purpose, my figurative 
burial. 


384 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


CHa fk XITT: 


Ver. 1. ἐλήλυθεν] Lachm. and Tisch. : ἦλθεν, according to preponderating 
evidence. The perfect arose from xii. 23. — Ver. 2. γενομένου] B. L. X. 8. Cant. 
Or. : γινομένου (but Or. has once yevou.). So Tisch. The aorist was introduced 
through the non-observance of the point of time, as being the more current 
form in the narrative. —’Iovda Zip. ’Iow., iva αὐτὸν παραδῷυ] B. L. M. X. δ΄, 
Copt. Arm. Vulg. Codd. It. Or. : iva παραδῷ αὐτὸν "lovda¢g Σίμωνος ᾿Ισκαριώτης. 
So Lachm. on the margin, and Tisch. (both, however, reading παραδοῖ, accord- 
ing to B. D.* δὲ. only). This reading, considering the important witnesses by 
which it is attested, is the more to be preferred, as it was very early misun- 
derstood, because it was supposed that the seduction of Judas by the devil 
was here related (so already Origen). The Recepta is an alteration in conse- 
quence of this misunderstanding. The conjunctive form παραδοῖ, however, 
remains generally doubtful in the N. T. — Ver. 3. ὁ Ἰησοῦς] is wanting in B. 
D. L. X. Cursives, Vulg. It. Or. Bracketed by Lachm., omitted by Tisch. It 
was mechanically repeated from ver. 1.— Ver. 10. The position of the words 
οὐκ ἔχει χρείαν is decisively attested. — Instead of 7, important witnesses have 
εἰ μή (So Lachm.), which, however, is an attempt at explanation or correction. 
Tisch. has deleted ἢ τ. πόδας, but only after 8. Or. one Cod. of It. and Vulg. 
mss. An old omission, occasioned by the following καθαρ. ὅλος. -- Ver. 12. 
ἀναπεσών] Lachm. : καὶ ἀναπ. according to A. L. Verss. Chrys. In favour of 
kai, witness also B. C.* &. Or., which have καὶ ἀνέπεσεν (so Tisch.). The kai 
before ἔλαβ. is omitted by Lachm. after’A. L. Verss. Since καί before ἀναπ. is 
in any case decisively accredited ; since, further, the witnesses for ἀνέπεσεν are 
more important than for ἀναπεσών ; and since, had ἀναπεσών been the original 
reading, it would not have been resolved into καὶ ἀνέπεσεν, but into ἀνέπεσεν καί, 
—we must read with Tisch. καὶ ἀνέπεσεν, so that the apodosis first begins with 
εἶπεν. This was not observed, and it was made to commence either after πόδας 
αὐτῶν (thus arose the reading in Lachm.), or after ἱμάτ. αὐτοῦ (hence the Re- 
cepia). — Ver. 22. οὖν] is wanting in B. C. and certain Verss. ; deleted by Tisch. 
Was easily passed over after the last syllable of ἐβλεπον. --- Ver. 23. ἐκ τῶν (Elz. : 
τῶν) is decisively attested. — Ver. 24. πυθέσθαι, τίς ἂν ein] B. C. L. X. 33. Aeth. 
Ver. Rd. Vulg. Or. : καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ" εἰπὲ τίς ἐστιν. So Lachm, and Tisch. 
Rightly : the Recepta is added, as a gloss, after what John does in ver. 25. &. 
has the gloss alongside of the original reading in the text. — Ver. 25. ἐπιπεσών] 
B, C.* K. L. X. TI.* &.** Cursives, Or. : ἀναπεσών (so Lachm.). But ἐπιπίπτειν 
does not occur elsewhere in John ; and how readily would the familiar expres- 
sion of lying at table suggest itself to mechanical copyists!— Instead of οὖν, 
Elz, and Lachm. have dé. Witnesses are much divided. Originally, no par- 
ticle at all appears to have been found; so B. ©. Or. Griesb. — After ἐκεῖνος, 
important witnesses (including B. C. L.) have oftwe, which, however, although 
defended by Ewald, very readily arose from οὗτος, which was added to ἐκεῖνος 
in explanation, as it still found in K. 8. U. A. —Ver. 26. βάψας τὸ ψωμίον ἐπι- 


CHAP. XIII., 1-5. 385 


δώσω] Tisch. : βάψω τ. ψ. καὶ δώσω avty, after B. C. L. Copt. Aeth. Or, But 
ἐπιδιδόναι, Which is not elsewhere found in John, does not betray the hand of 
an interpreter, and therefore the reading of Tisch. is rather to be considered 
as the usual resolution of the participle, with neglect of the compound.—In- 
stead of βάψας, as above, Lachm. has ἐμβάψ., following A. Ὁ. K. II. Theodoret. 
Although these witnesses form the preponderance among those which read the 
participle, yet éu@ap. might be very readily introduced from the parallels, 
Matt. xxvi. 23, Mark xiv. 20; and for the originality of the simple form, the 
weighty witnesses (B. C. L. etc.) which have βάψω (not ἐμβάψω) are accordingly 
all the more to be taken into account. Therefore, too, below, instead of καὶ 
ἐμβάψας (so also Lachm.), with Β. C. Τὶ. X. δὰ, 33. Or. Cyr., βάψας οὖν (so Tisch. ) 
ought to be read (D. has καὶ Bapac). — After ψωμίον, Tisch. has, moreover, λαμ- 
βάνει καί, following B. C. Τὶ. M. X. &.** Aeth. Or. Rightly: it was, through 
misapprehension, omitted as irrelevant. -— Instead of ᾿Ισκαριώτῃ, Lachm. should 
consistently, following B. C. L. M. X. 8. Cursives, Codd. It. Or., here also 
(see on vi. 71) have read ’Ioxapidrov (as Tisch. has). — Ver. 30. Instead of εὐθέως 
26740, read with Lachm. and Tisch. ἐξῆλθ. εὐθύς. --- Ver. 31. After ὅτε, Elz. 
Lachm. and Tisch. have οὖν ; rightly, since B. C. D. L. X. δὰ, Cursives, Verss. 
Or. Cyr., turn the scale in favour of οὖν, while the omission (Griesb. Scholz) 
was the more readily suggested, as there was an inclination to begin the new 
sentence with ἦν δὲ νύξ. --- Ver. 32. εἰ ὁ 0. ἐδοξ, ἐν αὐτῷ] is rejected by Scholz 
as *‘inepta iteratio,” and bracketed by Lachm. The words are wanting in B. 
C.* D. L. X. Π. δὰ. Cursives, Verss. Tert. Ambr. But the very repetition and 
the homoeoteleuton would so readily occasion the omission, that these adverse 
witnesses cannot overthrow the reading. — Ver. 33. The order ἐγὼ ὑπάγω 
(Lachm. Tisch.) is too decisively attested to admit of its being derived from 
viii. 21, — Ver. 36. The order axod, δὲ. ὕστερον (without μοι) is to be adopted, 
with Lachm. and Tisch ; so also in ver. 38, ἀποκρίνεται (instead of ἀπεκρίθη). --- 
Ver. 38. The form φωνήσῃ (Lachm. Tisch.) is decisively accredited ; and in- 
stead of ἀπαρνήσῃ, ἀρνήσῃ is, With Lachm. and Tisch., following B. D. L. X. 1. 
Or., to be read, in place of which the compound was introduced from Matt. 
xxvi. 34 and the parallel passages. 


Vv. 1-5. On the construction [See Note XXXIX. p. 402], observe : (1) 
vv. 1-5 are not to be taken together asa single period ;’ as Paul also? defines 
the connection : ‘‘ He arises before the Passover feast at the meal then taking 
place,” which latter would more nearly define πρὸ τ. ἕορτ. τ. t. This con- 
structing the whole together is inadmissible, because εἰς τέλος ἠγάπ. αὐτούς, 
being connected with πρὸ δὲ éopr. τ. r., completes regularly the construction 
of ver. 1, and with καὶ δείπνου γιν. a new period begins ; consequently (this 
also in answer to Knapp, Liicke, Ebrard, and several others) εἰδώς, ver. 3, 
cannot be the resumption of εἰδώς, ver. 1. Rightly Lachmann and Tischen- 
dorf close ver. 1 with a full stop.* (2) We may not join πρὸ τῆς éopr. τ. πάσχα 
with εἰδώς, ὁ because the expression states too vaguely and indefinitely the 
point of time in which the definite consciousness of His hour entered the 


1 Griesbach, Matthaei, Schulz, Scholz, 4Kling, Luthardt, Riggenbach, Graf in 

Bleek, Ebrard, and several others. the Stud. τι. Krit. 1867, p. 741 ff.; before him 
2 Stud. u. Krit. 1866, Ὁ. 362 ff., 1867, p. 524 ff. also Baeumlein in the Stud. τι. Krit. 1846, p. 
8 Comp. Hengst. Godet, Ewald. 397. 


386 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


mind of Jesus ; the definite day before the feast would be designated as such 
(perhaps by πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας τοῦ πάσχα, comp. xii. 1; Plut. Sull. 37). But 
that πρὸ τῆς éopr#¢c—comp. with xii. 1—must denote this very day before the 
feast, namely, the 14th Nisan,’ is an altogether arbitrary assumption. Just 
as incorrect is it (8) to refer it to ἀγαπήσας," so that the love entertained 
before the feast stands over against the love entertained until the end,—which 
assumption is extorted simply by an attempt at harmonizing, is opposed to 
the order of the words (ἀγαπήσας. . . κόσμῳ must in that case have stood 
before εἰδώς, x.7.A.), and—through the division which is then made to appear 
of the love of Jesus (the love before the feast, and the love from the feast 
onwards)—is in contradiction with John’s more reflective and_ spiritual 
manner ; while it leaves, moreover, the participial clause εἰδὼς. 
without appropriate significance. The simple literal mode of connection is 
rather : Before the feast, Jesus gave, since He knew, ete., to His own the closing 
proof of love. While, then, a meal is being observed, as the devil already, ete., 
He arises from the meal, although He knows that the Father, ete. There is thus 
nothing to place in a parenthesis. 

Ver. 1. Πρὸ δὲ τ. ἑορτ. τ. πάσχα] πρό is emphasized by the intervening δέ. 
Jesus had arrived at Bethany six days before the Passover, on the following 
day (xii. 1, 12) had entered Jerusalem, and then, xii. 36, withdrawn Himself 
into concealment. But before the paschal feast began,* there followed the 
closing manifestation of love before His death, which John intends to relate. 
How long before the feast, our passage does not state ; but it is clear from 
ver, 29, xviil. 28, xix. 14, 31, that it was not on the 14th Nisan, as the har- 
monists have frequently maintained (see, however, on xviii. 28), but * on the 
13th Nisan, Thursday evening, at the Supper. On the 14th Nisan, in the 
evening, the festival commenced with the paschal meal, after Jesus had been 
crucified on the afternoon of the same day. Such is the view of John ; see 
on xviii. 28. — εἰδώς, x.7.4.] Not, ‘although He knew” (this is unpsycholog- 
ical, Hengstenberg), but because He knew. He gives expression to that 
which inwardly drew and impelled Him to display towards His own a 
further and a last token of love ; He knew, indeed, that for Him the hour was 
come, that he should go, etc. (iva comp. xii. 23). On μεταβῇ, comp. v. 24; 1 
John iii. 14. — ἀγαπήσας, x.7.2.] is regarded by interpreters as co-ordinated 
with εἰδώς, «.7.2., according to the well-known usage, which rests on a logi- 
cal basis, of the asyndetic connection of several participles ;° so that the 
meaning would be: As He had (ever) loved His own, so also at the very last 
He gave them a true proof of love. But opposed to this is the absence of 


. πατέρα 


1 Hofmann, Schriftberw. ΤΙ. 2, Ὁ. 295, Lange, advanced so far. Incorrectly, Riggenbach, 


Baeumlein, and several others, including 
Paul and Hengstenberg. 

2 Wieseler, Tholuck, see in opposition 
Ewald, Jahrb. IX. p. 203. 

3 Rightly has Riickert observed. Abendm. 
p. 26, that by πρὸ δὲ τῆς ἑορτῆς the possibility 
of thinking of a point of time within the 
Passover, and thus even of the paschal 
meal, is precluded for the reader who has 


Zeugn. f. d. Hv. Joh. Ὁ. 72: there hangs over 
the present passage “ὦ certain darkness.” 
Certainly, if we set out from a harmonistic 
point of view. With such, rather is it en- 
tirely irreconcilable. 

1 See also Isenberg, ἃ Todestag des Herrn, 
1868, p. 7 ff. 

δ Voigtler, ad Luc. D. M. xii. p. 67 ff. 3 
Kiihner, ad Xen, Anad. i. 1. 7. 


CHAP. XIII., 1. 387 


an ἀεί, which Nonnus supplies, or of ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς, or πάλαι or the like, along 
with ἀγαπήσας, whereby a correlation with εἰς τέλος would have been estab- 
lished. In addition to this, the clause τοὺς ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ, not in itself indis- 
pensable, but expressive of sorrow, is manifestly added in reference to the 
preceding ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου 7., and thus betrays the connection of ἀγαπήσας 
.. . κόσμῳ with the final clause iva μεταβῇ, x.7.A. Hence : ‘‘in order to pass 
to the Father, after He should have (not had) loved,” ete. [See Note XL. p. 
403.] This, ‘‘after He should have loved,” ctc., is a testimony which His 
conscience yielded Him with that εἰδώς, x.7.A. — τοὺς ἰδίους] This relationship 
—the N. T. fulfilment of the old theocratic, i. 11—had its fullest represen- 
tation in the circle of apostles, so that the apostles were pre-eminently the 
ἴδιοι Of Jesus. — εἰς τέλος ἠγάπ. αὐτούς] to be connected with πρὸ dé τῆς ἑορτ. τ. 
π. : atlast (εἰς τέλος is emphatic) He loved them, i.e. showed them the last proof 
of love before His death.’ How, the καὶ δείπνου, «.7.2., Which immediately 
follows, expresses, namely, by means of the washing of the feet, hence it 
cannot be understood of the whole work of love in suffering (Graf). εἰς τέλος 
denotes at the end, finally, at last.2 So also 1 Thess. ii. 16. It may also 
denote fully, in the highest degree ;* but this yields here an inappropriate 
gradation, as though Jesus now exercised His love to the utmost (in answer 
to Godet). It was the like love with the preceding ἀγαπήσας, only the last 
proof before departure ; for His hour was come. — On ἠγάπησεν, of actually 
manifested love, comp. ver. 34 ; 1 John iv. 10, 19 ; Eph. ii. 4, v. 2, 25. 


Norz,—From the present passage—since πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς gives the chronological 
measure for the following supper, and with this for the whole history of the 
passion—already appears the irreconcilable difference between John and the 
Synoptics in respect of the day of Jesus’ death. See details on xviii. 28. 
Even if πρὸ τῆς éopt. were connected with εἰδώς, this statement of time would 
be historically explicable only from the fact that Jesus, conformably to the cer- 
tainty which entered His mind before the feast —‘‘my hour is come”—did what 
follows not at the feast, i.e. after the beginning of the feast on the evening of 
the 14th Nisan, but just before the feast (i.e, at least on the evening of the 13th 
Nisan), in the consciousness that now His time was fulfilled, satisfying His 
love for the last time. Luthardt incorrectly concludes that, if Jesus knew 
already before the feast, etc., He must have died at the feast. Of such an 
antithesis the text contains not the slightestindication. Rather, if Jesus knew 
before the feast, etc., and acted in this consciousness, we are not at liberty to 
move forward the δεῖπνον, and that which is connected with it, to the feast. 
The matter lies simply thus : If the supper were that of the 14th Nisan, then 
John could not say πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς, but only either πρὸ τοῦ δείπνου τοῦ πάσχα 
(which sense is imported by Hengstenberg) ; or, on the other hand, like the 
Synoptics, τῇ πρώτῃ τῶν ἀζύμων (Matt. xxvi. 17), or τ. πρώτῃ τῆς ἑορτῆς. The 15th 
Nisan was already 7 ἑπαύριον τοῦ πάσχα (LXX. Num, xxxili, 3: ΠΌΞΙῚ NIN, 


1 Ebrard’s inconsiderate objection (on 2 Luke xviii. 5 (see commentary in loc.); 
Olshausen, p. 337) against my connection of Hat. iii. 40; Xen. Qec. xvii. 10; Soph. Phil. 
εἰς TEA. ἠγάπ. With πρὸ τ. ἑορτῆς, since εἰς TEA. 407 (and Hermann’s note). 
ἠγάπ. is the last performance of love, will 3 Pflugk, ad Hur. Hec. 817; Schweighauser, 


probably be found by him to fall of itself to Lex. Polyd. p. 616; Grimm on2 Mace. viii. 
the ground. 29. 


388 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
comp. Josh, v. 11) ; but the 14th was mind nod, Num. xviii. 16, ef al., 7 ἡμέρα 
tov πάσχα. Comp. Introd. § 2. 

Vv. 2-5. And (et quidem) this εἰς τέλος ἠγάπησεν αὐτοὺς He fulfilled at the 
supper by the washing of the feet. —deirvov ywou.] Note the present, stand- 
ing in relation to the present ἐγείρεται, ver. 4 (see critical notes). Whilst it 
is becoming supper-time, i.e. whilst supper-time is on the point of being kept.’ 
They had already reclined for the purpose, vv. 4, 12. According to the 
Recepta, yevou., the meal was not yet over (Luther and several others, includ- 
ing Klee and Hofmann, p. 207, who explains as though μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνον were 
expressed), but already in progress,—supper had begun. This itself was, 
according to ver. 1, not the paschal supper, but (hence also without the. 
article 5) an ordinary evening meal on the 13th Nisan (in opposition to the 
synoptical account) in Jerusalem (not in Bethany, see on xiv. 31), the last 
repast of Jesus before His death, at which He founded the Lord’s Supper 
(xiii. 21 ff., 88, xviii. 1). The institution of the Supper John leaves un- 
mentioned—not as being unacquainted with it (Strauss), or seeing in it 
no ecclesiastical rite (Scholten), but because it was universally known (1 
Cor. xi.), and the practice itself was in daily use (Acts 11. 46). Rather, there- 
fore, than repeat the familiar account, he selected from the abundance of 
that last night what, besides this, he found most in harmony with his 
peculiar object, the making known the glory of the λόγος in the flesh,—in the 
washing of the feet, χάρις, in the discourses, χάρις and ἀλήθεια. According 
to Schenkel, John desired by his silence to preclude the notions of a magical 
effect resulting from the Lord’s Supper, and the later controversies concern- 
ing it. But such a purpose would have required the very opposite proced- 
ure, viz. distinct instruction. Baur assumes, p. 264, that the evangelist 
has dated back the significance of the Supper to the second Passover, chap. 
vi., because he did not wish to allow the last meal of Jesus to pass for 
the same as that in the Synoptics, namely, a paschal meal. Comp. also 
Scholten, p. 289 ff. But for this purpose such an inversion of the synoptical 
material was not at all necessary. He could have mentioned the institution 
of the Supper at the last meal in such a way that this would still not have 
been a paschal meal. — τοῦ διαβόλου ἤδη, x.7.2.] cannot serve merely as a pre- 
lude to the subsequent and more frequent mention of the relation of Jesus to 
the traitor (vv. 10, 18, 21, 26, 27, 30), as Godet maintains, which would be 
but a formal purpose, and not in harmony with the tragic emphasis of the 
language. Nor,is.it intended to make us sensible of the forbearance of 
Jesus, who Himself washed the feet of Judas,* norin general, the mere short- 


1 [Or rather, perhaps, while a supper is tak- 
ing place.—K.] 

2 Certainly it is often indifferent whether 
the article stands with δεῖπνον or not, but 
here it must have stood, had it been intend- 
ed to indicate that solemn meal of the 14th 
Nisan, the venerable meal of the feast. In 
xxi. 20 the article had to be expressed, be- 
cause it points backwards, This in answer 


to Tholuck. Hofmann, Lange, and Paul al- 
so get over too readily the want of the arti- 
cle; and even Graf imports the meaning, 
which is incompatible with the absence of 
the article: ‘‘ After the principal part of 
the supper, the eating of the paschal lamb, 
was over.” 

3 Otherwise special prominence must have 
been given in what follows to the washing 


CHAP. XIII., 2-5. 389 


ness of the interval (δὴ) ere the final tragedy, which he yet devoted to such a 
work of love (this, indeed, was already contained in εἰδώς, «.7.4.), but—to 
which the ἤδη points—the undisturbed clear elevation of this His might of love 
over the impending outbreak of the tragic devilish treachery, which could 
not even now, immediately before its occurrence, confuse His mind. Ac- 
cording to the reading Ἰούδας Suu. ᾿Ισκαριώτης (see the critical notes), we must 
explain : the devil having already formed the design that Judas should deliver 
Him up. The καρδία is not that of Judas (Luthardt, Baeumlein), as in the 
Recepta, but of the devil (comp. Vulgate) ; as in the classics βάλλειν or βάλ- 
λεσθαι εἰς νοῦν, εἰς θυμόν, ἐν φρεσίν, frequently denotes in animum inducere, 
statuere, deliberare.’ [See Note XLI. p. 403.] Current as was this mode of 
speech, we cannot be surprised, in an anthropomorphic representation of the 
devil, at the mention of his heart (in answer to Liicke, Godet, and others), in 
which he has his ἐπεθυμίας (viii. 44), μεθοδείας (Eph. vi. 11), νοήματα (2 Cor. 
ii. 11), etc. As the heart of God may be spoken of (Acts xiii. 22), so also 
the heart of the devil. — ᾽Τούδας Yip. Ἴσκαρ.} The full name, and at the close, 
contains a shuddering emphasis. — The participial clause is not to be placed 
in a parenthesis; itis co-ordinated with δείπνου γινομ. --- εἰδώς. x.t.A.| Although 
He knew (ὅμως εἰς ἄκραν συγκατέβη ταπείνωσιν, Euth. Zigabenus). The con- 
sciousness of His divine elevation rested, while on this threshold of death, 
in the fact that now, being on the point of entering, by stepping over this 
threshold, upon His glorification, the Messianic fulness of power, which had 
formerly been bestowed upon Him on the occasion of His mission (Matt. xi. 
27), which extended over all things, and was limited by nothing, was given 
into His hands for complete exercise (comp. on xvii. 2, Matt. xxviii. 18) ; 
and that God, as He was the source of His coming (comp. on viii. 42), so is 
the goal of His present departure. — On πάντα δέδωκεν αὐτῷ comp.1 Cor. xv. 
25 ; Eph. ii. 22 ; Phil. ii. 9-11, et al. — Ver. 4. ἐγείρεται, x.7.4.] Note how 
the whole representation regards things as present ; to the historic present 
correspond the present and perfect participles yuvou., βεβληκ., εἰδώς, VV. 2, 3. 
On τίθ. τὰ ἱμάτ. comp. Plut. Ale. 8.— The washing of the feet was wont to 
take place before the beginning of the meal, by the ministry of slaves ;* it was 
not, however, always observed ; see on Luke vil. 44. Hence we cannot 
argue, from the omission of it up to this point at this meal (for the guests 
had already reclined at table), either against (Wichelhaus) or in favour of 
(Lange : the host was bound to eat with his family) the supposition that the 
meal was the Passover meal.—Any peculiar cause for the extraordinary pro- 
cedure of Jesus is not intimated by John ; and to introduce one from the dis- 
pute among the disciples about rank, mentioned in Luke xxii. 24 ff. (so, fol- 
lowing the older commentators, Ebrard, Hengstenberg, Godet, with various 
representations of the scenic associations ; also Baur, who, however, regards 
the narrative only as the exposition, given in a historical form, of Matt. xx. 
26, 27, and Luke xxii. 26, 27, 28, after Strauss had maintained it to bea 
mythical rendering of a synoptical discourse on humility), is arbitrary in 


of his feet. Euth. Zigabenus, comp.Chrysos- Ellendt, Zea. Soph. I. p. 294. 
tom, Calvin, and several others. 2See Dougt. Andi. 11. p. 50; Stuck. Anté. 
1 See Wetstein in loc.; Kypke, If. p. 399;  conviv. p. 217. 
[ὡ 


390 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


itself, since John, fully as he introduces his narrative in vv. 1, 2, gives not 
even the slightest indication of it, while it is appropriate neither to the 
position nor to the validity of the account of Luke (see on Luke xxii. 24). 
The symbolical act of departing love must, especially since Jesus had already 
reclined at table, have been the outcome of the moment, arising from His 
own urgent consideration of that which was needful for the disciples and 
for His work.’— διέζωσεν. ἑαυτ.} indicating the personal performance more 
than the means (comp. xxi. 18). He is, in truth, entirely a servant, πάντα 
μετὰ πάσης προθυμίας αὐτουργήσας (Huth. Zigabenus). — βάλλει ὕδωρ] He pours 
water.* —eic τ. vext.] into the wash basin standing by. Nihil ministerii 
omittit,” Grotius. —jp£aro] for the act commenced was interrupted when 
Peter’s turn came, and not till after ver. 10 was it continued and finished. 
John employs the ἤρξατο, so common in the other evangelists, here only in this 
minute description. — ᾧ] with which,* or instead of 6, by attraction (Rev. i. 
Tey xe 6), “5 Ππ| συ pO, ἼΠ: 

Vv. 6-9. Ἔρχεται οὖν] So that He thus made a commencement with 
another disciple, not with Peter himse’f (so Augustine, Beda, Nonnus, 
Rupertius, Cornelius ἃ Lapide, Maldonatus, Jansen, and other Catholics in 
the Romish interest ; but also Baumgarten-Crusius, Ewald, Hengstenberg). 
With whom (Chrysostom and Euth. Zigabenus point to Judas Iscariot, 
_ whom, however, Nonnus makes to be last) is left altogether undetermined. 
— ct μου, K.T.2.] ἐκπλαγεὶς εἶπε τοῦτο Kal σφόδρα εὐλαβηθείς, Euth. Zigabenus. 
The emphasis lies primarily upon σύ ; but not secondarily on μου, as if ἐμοῦ 
were used, but on τ. πόδας : Dost Thow wash my feet? The present 


γνίπτεις, like λιθαζέτε, x. 82, and ποιεῖς, ver. 27. — Ver. 7. Note the antithesis 
of ἐγὼ... σύ. What He did was not the external work of washing (so Peter 


took it), but that which this washing signified in the mind of Jesus, namely, 
the token of the morally purifying, ministering love. — μετὰ ταῦτα namely, 
through the instruction, vv. 15-17. To refer this to the later apostolic en- 
lightenment and experience * is not justified by the text (comp. γινώσκετε. ver. 
12), and would have been expressed, as in ver. 36, by the antithesis of viv 
and ὕστερον. --- Ver. 8. Peter, instead of now complying, as became him, 
refuses with definite and vehement decision. But Jesus puts before him a 
threat connected with the necessity ef this feet-washing, which could only 
have its ground and justification in the higher moral meaning of which the 
act was to be the quiet symbolic language. Thus He intends what He now 
says not of the external performance as such in and by itself, but of the 
ethical contents which it is symbolically to set forth, after He had already 
indicated, ver. 7, that something higher lay in this act. It is precisely John 
who has apprehended and reported in the most faithful and delicate manner 
how Jesus knew to employ the sensuous as a foil to the spiritual, and thus 
to ascend, first enigmatically, then more clearly, and ever higher, towards 
the very highest. He says : If I shall not have washed thee, thou hast no part 


1 Comp. Ewald, Gesch. Chr. p. 542. p. 443 B. 
2 Comp. Planudius in Bachmann, Ana. 2. + Chrysostom, Grotius, Tholuck, Hengs- 
p. 99; 18. tenberg, Ewald, and several others. 


$Tiom. J2..x. 77, Od. xviii. 66; Athen. x. es 


CHATS Sis AOF {ΠῚ 591 


with me. By this He undoubtedly means the jfeet-washing which He in- 
tended to perform (τοὺς πόδας cov was to be understood as a matter of course, 
according to the connection,—against Hofmann, II. 2, p. 323), yet still un- 
der the ethical sense, which it was to set forth symbolically, and impress in 
a way not to be forgotten. Washing isthe time-consecrated image of moral 
purification. Hence the thought of Jesus divested of this symbolical wrap- 
ping is: [fT shall not have purified thee, just as 1 now would wash thy feet, 
Srom the sinful nature still adhering to thee, thou hast no share with me (in the 
eternal possession of salvation). Hengstenberg’s view, who here takes the 
washing as the symbol of the forgiveness of sins (according to Ps. li. 4), is 
opposed to vv. 12 ff. — Peter, as ver. 9 shows, did not yet understand the 
higher meaning of the Lord’s words ; he could but take His answer in the 
external sense that immediately offered itself (if, in disobedience to me, thou 
dost not suffer thyself to be washed by me, thou hast, etc.). The thought, how- 
ever, of being a man separated, by further resistance, from Jesus and His 
salvation, was sufficiently overpowering for His ardent love to make him 
offer forthwith not merely His feet, but also the remaining unclothed parts 
of His body, His hands and His head, to be washed ; καὶ ἐν τῇ παραιτήσει 
Kai ἐν TH συγχωρήσει σφοδρότερος, ἑκάτερα yap ἐξ ἀγάπης, Cyril. — εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα] 
while eternity lasts, spoken passionately. Comp. 1 Cor. viii. 13. — μέρος 
ἔχειν μετά τινος] denotes the participation in the same relation, in the like situ- 
ation with any one, Matt. xxiv. 51, Luke xii. 46, after the Hebrew ΠΣ pan 
(Deut. xii. 12), and D} pam (Deut. x. 9, xiv. 27; Ps. 1.18). The expres- 
sion in the classics would be οὐκ ἔχεις or μετέχεις μέρος pov. It is the denial 
of the συγκληρονόμον εἷναι Χριστοῦ, and thus the threatening of exclusion from 
the ζωή and δόξα of the Lord. 

Vv. 10, 11. Jesus corrects the disciple by proceeding to speak of the 
washing in question according to its intended spiritual significance, that 
he may thus lead the disciple, who had misunderstood Him, to the true 
comprehension of the matter. According to the mere verbal sense, He 
says: ‘‘He who has bathed needs nothing further than to wash his feet 
(which have been soiled again by the road) ; rather is he (except as to 
this necessary cleansing of the feet) clean in his entire body.” But this state- 
ment, derived from experience of the sensuous province of life, serves as 
a symbolical veiling of the ethical thought which Jesus desires to set 
forth : ‘‘ He who has already experienced moral purification in general and on 
the whole in fellowship with me, like him who has cleansed his whole body 
in the bath, requires only to be freed from the sinful defilement in individual 
things which has been again contracted in the intercourse of life ; as one who 
has bathed only requires again the washing of his feet, but in other respects 
he is clean as to his whole moral personality.” This necessity of individual 
purification demanding daily penitence, which Jesus here sets forth in the 
λελουμένος by τοὺς πόδας νίψασθαι, how manifest it became in the very case of 
Peter! #.g., after he denied his Lord, and after the hypocrisy exhibited 
at Antioch, Gal. ii, To illustrate the entire spiritual pwrification* by 6 λελου- 


1 Calvin well remarks: ‘‘Non quod omni ex parte puri sint, ut nulla in illis macula 


392 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


μένος, however, suggested itself so very naturally through the very feet- 
washing, which was just about to be undertaken as its correlate, that an 
allusion to baptism’ (with Olshausen, B. Crusius, Ewald, Hengstenberg, 
Godet), perhaps after 1 Cor. vi. 11, cannot be made good, while we need 
not even assume a reference to the by no means universal custom of bath- 
ing before meals. The word is to be thought of as the purifying element 
represented in ὁ λελουμένος 3 as also in the simile of the vine, which is anal- 
ogous in regard to the matter of fact depicted, the καθαροί ἐστε, xv. 3, is 
referred back only to the word of Christ as the ground thereof. But the 
notion of ethical purification must, in the connection of the entire symbol- 
ism of the passage, be also strictly and firmly maintained in ov χρείαν. . . 
νίψασθαι ; so that the latter is not, as Linder? thinks, intended to suggest 
that the clean man even may undergo the feet-washing,—not, however, for 
the object of purification, but as a token of love or humble subjection. — καὶ 
ὑμεῖς καθαροί ἐστε] Hereby Jesus now makes the application to Peter and his 
Sellow-disciplees of what was previously said in the form of a general propo- 
sition : ‘‘ Ye also are clean,” as I, namely, have just expressed it of the λελου- 
μένος 3 you also have attained in your living fellowship with me through 
my word to this moral purity of your entire personality ; dwf—so He sub- 
joins with deep grief, having Judas Iscariot in view—but not αἰ} One 
there is amongst you who has frustrated in his own case the purifying influ- 
ence of this union with me! Had Peter hitherto not yet seized the sym- 
bolical significance of the discourse of Jesus, yet now, on this application 
καὶ ὑμεῖς, «.7.A., and on this tragical addition ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ πάντες, its Meaning 
must have dawned upon his understanding. — 7] gives a comparative refer- 
ence to the absolute expression οὐκ ἔχει yp. : has no need ( further) than.* — 
τὸν παραδίδ. αὐτόν] His betrayer, Matt. xxvi. 48 ; John xviii. 2. — Further, 
what has been said of an anti-Petrine aim in this passage, in spite of i. 43, 
vi. 68, 69 (Strauss, Schwegler, Baur, Hilgenfeld), by which the desire for an 
Ebionitic lavation of the whole body has actually been ascribed to Peter 
(Hilgenfeld), is purely imaginary. 





Vv. 12, 13. Τινώσκετε, κ.τ.}.} know ye, etc.; ἐρωτᾷ ἀγνοοῦντας, iva διεγείρῃ 
εἷς προσοχήν, Euth. Zigabenus. Comp. Dissen, ad Dem. de Cor. p. 186. — 
τί] namely, according to the spiritual contents whose symbolical represen- 
tation was the act that was presented to the senses. — Ver. 13. Ye call me 
Teacher and Lord. It was in this way that the pupils of the Rabbins ad- 
dressed their teachers, "27 and V ; and so also did the disciples address 
Jesus as the Messiah, whose pupils (Matt. xxiii. 8) and δοῦλοι (ver. 16) they 
were. Comp. on 6 διδάσκ., Xi. 28.4 φωνεῖν does not signify to name ; but in 
the article lies the σύ that is present to the mind in uttering the words.* 


amplius haereat, sed quoniam praecipua 2 Stud. ιν. Krit. 1867, p. 512 ff. 

sui parte mundati sunt, dum scilicet abla- 3 Comp. Xen. Mem. iv. 3.9; Herod. vi. 52: 

tum est regnum peccato ut justitia Dei su- ov δυναμένους δὲ γνῶναι ἢ Kal πρὸ τούτου (better 

perior sit.” than even formerly); Soph. Zrach. 1016; 
1Theodore of Mopsuestia, Augustine, Winer, p. 473 [E. T. p. 508]. 

Ruperti, Erasmus, Jansen, Zeger, Cornelius 4 On the nominativus ἐδέμ, see Buttmann, 


ἃ Lapide, Schoettgen, Wetstein, and many N. T. Gramm. p. 182 [E. T. p. 151]. 
others. 5 Kriiger, ἢ 45.°2. 6. 


CHAPS SII t4 15, 393 


Vv. 14, 15. It is not the act itself, but its moral essence, which, after 
His example, He enjoins upon them to exercise. This moral essence, how- 
ever, consists not in lowly and ministering love generally, in which Jesus, 
by washing the feet of His disciples, desired to give them an example, but, 
as ver. 10 proves, in the ministering love which, in all self-denial and hu- 
mility, is active for the moral purification and cleansing of others. As Jesus 
had just set forth ths ministering love by His own example, when He, 
although their Lord and Master, performed on the persons of His disciples 
the servile duty of washing their feet,—as an emblem, however, of the 
efficacy of His love to purify them spiritually,—so ought they to wash one 
another’s feet ; 1.6. with the same self-denying love to be reciprocally serviceable 
to one another with a view to moral purification. ‘The understanding of the 
injunction d¢eiAere, x.7.A., in the proper sense was not that of the apostol- 
ical age, but arose at a later time, and was followed (first in the fourth 
century, comp. Ambrose, de sacram. iii. 1; Augustine ad Januar. ep. 119) 
by the introduction of the washing of the feet of the baptized on Maundy 
Thursday, and other symbolical feet-washings (later also amongst the Men- 
nonites and in the community of Brothers). 1 Tim. v. 10 contains the 
non-ritualistic reference to hospitality. The feet-washing by the Pope on 
Maundy Thursday is a result of the pretension to represent Christ, and as 
such, also, was strongly condemned by the Reformers. Justly, however, 
the church has not adopted the feet-washing into the number of the sacra- 
ments ; for itis not the practice itself, but the spiritual action which it 
symbolizes, that Jesus enjoined upon the disciples. And it is solely to this 
moral meaning that the promise in ver. 17 is attached ; and hence the 
essential marks of the specific sacramental idea, corresponding to the essence 
of baptism and of the Supper—sacramental institution, promise, and colla- 
tive force—are wanting to it. This in answer to Béhmer,’ who designates 
it an offence against Holy Scripture, that the Protestant church has not 
recognized the feet-washing as a sacrament, which, outside the Greek 
church,” it was explained to be by Bernard of Clairvaux (‘‘ Sacramen- 
tum remissionis peccatorum quotidianorum”), without any permanent result. 
Baeumlein also favours the maintenance of the practice as a legacy of Christ. 
But its essence is preserved, where the love, from which the practice flowed, 
abides. Nonnus aptly designates the καθὼς ἐγώ, K.7.2. aS ἰσοφυὲς μίμημα. 
The practice itself, moreover, cannot in truth be carried out either every- 
where, or at all times, or by all, or on all. —éyo . . . καὶ ὑμεῖς] Argumen- 
tum a majori ad minus. The majus implied in ἐγώ is further, by the sub- 
joined ὁ κύριος x. ὁ διδάσκ., brought home with special force, and therefore, 
also, the principal point, ὁ κύριος (comp. ver. 16), is here thrown back. — 
ὑπόδειγμα] Later term, instead of the old παράδειγμα. ---ἵνα, x.7.2.] Design 
in setting the example : that, as [have done to you (‘‘in genere actus,” 
Grotius), you also may do, namely, in ministering to one another in self- 
denying love for the removal of all sinful contamination, as I, for my part, 


1 Stud. u. Krit. 1850, p. 829 ff. tom in monasteries. 
2 In which it has been preserved as a cus- 3 Lobeck, ad Phryn. Ὁ. 12. 


394 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


have just now figuratively fulfilled in your case, in the symbol of the feet- 
washing, this ministering love directed to your moral purification. 

Vv. 16, 17. Truly you, the lesser (ἀπόστολος : commissioned), may not dis- 
pense with the performance of that which I, the greater, have here per- 
formed. Comp. xv. 20 ; Matt. x. 24; Luke vi. 40. --- ταῦτα] That which I 
have herein (vv. 13-16) set forth to you by my ὑπόδειγμα, by means of the 
feet-washing, and have made an obligation. — ei expresses the general, and 
ἐάν the particular, additional condition.’ The εἰ makes a definite supposi- 
tion? (οἴδατε δὲ αὐτὰ παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ μαθόντες, Euth. Zigabenus) ; ἐάν is im case you, 
ete. The knowing is objectively granted, the doing subjectively condi- 
tioned. — μακαρ.] said in reference to the happiness of the present and future 
Messianic life. Comp. on xix. 29. 

Vv. 18, 19. Οὐ περὶ πάντ. ὑμῶν λέγω] Namely, this that ye μακάριοί ἐστε, «.7.A. 
‘¢Est inter vos, qui non erit beatus neque faciet ea,” Augustine. Unneces- 
sarily and inappropriately, Tholuck refers back to ver. 10. -- ἐγώ] J for my 
part, opposed to the divine determination (4277 iva, x.7.2.), which required 
however, the selection of apostles so to take place that the traitor entered 
into the number of the chosen. Ina very arbitrary manner Tholuck gives 
the pregnant meaning to ἐξελεξ. : whom I peculiarly have chosen. —oida] I 
know of what character they are, so that I do not therefore deceive myself, 
if I do not say of you all, ete. — ἀλλ᾽] is ordinarily taken as the antithesis of 
ov περὶ x. ὑμ. 2., and is supplemented ὈΥ̓͂ τοῦτο γέγονεν (namely, that I cannot 
affirm, ver. 17, of you all) ; while others connect it with ὁ τρώγων, x.7.2., 
thus taking iva ἡ yp. kA. as an intermediate clause.* The former view is 
unauthorized by the context, which suggests a τοῦτο γέγονεν just as little as 
in 1 Cor. ii. 9 ; the latter does not correspond to the importance in the con- 
nection of this declaration of purpose. The only supplement in accordance 
with the text is (comp. ix. 3,1. 8) : ἐξελεξάμην αὐτούς : But I made the choice in 
obedience to the divine destiny, in accordance with which the Scripture (that 
which stands written, comp. xix. 87; Mark xii. 10 ; Luke iv. 21) could not 
but be fulfilled, ete. Comp. vi..70, 71. The passage, freely cited from the 
original, is Ps. xli. 40, where the theocratic sufferer (who is unknown ; not 
David, whom the superscription names) makes an utterance which, accord- 
ing to divine determination, was to find its Messianic historical fulfilment in 
the treason of Judas. — ὁ τρώγ. μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ τ. dpt.] Deviating from the origi- 
nal can? 2358), and from the LXX., yet without substantial alteration 
of the sense (intimacy of table-companionship, which, according to Hellenic 
views also, aggravated the detestable character of the crime,* and involun- 
tarily suggesting itself, since Judas actually ate with Jesus (rpdy., vi. 56-58). 
—inipev| has lifted up. Note the preterite; Judas, so near to an act of 
treason, is like him who has already lifted up his heel, in order to admin- 
ister a kick to another. To explain the figure from a crafty tripping up 





1Comp. on the twofold protasis, Stall- doubt.—K.] 


baum, ad Plat. Phaed. p. 67 E, Apol. p. 20 C ; 3 Semler, Kuinoel; admitted also by 
Klotz, ad Devar. p. 512; Ellendt, Lew. Soph. Liicke. 
I. p. 493. 4 See Pflugk, ad Hur. Hec. 793. 


2[Mere condition, without implying 


CHAP: ΧΊΤΙ 20) 395 


of the foot in wrestling (πτερνίζειν), is less appropriate both to the words 
and to the facts (Jesus was not overreached ). — Ver. 19. ἀπ’ ἄρτι] not now, 
but as always in the N. T. (i. 52, xiv. 7; Matt. xxiii. 89, xxvi. 29, 64; 
Rey. xiv. 19) : from this time forward. Previously, He has not yet definitely 
disclosed it. — πιστεύσητε, x.7.2.] Ye may believe that I am He (the Messiah), 
and that no other is to be expected ; see on viii. 24. How easily might the 
disciples have come to vacillate in their faith through the success of the 
treason of Judas, if He had not foreseen and foretold it as lying in the 
ordered plan of the divine destiny ! Comp. xiv. 29. But through the 
predictive declaration, what might have become ground of doubt becomes 
ground for faith. 

Ver. 20. And for the furtherance and confirmation of this your fidelity in 
the faith, which, in spite of the treason arising from your midst, must not 
vacillate, I say to you, that ye may confidently go forward to meet your 
calling as my ambassadors (xx. 21). The high and blessed position of my 
ambassadors remains so unimpaired, that whoever accepts them accepts me, 
etc. And the more, that Jesus must apprehend a disheartening impression 
from the treason on the rest of the disciples, the more earnestly (ἀμήν, ἀμὴν 
λέγω tu.) does He introduce this encouragement. Comp. Calvin : Christ would 
‘‘ offendiculo mederi ;” and Grotius : ‘‘ ostendit ministeria ipsis injuncta non 
caritura suis solatiis.” The contrast of the treason to the dignity of the 
apostolic circle (Hilgenfeld) He certainly does not mean to assert, so self- 
evident was this contrast. Nor do the words serve to confirm the πιστεύσ., 
ὅτι ἐγώ εἰμι (Ebrard), to which the first half of the verse is not appropriate, 
in which, indeed, Godet, without justification, would give to the simple ἐάν 
τίνα the limiting sense : He among you, who is really my ambassador. 
Further : to join ver. 20 with vv. 16, 177 is an arbitrary construction, 
which Kuinoel aggravates by explaining the words as a gloss from Matt. x. 
40, added to ver. 16, and which subsequently entered the text in the wrong 
place, as Liicke also has revived the suspicion of a gloss (from Luke ix. 48). 
The lack of connection, employed by Strauss as an argument against the 
originality, is external, and not in the sequence of the thought ; and besides, 
the emotion and agitation of Jesus are here to be considercd.. The manifest 
identity of the saying with that of Matt. x. 40, forbids our explaining it in 
an essentially different sense (Luthardt explains of the sending of those 
needing the ministry of love to the disciples). But to bring in here the dis- 
pute about rank, which Luke xxii. 24 ff. places after the supper (Baeumlein), 
is groundless, and useless in the way of explanation. 


Notr.—The story of the feet-washing, vv. 1-20,—rejected by Bretschneider, 
Fritzsche, and Strauss as a mythical invention, and recognized by Weisse as 
genuine only in individual portions,—has been justly defended by Schweizer, 
p. 164 ff., in conformity with its stamp of truth and originality, which through- 
out indicates the eye-witness ; in opposition to which, Baur can only recog- 
nize a frco formation out of synoptical material (see on vy. 2-5) in behalf 
of the idea, as also Hilgenfeld, comp. Scholten, The non-mention of the oc- 


1 Lampe, Storr, Klee, Maier, Hengstenberg, comp. Briickner. 


396 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


currence in the Synoptics is explained from the fact that with them the situa- 
tion is quite different, and the main point is the institution of the Supper. 


Vv. 21, 22. The thought of Jesus recurs in deep excitement and agitation 
—owing to which, probably, an interrupting pause occurred—back to the 
traitor ;’ it constrains Him now to testify with the most straightforward 
definiteness what He knows, but at which He had previously only hinted : 
One of you will betray me! Comp. Matt. xxvi. 21, 22, in comparison with 
whose representation that of John is to be preferred. — τῷ πνεύματι] in His 
Spirit (xi. 33), not: through the divine Spirit (Hilgenfeld). — ἔβλεπον οὖν, 
k.7.a.] ‘* perculsi rei atrocitate vix credibili animis probis minimeque suspi- 
cacibus,” Grotius. Judas may likewise have dissembled. 

Vv. 23, 24. There was, however, reclining at table, one of the disciples, 
etc., so that ἦν belongs to ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ (Luke xvi. 23). The custom was to 
lie with the left arm supported on the cushion, and the feet stretched out 
behind, so that the right hand remained free for eating. The one who lay 
next reached, with the back of his head, to the sinus of the girdle* of the 
first, and had the feet of the first at his back ; in like manner, the third in 
the κόλπος of the second.* — ὃν ἠγαπ. ὁ Ἴ.] κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν. Comp. xix. 26, xx. 
2, xxi. 7, 20. It explains the fact that he was Jesus’ nearest table-compan- 
ion. And here, out of the recollection of that sacred, and by him never to 
be forgotten moment, there jirst breaks from his lips this nameless, and yet 
so expressive designation of himself. It is arbitrary, however, to take this as 
a circumlocution for his name ;* such a view is precluded by the circumstance 
that ὃν ἦγ. ὁ κύριος is never employed (but always ὁ ’Ijcovc). — According to the 
reading κ. λέγει αὐτῷ᾽ εἰπὲ τίς ἐστιν (see critical notes), Peter supposes, with 
his characteristic hasty temperament, that John, as the confidant of Jesus, 
would know whom the latter meant.® The λέγει is uttered in a whisper, as 
implied also in the vividly portraying νεύει. Should εἰπέ be taken as : ‘‘ say 
to Jesus” (Ewald), either rep? οὗ λέγει would be omitted, or λέγεις would take 
the place of λέγει. 

Vv. 25, 26. Graphic representation. Raising himself from the κόλπος of 
Jesus to His breast, nearer to His ear, he draws close to Him, and asks (in 
a whisper). — ἐγώ] I, for my part. — τὸ wou.| which he meanwhile took into 
His hand. — ἐπιδώσω] shall give, present to. The morsel is a piece of bread or 
meat, which Jesus dips into a broth on the table (not into the Charoseth, 
see on Matt. xxvi. 23, since the meal, according to John, was not the 


1The course of thought assumed by 
Godet is pure invention : ‘‘ If the true apos- 
tle carries within Himself God (ver. 20), the 
traitor carries in himself Satan” (ver. 25). 

2 κόλπος, Luke vi. 38; Plin. ep. iv. 22. 

3 See Lightfoot, p. 1095 f. 

4 Gotthold, Bengel, Hengstenberg, Godet. 

5 In this and other individual traits (xviii. 
15, 16) Xix. 26, 27, xx. 2) 3, xxi. 3, 4, xviii. 10, 
xiii. 8, xxi. 15, 16) the design has been dis- 
covered to make Peter appear in a less 
advantageous light than John, or to make 
him appear so generally,—which would be 


in keeping with the anti-Judaic tendency 
of the author. See especially Baur, p. 
820 ff. Comp. Hilgenfeld, Hvang. p. 335; 
Spaeth in Hilgenf. Zeitschr. 1868, Ὁ. 182 f. 
But if the author had actually entertained 
this design, it would have been an easy 
thing for him—since he is said to have dis- 
posed of the historical material in so alto- 
gether free a manner—to have satisfied it 
in dogmatic points (which would be princi- 
pally concerned), and yet more easy, at 
least in i. 43, and vi. 68, 69, to have remained 
silent. Comp. on vy. 10, 11. 


CHAP. XIII., 27-29. 397 


paschal meal).— The closing words of ver. 26 have a certain tragic solemni- 
ty... By the designation of the traitor, it was not the curiosity of 
John, but his own love, which Jesus satisfied, and this by means of a token 
not of apparent, but of real and sorrowful goodwill towards Judas, in whom 
even now conscience might be awakened and touched through a token at 
the same time, such as most naturally suggested itself at table to the Lord as 
the head of the family, expressive of forbearance towards the traitor. This 
in answer to Weisse, who psychologically mishandles the entire representa- 
tion as a fiction derived from ver. 18, and finds the true occurrence only in 
Mark, while Strauss gives the relative preference to Luke (xxii. 21). 

Vv. 27, 28. Καὶ μετὰ τὸ ψωμ.} and after, the morsel, i.e. after Jesus had 
given him the morsel, ver. 26. So frequently also in the classics a single 
word only is used with μετά, which thus in the context represents an 
entire clause.?—Trdre] then, at that moment, intentionally bringing into 
relief the horribly tragic moment. — εἰσῆλθεν, κιτ.1.} so that he was thus 
from henceforward a man possessed by the devil, Mark v. 12, 13, ix. 25 ; 
Luke viii. 30 ; Matt. xii. 45. The expression (comp. Luke xxii. 3) forbids 
a figurative interpretation (that Judas completely hardened himself after 
this discovery was understood by him to have been made), found already in 
Theodore of Mopsuestia. The complete hardening, in consequence of which 
he could no more retrace his steps, was simply the immediate consequence of 
this possession by the devil. But against a magical causal connection, as it 
were, of the entrance of the devil along with the morsel, Cyril already justly 
declared himself. The representation rather is, that now, just when Judas 
had taken the morsel without inward compunction, he was given up by 
Christ, and being laid open to the unhindered entrance of the devil (καθά- 
rep τινὰ πύλην THY τοῦ φυλάττοντος ἐρήμην, Cyril), experiences this entrance. 
John did not see this (in the external bearing of Judas, as Godet supposes) ; 
but it is with him a psychological certainty. — ὃ ποιεῖς, ποίησον τάχιον] What 
thou purposest to do,* do more quickly. In the comparative lies the notion : 
hasten it. So very frequently in Homer θᾶσσον. The imperative, however, 
is not permissive (Grotius, Kuinoel, and several others) ; but Jesus actually 
wishes to surmount as soon as possible the last crisis (His ὥρα), now determined 
for Him in the divine destiny. The resigned, characteristic decision of 
mind brooks no delay. To suggest the intention, on the part of Jesus, to be 
rid of the oppressive provimity of the traitor,® is to anticipate what follows. 

Vv. 28, 29. Οὐδείς Even John not excepted (against Bengel, Kuinoel, 
Lange, Hengstenberg, Godet), from whom the thought was remote, that 
now already was the treason to be accomplished. — πρὸς τί] for behoof of 
what. — Ver. 29. γάρ] Proof, by way of example, of this non-comprehension. 
Some of the disciples had taken those words as an order, to hasten a matter 


1 ΠῸ this belongs also the circumstantial . 4See Duncan, Lew. ed. Fost, p. 524, and 
λαμβάνει καί and ψωμ. (see critical notes). generally Niigelsbach, Anm. 2. Ilias, p. 21, 
Jesus has put the morsel into the broth 314, ed. 3; on the graecism of τάχιον, Lo- 


(βάψας), and then takes it, etc. beck, ad Phryn. p. 77. 
2 See Ast, ad Plat. Leg. Ὁ. 273 f., Lex. Plat. 5 Ambrose: ‘tut a consortio suo recede- 
II. p. 311; Jacobs, ad Anthol. XIII. p. 82. ret,” comp. Liicke, B. Crusius, Tholuck. 


3 Comp. ver. 6 ; Winer, p. 249 [E. T. p. 243]. 


398 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

of business known to Judas, the bearer of the chest. They had therefore two 
more definite suppositions between which they wavered, both produced by 
a helpless state of mind, but not irrational, since it is not said that they 
thought of instantaneous attention to the command, nor in the night. — εἰς 
τ. éopr.] belongs to ὧν yp. ἔχ. There was therefore as yet no matter needful 
for the feast purchased. This, following as it does the statement of time 
already adduced in ver. 1, presupposes that the present meal was not the 
festal meal, for the latter belonged to the feast itself, which, according to 
ver. 1, was still impending.*—roic πτωχοῖς] placed first as the other subject 
referred to in this second supposition. Comp. Gal. ii. 10. This giving to 
the poor is likewise thought of as designed for the approaching celebration, 
because they attempted thus to explain the present direction to the purveyor. 
—In the transition into the indirect form of speech, ἢ, «.7.4. must be com- 
pleted ; or that He said that to him, in order that he, etc. 

Vv. 80, 81. Λαβὼν οὖν] connecting with ver. 27. With ἐξῆλθεν εὐθὺς 
begins the fulfilment of the command of Christ, given in ver. 27. How er- 
roneous therefore is Hengstenberg’s statement, in spite of the εὐθύς : he 
went away only at the close of the meal! Before the ἐξῆλθεν the supper, in 
sooth, is to have had its place, and Judas to have taken part in it !— 7 δὲ 
vig] The meal had begun in the evening, and—when we consider also the 
time consumed in the feet-washing—had already advanced into the night. 
This conclusion of the narrative respecting Judas presents, unsought, some- 
thing full of horror, and which precisely in this most simple brevity of 
expression takes profoundest hold of the imagination. Comp. Luke xxii. 
53. With ὅτε οὖν ἐξῆλθε begins a fresh break in the narrative. To omit οὖν 
(see critical notes), and to connect these words with ἦν δὲ νύξ," has against 
it, apart from the critically certified οὖν, the considerations that the follow- 
ing λέγει would stand very abruptly,® ὅτε ἐξῆλθε itself would be very super- 
fluous, and the deeper emphasis of the bare ἦν δὲ νύξ at the close would be 
lost. 

Vv. 81, 32. Nov ἐδοξάσθη, κ.τ.2.1 The traitor is gone, and now the heart 
of the Lord, which has become freer and more at ease, pours itself forth 
as in an anticipated triumph. In view, namely, of the near and certain 
end, He sees in His death, as though He had already undergone it, [His life- 
work as accomplished, and Himself thereby glorified, and in this His glorifi- 
cation the glory of God, who completes His work in the work of the Son. 
The δόξα intended by Jesus is, therefore, not that which is contained for 
Tiim in the feet-washing and in the departure of Judas, which would not 
correspond to the sublime and victorious nature of this moment (against 
Godet). But neither, again, is it the heavenly glory (Luthardt) ; for to this 
the future δοξάσει, ver. 82, first refers, and this change of tense possesses a 


1 Against Wieseler, pp. 366, 381, Tholuck, 
Lange, Luthardt, Baeumlein, Hengsten- 
berg, Paul in the Stud. wu. Krit. 1866, Ὁ. 366 
f., and several others). See also Bleek, p. 
129 f.: Riickert, Abendm. p. 27 f.; Hilgen- 
feld, Paschastr. Ὁ. 147; Isenberg, p. 10f. 

2 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Ziga- 


benus, and others, including Bengel, Pau- 
lus, Ewald. 

3 Ewald supposes that ‘‘by an old mis- 
take” ὅτε οὖν ἐξῆλθεν had dropped out 
before λέγει. But such is the reading of 
Cyril onl;. 


CHAP, RIT. saa, ΘΑ: 399 


determinative force. Rather does the ἐδοξάσθη denote the actual δόξα, Which 
lies in the fact, and of which the manifestation has begun, that now at length 
His earthly work of salvation is brought to a state of com pletion, the task ap- 
pointed to the Son by the Father is discharged. It is the glory of Iis death, 
the splendour of His τετέλεσται, which, as already arrived, He contemplates, 
feels, expresses. — ἐν αὐτῷ] in Him, in His person, so far as it has been glori- 
fied. — Ver. 32 has a climactic relation to ver. 31, passing from the δόξα, 
which He has on the threshold of death, to the heavenly glory, which from 
this time God will secure to Him (hence the future δοξάσει). ---- εἰ ὁ θεὸς 
ἐδοξ. ἐν ἑαυτῷ] Solemn repetition, in order to subjoin a further thought. — 
ἐν ἑαυτῷ] To be referred to the subject, not, with Ewald, to Christ : in Him- 
se/f, corresponding, as recompense, to the ἐν αὐτῷ. He will be so glorified 
by God, that His heavenly glory will be contained in God’s own peculiar 
glory ; His glory will be none other than the divine glory itself, completed 
in God Himself (comp. Col. iii. 3) through the return into the fellowship of 
God out of which He had come forth, and had become man. Comp. xvii. 
4, 5. — The first καί, ver. 32, is the also of the corresponding relation (on 
the other hand, again) ; and the second : and that. On the idea of the ree- 
ompense, comp. xvii. 4, 5 ; Phil. 11. 9. ---- εὐθύς] straightway ; for how imme- 
diately near is this blessed goal towards which my death is the departure ! 

Ver. 33. The εὐθύς changes—when He glances at His loved ones, whom 
He is to leave behind—His mood, which but now was that of victory, again 
into one of softness and emotion. Here, in the first place, the tender τεκνία 
(comp. xxi. 5) with all the intensity of departing love. — μικρόν] Accusat. 
neut.* — ζητήσετε] the seeking of faith and love in distress, in temptation, etc. 
— καὶ καθώς, x.7.A.] andas 1 have said, . . . say I now also to you.* — τ. ’Iovd. | 
to these, however, with a penal reference, vii. 34, viii’ 21, 24, and with the 
threatening addition, «. οὐχ εὑρήσετε. And for the disciples the ob δύνασθε 
ἐλθεῖν is intended only of the temporal impossibility. See xiv. 2, 3. — ἄρτι] 
emphatically at the end, as in vv. 7, 37, xvi. 195. He could no longer spare 
them the announcement. 

Ver. 34. Commandment now of the departing Lord for those who, 
according to ver. 33, are to be left behind, which He calls a new One; 226: 
one not yet given either in the Decalogue or otherwise, in order the more 
deeply to impress it upon them as the specific rule of their conduct, The 
novelty lies not in the commandment of love in itself (for see Ley. xix. 18, 
comp. Matt. v. 43 ff., xix. 19, xxii. 37, 88), nor yet in the higher degree of 
love found in καθὼς ἠγάπ. ὑμ.. so that the requirement would be, that one 
should love one’s neighbour not merely ὡς ἑαυτόν, but ὑπὲρ ἑαυτόν, since 
καθώς does not indicate the degree or the type (see below,) and since, more- 
over, the O. T. ὡς ἑαυτόν does not exclude, but includes the self-sacrifice of 


1 Hartung, Partikell. I. p. 145. rendering is also quite erroneous. 

2 Comp. xiv. 16, xvi. 19; Heb. x. 37; LXX, 4 Cyril, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theo- 
Job xxxvi. 2; Sap. xv. 8, et al. phylact, Euth. Zigabenus, and many, in- 

3. Luther incorrectly begins a new sen- cluding especially Knapp, Scr. var. arg. Ὁ. 
tence with καὶ ὑμῖν (“* and Isay to younow: 369 ff. 


a new commandment,” ete.). Ebrard’s 


400 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
love. The novelty lies rather in the motive power of the love, which must 
be the love of Christ, which one has experienced. Comp. 1 John iii. 16. 
Thereby the commandment, in itself old, receives the new definiteness,* the 
definiteness of loving ἐν Χριστῷ, and therewith the new moral absolute char- 
acter and contents, and is given forth with this specifically N. T. definition, 
founded on faithin Christ, a new commandment. Comp. Luthardt, Ebrard, 
Briickner ; also Baeumlein, Hengstenberg, and Godet, who, however, take 
along with this the circle of Christian love (ἀλλήλους) as a point of novelty. 
Grotius treats this in a similar way to these last-named commentators, when 
he, as also Kélbing,? regards Christian brotherly love, in its distinction from 
the general love of one’s neighbours, as the ew commandment which is pre- 
seribed. Nevertheless, this distinction rests simply upon the fact that 
Christian brotherly love must be mutually determined and sustained by the 
personal experience of the love of Christ, or else it is destitute of its peculiarly 
Christian character ; hence it is always this point alone which forms the 
substantial contents and the distinguishing feature of the new command- 
ment assuch, of which none could be more intensely and truly conscious than 
John himself, especially while he wrote the καινήν and the καθὼς ἠγάπησα ὑμᾶς. 
Opposed to the sense of the word are the interpretations : a commandment 
which contains all laws of the N. T., in opposition to the many laws of the 0. T. 
(Luther); praeceptum élustre,* mandatum wtimum = Testament (Heumann) ; 
further : ὁπλοτέρην ἐν ἅπασιν, a youngest commandment (Nonnus) ; further: a 
commandment that never grows old, with ever youthful freshness, as though ae? 
καινῆν Were expressed (Olshausen *) ; further, a renewed commandment,° or 
even one that renews the old man (Augustine); further : a commandment 
unexpected by you (Semler, on the presumption of the dispute about prece- 
dence which has just taken place, Luke xxii. 24 ff.). According to de Wette, 
καινήν reters to the fact, that in the commandment lies the principle of the 
new lite brought by Christ. Thus, therefore, καινὴ ἐντολή would be here a new 
moral principle (comp. Gal. vi. 2), opposed to the O. T. principle of right- 
eousness. That this is the new ἐντολή (comp. already Melanchthon) is, how- 
ever, not expressed by these simple words. Against the sense, finally, and 
without any indication in the text, is Lange’s view : a new διαθήκη which is 
the institution of the Supper which Christ here founded. This, besides, is 
opposed to the obvious parallel passages, 1 John ii. 8. —iva ayar. add. ] The 
contents of the commandment are set forth as the purpose of the évr. kaw. 
50. iu. — καθὼς ἠγάπ. ὑμ.} is to be separated only by a comma from ἀλλήλ., 
containing the agens® of the ἀγαπ. ἀλλ., and then, by means of iva καὶ ὑμεῖς, 
k.T.A., the ethical purpose of the ἠγάπ. tu. which belongs here is added ; the 
emphasis, however, lies on ἀγαπᾶτε, ὑμᾶς, καὶ ὑμεῖς. Hence : that ye may love 

1 αὐτὸς αὐτὴν ἐποίησε 
Chrysostom. 

2 In the Stud. u. Krit. 1845, Ὁ. 685 ff. 


gen, Raphel, and already Irenaeus. 
δ This agens can be the love evinced by 
Christ only on the ground of faith; hence 


καινὴν τῷ τρόπῳ, 


3 Hackspan, Hammond, Wolf. 

4 50. also Calovius, who, however, min- 
gles together many other interpretations of 
various kinds. 

5 Calvin, Jansen, Maldonatus, Schoett- 


John fully accords with the Pauline view 
of faith, which is operative through love, but 
does not (against Baur, V. 7. Theol. p. 397) 
place love immediately in the position 
which faith holds with Paul. 


. 


CHAP. XIII., 35-38. 401 


one another, in conformity with the fact that I have loved you, and, indeed, 
have loved you with the design that yow also, on your part, etc. But that 
here καθώς does not express the degree, but the corresponding relation, which 
constrains to the ayar. ἀλλ., appears with logical necessity from the subjoined 
clause denoting purpose iva καὶ ὑμεῖς κιτ.λ. (without an οὕτως, which Ewald 
interpolates in his explanation). It is similar to our wie denn (as then),* stat- 
ing the ground, as ὡς also is very frequently used in the classics.2 To take 
the sentence καθὼς... ἀλλήλους as a parallel to the preceding iva ayar. ἀλλ. 
whereby καθὼς ἦγ. tu. is emphatically placed first (so many commentators, 
from Beza to Hengstenberg and Godet), would cause no difficulty in the 
case of Paul, but does not correspond to the simple style of John elsewhere. — 
ἠγάπησα] Aorist ; for Jesus sees Himself already at the end of the work of 
His loving self-devotion. Comp. ver. 1. Finally, ver. 84 is not to be ex- 
plained of Christ’s imparting a new legislation, in opposition to the Mosaic. * 
He, indeed, does not say νόμον καινόν. The ἐντολὴ καινή belongs rather to His 
πλήρωσις Of the law (Matt. v. 17), especially in respect of Lev. xix. 18, 
and does not exclude, but includes, the other moral precepts of the law.* 

Ver. 35. Ἔν τούτῳ] in this, with ἐάν following ; comp. 1 John ii. 3. — ἐμοί] 
not dative, but mei, my, with emphasis, as in xv. 8, comp. xviii. 36. — How 
greatly love was really the Gnorisma of the Christians (1 John iii. 10 ff.), 
see e.g. Tertullian, Apol. 39. 

Vv. 36-88. The words spoken in ver. 33 are still in Peter’s mind ; he has 
not understood them, but can the less therefore get quit of them, and hence 
asks : ποῦ ὑπάγεις 3; Jesus does not directly answer this, but points him to 
the personal experience of a later future, in which he (in the path of martyr- 
dom) will follow after Him (comp. xxi. 18, 19), which at present is not 
possible. The latter statement surprises the fiery disciple, since he feels 
that he is ready to sacrifice his very life for Him. Jesus then quenches this 
fire, ver. 38. ov δύνασαι] not meant of moral ability (against Tholuck, 
Hengstenberg), as Peter took it, but of objective possibility as in ver. 33. 
The disciple also has ‘‘ his hour,” and Peter had first a great calling before 
him, xxi. 15 ff.; Matt. xvi. 18. —r. ψυχ. θήσω] See on x. 11. In the zeal of 
love he mistakes the measure of his moral strength. — On the discrepancy, 
that Matthew and Mark place the prediction of the denial on the way to 
Gethsemane (Luke xxii. 23 agrees substantially with John), see on Luke 
xxii, 31. The declaration of ver. 38 itself is certainly more original in John 
and Matt. xxvi. 34, Luke xxii. 34 (without dic), than in Mark xiv. 30. 


Nore.—The question, to what place in John’s narrative the celebration of 
the Supper belongs, is not to be more precisely determined on the ground of 
Matt. xxvi. 23-25 (against Luke xxii. 21), than that the Supper finds its place, 
not before the departure of Judas,® consequently after ver. 30. Nothing more 


1 Comp. on xii. 35; 1 Cor. i. 6; Eph. i. 4; the law; see also Weiss, Joh. Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 


Matt. vi. 12. 166. 
2 Klotz, ad Devar. Ὁ. 766; Ast, Lex. Plat. 5 That Judas did not join in celebrating 
lii. p. 584. the Supper (Beza and several others), has 
3 Hilgenfeld, comp. above Luther. been recently (also by Kahnis, not by Hof- 


4 Comp. in Paul love as the fulfilment of | mann, and Hengstenberg, who places the 


402 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

definite can be said (Paulus, B. Crusius, Kahnis, place it immediately after ver. 
30, against which, however, is the reading οὖν before ἐξῆλθε in ver. 30; Liicke, 
Maier, and several others, between vv. 33 and 34, opposed to which is the 
question of Peter, ver. 36, which looks back to ver. 33 ; Neander, Ammon, and 
Ebrard, after ver. 32; Tholuck, in ver. 34; Lange, indeed, says: the ἐντολὴ 
καινή, ver, 34, is the ordainment of the Supper itself ; Olshausen after ver. 38), 
since the entire arrangement of John in these chapters leaves the Supper com- 
pletely out of consideration, and, what is to be particularly noted here in ver. 
30, xiv. 1 ff., is so inseparably connected together, that, in reality, there re- 
mains nowhere in his narrative an opening for its insertion, This be- 
trays, indeed, the free concatenation of the discourses on the part of John, 
but not his non-acquaintance with the institution (Strauss), and cannot justi- 
fy the extreme assumptions, that it is to be placed, in spite of the periodic 
structure of vv. 1-4, already before the feet-washing (Sieffert, Godet), or first 
after xiv. 31 (Kern). So also Bengel, Wichelhaus, and Répe, in so far as they 
make Jesus, in xiy. 31, to be setting out for the Paschal Supper to Jerusalem. 
See on xiy. 31. According to Schenkel, the feet-washing does not fall within 
the last hours of Jesus, but at an earlier period, whereby, to be sure, all diffi- 
culty would be removed. 


Notes py AMERICAN Eprror. 


XXXIX. ‘ Before the feast of the Passover.’”’ Ver. 1. 


Weiss agrees with Meyer in connecting the πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς neither with εἰδώς 
(as too vague and indefinite to mark the point of time at which the conscious- 
ness of the arrival of His hour came to Jesus, and too weighty in its position 
to belong to a mere incidental statement), still less with ἀγαπήσας (as giving this 
an entirely unnatural limitation), nor again with ἐγείρεται, ver. 4 (assuming an 
unneeded and unindicated grammatical or logical parenthesis, and most harshly 
resuming in ver. 3 the εἰδώς of ver. 1), but with ἡγάπησεν, which thus regularly 
completes the period. Still, as to the fact, it belongs virtually to the following 
verses, which give the contents of ἠγάπησεν. It seems to me that this combi- 
nation, ‘‘ Before the feast of the Passover He loved, (gavea proof of His love’’ 
aor.), is sufficiently natural. The loved, (aor. gave a proof of His love), which 
Meyer confines to the foot-washing, Weiss justly, as it would seem, extends 
over the entire scene of the Last Supper from chap. 13 to 17, including not 
only the foot-washing, which was an act rather of condescension and the incul- 
cation of loving condescension than strictly of love, and really applies pre-emi- 
nently to those tender and loving discourses which follow. It does not include 
the crucifixion, because that wasa display of love, not primarily to His disciples, 
but tothe world. The first verse Weiss thus regards asasort of superscription 


celebration before ἐξῆλϑεν, ver. 80) almost 
universally recognized, although formerly 
(even already in the Fathers) the opposite 
view preponderated, and, owing to adog- 
matic interest, was supported in the Lu- 
theran Church against the Reformed, on 
account of the participation of the unwor- 
thy. See Wichelhaus, Komm. zur Leidens- 


gesch. Ὁ. 256f. In quite a different interest 
has Schenkel maintained that Jesus did 
not exclude the traitor from the solemnity ; 
that He, in fact, desired thereby to remove 
even the pretext “for its again being made 
an ordinance,” and that without prepara- 
tion or antecedent confession He granted 
an unconditional freedom of participation. 


NOTES. 403 


to the whole section, chap, 13-17. Yet it seems doubtful whether the words 
πρὸ δὲ τῆς éop. τ. πάσχα do not rather stand at the head of the whole, without 
any determinate grammatical connection, simply as marking another stage to 
which Jesus has now arrived, that namely which introduces the eventful scenes 
ofthe Passover. The main question, however, is, What isthe time indicated by 
this πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἢ Meyer is certainly right in saying that it does not indicate 
how long before the Passover, and this must be determined by the connection. 
Now if it refers to the day or the night before the slaying of the paschal lamb, 
then it brings John into irreconcilable contradiction with the Synoptical 
Gospels, all of which place the Last Supper by universal consent on the evening 
of the 14th Nisan, after the slaying of the paschal lamb, and make the feast 
identical in time and in fact with the Paschal Supper. If John intended to fix 
a date which should be in distinct opposition to this current and well-known 
date, it seems inconceivable that He should have done it by a statement so 
entirely vague and indeterminate. It is his habit, perhaps beyond that of 
either of his fellow-Evangelists, to give in his history definite designations of 
time (i. 29, 35, 43, ii. 1, iv. 43), and just before, in chap. xii. 1, without any 
apparently important cause, he has given us one of these definite dates (six days 
before the feast of the Passover) ; and now, when a very serious point of chro- 
nology was involved, and He was going consciously to correct a widely diffused 
error of the Synoptists in regard to the time of the Lord’s Supper, that he should 
have satisfied himself with this vague and indefinite language seems incredible. 
How easy to have said ‘‘ one day before the feast,” etc. ; and had he meant this, 
how naturally would he have said so! Even with the Synoptists, the supper in- 
troduced the Passover festival, stood at its head, and the part in John which 
constituted the foot-washing might have actually anticipated even the paschal 
δεῖπνον, and been merely preliminary and preparatory toit. I cannot but think 
with many, that this phrase is intended to be no exact designation of time ; 
that John puts it loosely at the head of the section, as marking the commence- 
ment of the Passover feast, and that he is not conscious of any intention to cross 
the track of the fixed evangelical tradition on this point. With anything like 
a polemical purpose or consciousness, his language would surely have been more 
precise. 
XL. Ver. 1. 


In this verse Weiss also, rightly I think, rejects Meyer’s construction of 
ἀγαπήσας (‘that he might depart out of this world to the Father after having 
loved—given a proof of love—to his own’’) as artificial, and not correspond- 
ing to the evident correlation of ἀγαπῆσας. ἠγάπησεν. Nor is ἀγαπήσας co-ordi- 
nated with εἰδώς (by familiar asyndeton, knowing, having loved, for knowing and 
having loved), but it is a part of the apodosis or after clause of the sentence, 
εἰδώς supplying the place of the protasis, as appears by resolving it into since 
he knew (‘‘since he knew that his hour, etc., having loved his own, he loved 
them” ).—ei¢ τέλος not unto the end, but either at the last, finally, or (better, in the 
highest degree, pre-eminently.) So Weiss, 


XLI. ‘* The devil having put it into the heart,’’ ete. Ver. 2. 


Weiss justly, I think, rejects Meyer’s construction which makes ‘‘ the 
heart” here the heart of the devil, on the ground that even admitting that we 
might speak of the heart of the devil, it should be in a connection which clearly 


404 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


requires or justifies such a usage. But in the first place the active voice is strong- 
ly against such a construction. It should be clearly βάλλεσθαι, not βάλλειν, and 
βάλλειν εἰς καρδίαν for Satan’s own heart would seem quite inadmissible. Again, 
it is unnatural that the devil, whose hate and hellish purpose never slumbered, 
should be represented as having just now put into his own heart the evil pur- 
pose. It is much more natural to refer it to that of Judas: ‘the purposing of 
the man can be fixed to a definite point, but not so naturally that of the 
devil.” Judas having recently, no doubt, conceived the plot, nothing is more 
natural than to ascribe its origin to the devil. The harshness of the constrac- 
tion is amply compensated by its bringing out with great emphasis the name 
of the traitor : ‘‘ The devil haying already (or now) put it into the heart that 
Judas Iscariot son of Simon should deliver him up.” Such trajections are by 
no means unfamiliar to the Greek. 


CHAP. XIV. 405 


CHAPTER XIV. 


Before πορεύομαι, ver. 2, ὅτι (Lachm, Tisch.) is decisively attested. Its omis- 
sion is therefore to be explained from the fact that it was taken for the recita- 
tive ὅτι, as which it appeared superfluous, since the recitative ὅτε is so fre- 
quently passed over in the Codd. — Ver. 3. καί before érow. is wanting in 
A. E. G. H. K. A. Curss., some Verss., Phot. Deleted by Matth. and Lachm. 
D. M. Curss. Syr. Cant. Theophyl. Euth. : ἑτοιμάσαι. This mechanical repeti- 
tion from what precedes was the cause of the omission of the καί, which, how- 
ever, is still very strongly attested by B. C. L. N. Ὁ. X. A. δὲ. Vulg. It. and im- 
portant witnesses. — Ver. 4. οἴδατε, καὶ τ. ὁδὸν oidate] B. C.* L. Q. Χ, δὲ. 157, Copt. 
Aeth. Pers. p. Vere. have merely οἴδατε τ. ὁδόν. So Tisch., whilst Lachm. only 
brackets the καί and the second oidare. The Recepta is an explanatory expan- 
sion ; against it ver. 5 also witnesses. — Ver. 5. δυνάμεθα τ. ὁδὸν εἰδέναι. Lachm. 

and Tisch. ; οἴδαμεν τὴν ὁδόν, according to B. C.* D. Codd. It. Cyr, Tert., among 
which, however, a few (including D.) have τ. 6d. oid. The Recepta is an ex- 
planatory expansion. — Ver. 7. ἐγνώκειτε ἄν] B. C.* L. Q. X. Curss. Cyr. Ath. : 
ἂν ἤδειτε, or (X.) gd. ἄν. From viii. 19.— Ver. 9. τοσοῦτον χρόνον] Lachm. 
Tisch. : τοσούτῳ χρόνῳ, according to D. L. Q. &. Cyr, The accusative is an un- 
necessary gloss. — Ver. 10. αὐτὸς ποιεῖ τὰ ἔργα] Tisch. : ποιεῖ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ, ac- 
cording to B.D. δὲ, Rightly. The αὐτός, added in explanation, dislodged the 
αὐτοῦ, and that in such a way that it took its place (1. X.) in some instances, in 
others was placed before the verb. — Ver. 11. After ἐμοὶ Elz, has ἐστίν. A 
supplementary addition against decisive testimony. — μοι at the end is rejected 
by Schulz, deleted by Tisch. It suggests the suspicion of being a mechanical 
repetition ; besides, the omitting witnesses (amongst them Codd. 1). L. δὲ, 33) 
are sufficiently strong. — Ver. 12. μου] is, according to preponderating evidence, 
with Lachm. and Tisch., to be deleted. — Ver. 14 is entirely wanting in X. A. 
Curss., some Verss. Chrys. Nonnus ; witnesses, however, which are too weak to 
permit us, with Rinck, to condemn it, especially since, on account of the 
similar beginning in vy. 14 and 16, and considering its superfluous character, 
it might very easily be passed over. — Ver. 15. τηρήσωτε] Tisch. : τηρήῆσετε, ac- 
cording to Β. L. &. (Ὁ) Curss. Euseb. But the future readily arose from the en- 
tire context. — Ver. 16. μένῃ]! B. L. Q. X. &. Codd. It. Goth. Copt. Syr. 
and several Fathers have ἡ. So Lachm. (but, with B., after αἰῶνα) and Tisch. 
Rightly ; μένῃ is a more closely-defining gloss from ver. 17. — Ver. 17. ἔσται] 
Lachm. : ἐστὶν, according to B. D.* Curss, Verss. Lucif. According as MENEI 
was taken as present (E. G. K, M. U. X. A.) or as future (Vulg.), ἐστίν or ἔσται 
may be written after it ; hence it is only the preponderance of witnesses which 
decides, and this is in favour of the future. — Ver. 20. Since the first ὑμεῖς 
stands in some of the witnesses after, in some before, γνώσ. (so, only bracketed 
in Lachm.), while in some it is entirely wanting (A. Verss, Fathers), it must 
be regarded as an addition. — Ver. 22. Instead of«ai τί, Elz. and Lachm. have 
merely τί, in accordance with preponderating evidence, But καί (which δὲ, also 


406 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

has) might be readily passed over by clumsy copyists, especially, too, as the 
preceding κύριε might occasion its being overlooked. -—Ver. 23. ποιήσομεν 
Lachm. and Tisch. : ποιησόμεθα, in accordance with important witnesses (Ὁ. 
also with ἐλεύσομαι κ. ποιήσομαι declares for the middle voice). Rightly ; the 
middle, which John uses nowhere else, was unfamiliar to the copyists. — Ver. 
28. ἠγαπᾶτε] D.* H. L. and a few Curss. : ἀγαπᾶτε, to which Buttmann, in the 
Stud. u. Krit. 1858, p. 481 f., gives the preference. Too weakly attested ; and 
how easily would a stumbling-block be found in the impert., as denying love 
to the disciples !—Between ὅτε and πορεύομαι Elz. has εἶπον, against decisive 
witnesses. An interpolation in conformity with the preceding. 


Ver. 1.’ From Peter Jesus now turns, with consolatory address in refer- 
ence to His near departure, to the disciples generally ; hence D. and a few 
Verss. prefix καὶ εἶπεν τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ (so also Luther, following Erasmus). 
But the cause of the address itself is fully explained in John’s narrative by 
the situation, and by no means requires the reference, arbitrarily assumed 
by Hengstenberg, to Luke xxii. 35-38. The whole of the following fare- 
well discourses, down to xvii. 26, must have grown out of the profoundest 
recollections of the apostle, which, in a thoroughly genial manner, are viv- 
idly recalled, and further expanded. It accords with the entire peculiarity 
of the Johannean narrative of the last Supper, that the Synoptics offer no 
parallels to these farewell discourses. Hence it is not satisfactory, and is 
notin keeping with the necessary personal recollection of John, to regard 
him as taking his start from certain primary words of earlier gospels, which he, 
like an artist of powerful genius, has transfigured by the freest, but, at the 
same time, most appropriate and enchanting transformation (Ewald). — μὴ 
tapaco.| by anxiety and apprehension. Comp. xii. 27. It points to what He 
had spoken in the preceding chapters of His departure, not (with Chrysos- 
tom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, and many) 
to Peter’s denial, after the prediction of which the rest of the disciples also 
might have become anxious about their constancy. This is erroneous, 
because the following discourse bears no relation to it.— πιστεύετε, «.7.4.] BY 
these words Jesus exhorts them not to faith generally (which they certainly 
had), but to that confident asswrance by which the μὴ ταράσσεσθαι was condi- 
tioned : trust in God, and trust in me. To take, in both cases, πιστεύετε as 
imperatives * appears most in conformity with the preceding imperative and 
the direct character of the address.* [See Note XLII. p. 425.] Others : the 
first mor. is indicative, and the second imperative: ye believe on God, believe 


1 Luther’s exposition of chap. xXiv., xv., 
xvi. belongs to the year 1538. He terms 


2 Cyril, Gothic, Nonnus, Theophylact, 
Euth. Zigab., Bengel, and several others, 


these discourses ‘‘the best and most con- 
soling sermons that the Lord Christ deliv- 
ered on earth,” and “ἃ treasure and jewel, 
not to be purchased with the world’s 
goods.’’ — Luther’s book (which originated 
in sermons, which Casp. and Cruciger took 
down) is among his most spirited and lively 
writings. How highly he himself esteemed 
it, see in Matthesius, ¢ilfte Pred. (ed. 
Nirnb. 1592, p. 1194). 


including most moderns, from Liicke to 
Hengst. and Godet. 

3 So also Ebrard, who, however, in con- 
formity with a supposed Hebraism (see on 
Eph. iv. 26), finds the inappropriate mean- 
ing: ‘* Believe on God, so ye believe on me.” 
Thus the emotional address becomes a re- 
flection. Olshausen arrives at the same 
sense, taking the first mor. as imperative, 
the second as indicative. 


CHAP. XIV., 2, 3. 407 
therefore on me.? Luther, who regards the first sentence as hypothetical 
(in itself admissible),* in his translation takes πιστεύετε, in both cases, as in- 
dicatives. According to any rendering, however, the inseparable coherence 
of the two elements of faith (God in Christ manifest and near) is to be noted. 
Comp. Rom. v. 2. 

Vv. 2, 3 serve to arouse the πιστεύειν demanded in ver. 1, to which @ pros- 
mect so blessed lies open. In the house of my Father are many places of sojourn, 
many shall find their abiding-place (wov7 only here and in ver. 23 in the 
N. T. ; frequent in the classics, comp. also 1 Macc. vii. 88), so that such 
therefore is not wanting to you also ; but if this were not the case I would 
have told you (‘‘ademissem vobis spem inanem,” Grotius). After εἶπον av 
ὑμῖν a full stop must be placed, and with ὅτι (see critical notes) πορεΐομαι a 
new sentence begins.? But the Fathers of the church, Erasmus, Luther, 
Castalio, Wolf, Maldonatus, Bengel, and many others, including Hofmann, * 
and Ebrard, refer εἶπον ἂν ὑμῖν to what follows : if it were not so, then I would 
have said to you: I go, etc. Against this ver. ὃ is decisive, according to 
which Jesus actually says that He is going away, and is preparing a place.° 
Others take it as ὦ question, where, however, we are not, on account of the 
aorist εἶπον, to explain : would I indeed say to you: 1 go, ete. 2° But : would 
1 indeed have said to you, etc. ? In this way there would either be intended 
an earlier saying not preserved in the Gospel (Ewald),” possibly with the stamp 
of a gloss on it (Weizsiicker), or a reference to the earlier sayings regarding 
the passage into the heavenly world (Lange). But for the latter explana- 
tion the language in the present passage is too definite and peculiar ; while the 
former amounts simply to an hypothesis which is neither necessary nor ca- 
pable of support on other grounds.—The οἰκία τοῦ πατρός is not heaven gener- 
ally, but the peculiar dwelling-place of the divine δόξα in heaven, the place 
of His glorious throne, ® viewed, after the analogy of the temple in Jerusalem, 
this earthly οἶκος τοῦ πατρός (il. 16), as a heavenly sanctuary (Isa. Ivii. 15). 
[See Note XLIII. p. 426.] Comp. Heb. ix. — πολλαί] ἱκαναὶ δέξασθαι καὶ ὑμᾶς, 
Huth. Zigabenus. The conception of different degrees of blessedness (Augus- 


the latter, and connects therewith, as well 
as with ἐάν, artificial and laboured depart- 


1 Vulgate, Erasmus, Luther in his #a- 
position, Castalio, Beza, Calvin, Aretius, 


Maldonatus, Grotius, and several others. 

2 Bernhardy, p. 385; Pflugk, ad Zur. Med. 
886, comp. on i. 51. 

3 So, first Valla, then Beza, Calvin, Ca- 
saubon, Aretius, Grotius, Jansen, and 
many others, including Kuinoel, Liicke, 
Tholuck, Olshausen, B. Crusius, de Wette 
(who terms the assertion ‘* somewhat 
naive.” But it has rather its full weight in 
the faith presupposed in the disciples, that 
He cannot leave them uninstructed on any 
essential point of their hope ; comp. Kost- 
lin, Lehrbegr. p. 163), Maier, Hengstenberg, 
Godet, Lachmann, Tischendorf. 

4 Schriftbew. 11. 2, p. 464. 

5 This reason is valid, whether we read 
now in ver.3 καὶ ἑτοιμάσω, or with Lach- 
mann merely ἑτοιμάσω : Hofmann follows 


ures from the simple sense of the words. 
Ebrard also adopts a forced and artificial 
view, according to which ἑτοιμάσαι is 
said to be objective: bring about your pres- 
ence ; but ἑτοιμάσω (without Kat) must point 
to the making accessible for the disciples. How 
could a listener hit upon this difference of 
idea in the same word ? 

6 Mosheim, Ernesti, Beck in the Stud. w. 
Krit. 1831, Ὁ. 180 ff. 

7 He wouldalso place εἰ δὲ μὴ... τόπον ὑμῖν 
within a parenthesis, and finds here either 
a saying out of a now unknown gospel, or 
rather out of the fragment supposed to 
have been lost before chap. vi. 

8 Ps, ii, 4, xxxiii, 18, 14; Isa. Ixiii. 15, 
et al. 


408 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

tine and several others) lies entirely remote from the meaning here; for 
many the house of God is destined and established, and that already ἀπὸ κατα- 
βολῆς κόσμου, Matt. xxv. 84. --- ὅτι πορεύομαι, x.7.A.| for I go, etc., assigns the 
reason of the assurance : ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ. . . πολλαί εἰσιν, so that εἰ δὲ μή, εἶπον ἂν 
ὑμῖν is to be regarded as logically inserted. The πορεύομαι ἑτοιμάσαι, k.T.A., 
however, is an actual proof of the existence of the μοναὶ πολλαί in the heav- 
enly house of God (not of the εἶπον ἂν ὑμῖν, as Luthardt thinks, placing only 
a colon after ὑμῖν), because otherwise Jesus could not go away with the 
design of getting prepared for them in those μοναΐ a place on which they are 
thereafter to enter, a place for them. This. ἑτοιμάζειν τόπον presupposes μονὰς 
πολλάς, in which the dwelling-place to be provided must exist. The idea is, 
further (comp. the idea of the πρόδρομος, Heb. vi. 20), that He having at- 
tained by His death to the fellowship of the divine δόξα, purposes to pre- 
pare the way for their future συνδοξασθῆναι with God (comp. xvii. 24) ; but 
‘* therefore He speaks with them in the simplest possible, as it were, child- 
like fashion, according to their thoughts, as is necessary to attract and allure 
simple people,” Luther. — Ver. 3. Kai ἐὰν. . . τόπον] Emphatic repetition 
of the consolatory words, with which is united the still more consolatory 
promise : I will come again, and will (then) receive you to myself. Jesus says, 
καὶ ἐάν, not x. ὅταν, for He does not mention the point of time of His return, 
but what consequences (namely, the πάλιν ἔρχομαι, x.t.A.) will be connected 
with this departure of His, and preparation of a place of which He had just 
given them assurance. The πορεύεσθαι x. ἑτοιμ, x.7.A., is the conditioning 
fact which, if it shall take place, has the πάλιν ἔρχεσθαι, x.7.A., as its happy 
consequence. Comp. xii. 32. The nearness or remoteness of the appear- 
ance of this result remains undefined by ἐάν. Comp. Diisterdieck on 1 John 
ii. 28, where the reading ὅταν is an alteration proceeding from clumsy copy- 
ists.—By πάλιν ἔρχομαι Jesus means, and that not indefinitely, or verging to- 
wards a merely spiritual import (de Wette), but distinctly and clearly, His 
Purousia at the last day (vi. 39, 40, xi. 24), and not His resurrection (Ebrard), 
to which the following κ. παραλ., «.7.4., is not appropriate. That in John 
(comp. 1 John ii. 28), and in Jesus, according to John (comp. xxi. 22, v. 
28, 29), as in the whole apostolic church, existed the conception of the 
Parousia as near at hand,* although in the Gospel, on account of its spiritual 
character, it comes less into the foreground, seein Kaeuffer, de ζωῆς αἰων, not. 
Ῥ. 131 f., comp. also Frommann, p. 479 f. ; Lechler,? Wittichen,* and Weiss.* 
On this His glorious return He will receive the disciples into His personal 
fellowship (as raised from the dead or transformed respectively), and that 
as partakers of His divine δόξα in the heavenly sanctuary which has descended 
with Him to the earth, in which a place will be already prepared for them. 
He comes in the glory of His Father, and they enter into’ fellowship with 


i However decidedly this is still denied 
by Scholten, who finds in John only a 
spiritual coming, in the sense, namely, that 
the Spirit of Jesus remains. According to 
Keim (Geschichtl. Chr. p. 45, ed. 3), the 
fourth Gospel has, ‘‘in sufficiently modern 
fashion, relegated the future kingdom to 


heaven,’ and ‘‘ broken off the head” of 
the expectation of the Parousia. But the 
head is exactly in the present passage. 

2 Apost. und Nachapost. Zeit. p. 224 ff. 

3 Jahrb. f. D. Th. 1862, p: 357 Ἐν 

4 Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 181. 


CHAP. XIv., 4, 5. 409 
Him in this δόξα in the Messianic kingdom.’ The explanation of a coming, 
only regarded as such more or less improperly, in order to receive the disci- 
ples by a blessed death into heaven,* is opposed to the words (comp. xxi. 22) 
and to the mode of expression elsewhere employed in the N. T. respecting 
the coming of Christ, since death does indeed translate the apostles and 
martyrs to Christ ;* but it is nowhere said of Christ that He comes (in order 
to be personally present at their dying bed (as Hengstenberg, indeed, thinks) 
and brings them to Himself. Except in the Paraclete, Christ first comes in 
His glory at the Parousia. But the understanding of the words here (acc. 
to vv. 18 ff.) only of the spiritual return of Christ to His own, and their re- 
ception into the full sacred fellowship of the Spirit of the glorified Christ,” * is 
ruled out by the fact that Jesus himself has in advance (ver. 2) required 
their reference to His actual return, and to local fellowship with Him (in vv. 
18 ff. the entire context is different). — πρὸς ἐμαυτόν) spoken in the conscious- 
ness of the great value which the love of the disciples placed on fellowship 
with his own person. Only with Himself have faith and love the final object 
of hope, and their blessed reward ἢ in the Father’s house. 

Vv. 4, 5. In order now to lead the disciples to that which, on their side, 
in respect of the promise contained ‘in ver. 3, was the main practical matter, 
He says, arousing inquiry : And whither Igo... ye know the way (so, ac- 
cording to the amended reading, see critical notes) which leads thither, 
namely, to the Father. And the disciples, had they already been more 
susceptible to the communications of the Lord respecting His higher Messi- 
anic destiny, must have known Him—this way,—since Christ had already 
so frequently set Himself forth as the only Mediator of salvation, as in chap. 
vi., x. 1 ff., xi. 25, eb al. He means, that is, not the way to suffering and 
death, which He Himself is about to tread,® but the way designated in ver. 
6 (He Himself is that way!) along which every one is directed who would 
attain to that glorious fellowship with the Father. — ὅπου ἐγὼ ὑπάγω is an 
anacoluthon, with the emphasis of the certainty of the near and blessed 
completion, and éyé has the accent of self-conscious and unique pre-emi- 
nence.—Thomas, as in xx. 25, speaks the language of sober, hesitating in- 
telligence, not of dejection at the approaching suffering of the Lord, as 
Ebrard thinks. He seeks information ; (eto yap αἰσθητὸν εἶναί τινα τόπον, ὕπου 


1Comp. Origen and several others, in- 
cluding Calvin, Lampe, Luthardt, Hof- 
mann, Schriftbew. I. p. 194,. Hilgenfeld, 
Briickner, Ewald. 

3 Grotius, Kuinoel, B. Crusius, Reuss, 
Tholuck, Lange, Hengstenberg, and several 
others. 

32 Cor. vy. 8; Phil. i. 23; Acts vii. 59; see 
on Phil. i. 26, note. 

4 Liicke, Neander, Godet, comp. Olshau- 
sen, Ebrard. 

5 Tt is incorrect to maintain that in John 
the notion of reward is entirely wanting (so 
Weiss in the Deutsch. Zeitschr. 1853, pp. 325, 
338, and in his Petr. Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 55 f.). As 


Christ seeks in prayer eternal glory for 
Himself as a reward, xvii. 4, 5, so He 
assigns it to the disciples also asa reward. 
See Xvil. 24, xii. 25, 26, xi. 26. Here applies 
also the promise of ἰδεῖν τὴν βασιλ. τοῦ ϑεοῦ, 
111. 8, 5, and the resurrection at the last day, 
Vv. 28, 29, vi. 40, 54. Comp. 1 John iii. 2, 3, 
where the future transfiguration and union 
with Christ is expressly designated as the 
object of ἐλπίς, as well as John viii., where 
even the expression μισϑὸν πλήρη is em- 
ployed, and is to be understood of eternal 
blessedness (see Diisterdieck, II. p. 505). 

8 Luther, Jansen, Grotius, Wetstein, also 
Tholuck and Luthardt. 


410 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ὑπάγει, καὶ ὁδὸν ὁμοίως τοιαύτην, Euth. Zigabenus. The heavenly ποῦ, however 
distinctly Jesus had already designated it, Thomas did not yet know clearly 
how to combine with his circle of Messianic ideas ; but he desired to arrive 
at clearness. That Thomas is here cited without the name Δίδυμος, which is 
added in xi. 16, xx. 24, xxi. 2, is accidental, and without the design which 
Hengstenberg imports (that he does not speak here according to his indi- 
vidual spiritual character), — πῶς, «.7.2.] ‘‘ Quodsi ignoretur, quae sit meta, 
non potest via swb ratione viae concipi,” Grotius. 

Ver. 6. I (no other than I) am the way, on which men must go, in order 
to come to the Father in His heavenly house, vv. 2, 3, and the truth, and 
the life. But since no one, without going the prescribed way, without hav- 
ing appropriated to himself the truth, and without bearing in himself the 
life, can come to that goal, οὐδείς, «.7.2., is thus the exponent to all three 
particulars, not merely to the first. The three terms lay down the propo- 
sition that no other than Christ is the Mediator of eternal salvation with 
God in the Messianic kingdom, under three several characteristic aspects 
which are co-ordinated, yet in such a way that the advance is made from 
the general to the particular. The characteristic of the mediation of salva- 
tion, in the first point, is designated with reference not ‘to matter (as in ἡ 
ἀλήθεια and ἡ ζωή), but to form, in so far, namely, as the mediation of salva- 
tion itself is therein expressed in a specific jigure (comp. x. 9). On indi- 
vidual points, note : (1) Christ is the Way, not because He ὑπέδειξε τὴν ὁδόν 
(Cyril., Melanchthon, and many others, departing from both the expression 
and the figure, and failing to observe the relation of things), but because in 
His personal manifestation the mediation of salvation is objectively given, 
absolutely the sole mediation for all men, but which has to be made use of 
subjectively, that is, by faith on Him, like the man who is aiming at a goal, 
and for that purpose must take and pursue the given way which is the 
means of its attainment. (2) Christ is the Truth, because He is the self- 
revelation of God which has been manifested (vv. 7, 9), the Light that is 
come into the world, without the appropriation of which salvation is not ob- 
tained. (8) He is the Life (Col. ili. 4), because He is the Principle and 
Source of eternal life (in its temporal development and future consummation) ; 
so that whoever has not received Him into himself by faith (vi. 50, 51, xi. 
25, 26), has become a prey to spiritual and eternal death.1 These three 
points are not to be separated according to time (Luther : beginning, mid- 
dle, end ; so also Calvin), but Christ is all three at once,—in that He is the 
one, He is also the second and the third,—although this cannot justify an 
arbitrary fusion of the three predicates (as would be the Augustinian vera 
via vitae). — οὐδεὶς ἔρχεται, x.t.A.| the Johannean sola fide. Note how ver. 6 
is the summary of the most perfect self-confession of the Son regarding Him- 
self and His work. 

Ver. 7. Had you known me (for they had indeed not known that He was 
the Way), you would also have known the Father (of their non-acquaintance 


1 Comp. Ignatius, ad Trall.9: οὗ χωρὶς τὸ ἀλήϑινον ζῆν οὐκ ἔχομεν ; ad Eph. 8: Χριστὸς τὸ 
ἀδιάκριτον ἡμῶν ζῆν. 


CHAP. XIV., 8-1. 411 


with whom their οὐκ οἴδαμεν, ποῦ ὑπάγεις, ver. 5, had testified).—The empha- 
sis changes (otherwise in viii. 19) ; it lies in the protasis on ἐγνώκ., not on 
the enclitic μὲ ; in the apodosis on τ. rar. μου. --- καὶ an’ ἄρτι, K.t.A.] and— 
which I can nevertheless now add—from henceforward (after I have told 
you in ver. 6 so definitely and fully what Jam) you know Him, and have (in 
me, ver. 9) beheld Him. This view of the meaning, which flows immedi- 
ately out of the context, vv. 6 and 9, the point of which is the idea of the 
adequate self-revelation of God in Christ, entirely excludes any interpreta- 
tion of the two verbs in a future sense,’ and the reference to a future fter- 
minus a guo,* which is wont to be assumed as the time of the communication 
of the Spirit, nay, even a mentally supplied ‘‘ J hope” (de Wette), with ἀπάρτι. 
The reference of ἀπάρτι to the whole time of their fellowship with Christ since 
their conversion (Hengstenberg), is, even grammatically, impossible. See on 
xiii. 19, 1.52. In that case only νῦν could stand. Godet’s remark is also incor- 
rect: ‘‘at the point at which my teaching has now arrived,” as if ἄρτι merely 
were expressed. — On καί, which, without altering its meaning, significantly 
subjoins an adversative clause (and... ὁ.6. and nevertheless), see on Vii. 
28. 

Vv. 8, 9. Philip, like Thomas in a certain hesitation, corresponding to 
his want of apprehension, has not yet understood the ἑωράκατε αὐτόν ; instead 
of seeing it fulfilled in the manifestation of Jesus Himself, it excites in 
him the wish that the Lord would effect a Theophany, perhaps such as 
Moses once beheld (Ex. xxiv. 9, 10), or desired to see (Ex. xxxiii. 18), or 
the prophets had predicted for the inauguration of the Messianic kingdom 
(Mal. iii. 1 ff.). —dpxei ἡμῖν] and then are we contented ; then we see the 
measure of the revelation of the Father, given to us by Thee, fulfilled to 
such a degree that we do not covet a further until the last glorious appear- 
ance.—On the dative of duration of time, τοσούτῳ χρόνῳ (see critical notes).® 
καὶ οὐκ ἔγν. με] And thou hast not known me? A question of melancholy sur- 
prise, and hence also in loving emotion, He addresses him by name. Had 
Philip known Jesus, he would have said to himself, that in Him the highest 
revelation of God was manifested, and the wish to behold a Theophany 
must have remained foreign to his mind. Hence: He who has seen me has 
seen the Father ; for He reveals Himself in me, Iam ἀθηήτοιο roxjoc συμφυὲς 
ἔνθεον εἶδος ἔχων βροτοειδέϊ μορφῇ, Nonnus. The proposition is to be left in 
objective generality, and éwp. is not to be limited to believing seeing.* Hvery 
one has, if he has seen Christ, seen the Father objectively ; but only he who 
has known Christ for that which He is, subjectively also, ‘‘ according to the 
sight of the Spirit and of faith,” Luther. Comp. i. 14, v. 37. 

Vv. 10, 11. This language of thine amounts indeed to this: as though 
thou didst not believe that, ete. —dre ἐγὼ ἐν τ. πατρί, «.7.A.] On this mutual 
fellowship, which ‘‘ virtutis potius quam essentiae elogium est” (Calvin), 
see on x. 388. Comp. xvii. 21. Here the ἐγὼ ἐν τ. rar. stands first, because 


1 Chrysostom, Kuinoel, and many others. [E. T. p. 186]. 

2 Chrysostom, Liicke, Ewald, and several 4Tuther, Liicke, de Wette, and many 
others. ; others. 

3 Comp. Buttmann, VW. Z. Gram. Ὁ. 161 


412 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


the matter in question is the way which the knowledge has to take from the 
Son to the Father. — 7a ῥήματα... τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ] (see critical notes) : the 
proof of this union of mine with the Father is, that I do not speak from 
myself ; but the proof for that (for this ἀπ’ ἐμαυτοῦ οὐ λαλῶ) is, that the 
Father does His works through me. The δέ is therefore continuative (autem), 
not antithetical. Further, we must neither say that the ῥήματα are to be 
reckoned along with the ἔργα, nor that τὰ ἔργα signifies the business of teach- 
ing (Nésselt) ; but, from the fact that the Messianic works (see on v. 36) are 
the works of the Father, it is inferred, with necessary dialectic certainty, 
from whom also the discourses of Jesus proceed ; if the former are divine, 
the latter must be adequately related tothem. The first proposition is often 
arbitrarily supplemented from the second, and vice versd.1 This, however, 
does not agree with the Greek mode of allowing, in antithetic propositions, 
one clause to be completed from the other,* and would here run counter to 
the context, since Jesus, ver. 11, desires to have deduced from the ἔργα that 
which He had brought into light by τὰ ῥήματα. . . λαλῶς Hence we are 
not to escape the difficulty either by the assumption of an ‘‘ incongruity 
in the antithetic propositions” (Tholuck), or, with Lange, pronounce that 
_the words belong pre-eminently to the Son, the works pre-eminently to the 
Father, which is not contained in the expressions, and would be an un- 
Johannean halving of the thought (v. 19, vill. 28, xii. 49) ; nor are we to 
assume, with Ewald, that a lesser significance is to be ascribed to the works 
in opposition to the words. — ὁ ἐν ἐμοὶ μένων] expressing the ὁ ἐν ἐμ. ὧν as 
enduring (he who does not depart from me). According to the reading ποιεῖ 
τ. ἔργα αὐτοῦ (see critical notes), the works of Jesus are set forth as the works 
of God, which the Father performs, that is, in virtue of His immanence in 
the Son, making them to operate in an outward direction. — Ver. 11. 
From Philip, Jesus now turns to the disciples collectively, and that with an 
exhortation to the faith, in reference to which He had been obliged to ques- 
tion Philip ina manner implying doubt. — πιστεύετέ μοι] namely, without 
anything further,:in addition to my personal assurance. —6ér.] not becwuse 
(Bengel), but tat, as in ver. 10. — διὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτά] On account of the works 
themselves (in and of themselves), irrespective of my oral testimony, believe 
me in this. The works are the actual proofs of that fellowship, v. 19, 20, 
x. 37, 38. : 

Vv. 12, 18. Truly, on the compliance with this πιστεύετέ μὸι there awaits 
a ministry like my own, yea, and still greater. What encouragement to 
fidelity in the faith ! Schott, Opuse. p. 177, imports the meaning : ‘‘ neque 
ad ea tantum provoco, quae me ipsum hucusque vidistis perficientem, do,” 
etc. Comp. also Luthardt, according to whom Jesus proceeds to a still 
further demonstration of his fellowship with God. — ὁ mor. εἰς ἐμέ] intended 
not universally, but for (comp. vv. 11, 13) the disciples. On εἰς ἐμέ, Bengel 
aptly remarks: ‘‘ qui Christo de se loquenti (see mcr. μοι, ver. 11), in Chris- 


1The words which I speak to you, I and does the works—de Wette, comp. 
speak not of myself; and the works which Bengel. 
I do, I do not of myself, but the Father 2 Kihner, 11. p. 603 f.; Bernhardy, p. 455. 
who isinme. He teaches me the words, 


CHAP. XIV...) 12,13. 413 
tum credit.” —xaxetvoc] he also, in comparison, emphatically repeating the 
subject.’ xai] heightening the effect : and besides, indeed.’ — μείζονα τούτων] 
greater than these, ἃ ἐγὼ ποιῶ, comp. v. 20, and on the thought, Matt. xxi. 
21, 22. It is not, however, to be referred to single separate miracles, which 
are reported by the apostles ; Ruperti names the healing power of Peter’s 
shadow, Acts v., and the speaking in foreign tongues, which latter Grotius 
also has in view ; Bengel appeals to Acts v. 15, xix. 12 ; Mark xvi. 17 ff. 
A measuring of miracles of this kind by their magnitude is entirely foreign 
to the N. T. Rather in μείζονα τούτων is the notion of ἔργα expanded, so that 
its predominant signification is not that of miraculous deeds in the narrower 
sense (as in ἃ ἐγὼ ποιῶ), but in a broader sense, the world-subduing apostolic 
work in general, produced by the Holy Spirit (xvi. 18 ff.) in the diffusion 
of the gospel, with its light and life, amongst all peoples, in the conquest 
of Judaism and paganism by the word of the cross, etc. The history of 
the apostles, and especially the work of Paul, is the commentary thereon. 
These were épya of a greater kind than the miracles proper which Jesus 
wrought,* and which also, categorically, those of the apostles resembled. — 
ὅτι, K.T.A.] assigns the reasons of the preceding assurance, τὰ ἔργα ἃ ἐγὼ ποιῶ 
.. . pel. τοῦτ. ποιήσει (not merely the μείζονα, for which limitation no 
reason presents itself), and this statement of reason continues to the end 
of ver. 13, so that καὶ 6, τε dv still depends on ὅτι. Since He is going fo the 
Father, and thus, elevated to the position of heavenly rule, will do all that 
they shall ask in His name, there can be no doubt that the assurance of 
those ἔργα will be justified. So, substantially, Grotius, Liicke, Olshausen, 
de Wette, Ewald, Godet, comp. already Cyril. Considering the internal 
coherence, and the immediately continuative καί, ver. 13, it is incompetent 
to separate ver. 13, as if it were independent, from ver. 12, whereby ὅτι ἐγὼ 
πρὸς τ. π. top. is taken either merely in the sense : ὑμῶν λοιπόν ἐστι τὸ θαυμα- 
τουργεῖν, ἐγὼ yap ἀπέρχομαι ;* or more correctly, because really assigning a 
reason, with Luther: ‘‘for through the power that I shall have at the right 
hand of the Father, . . . Iwill work in you,” etc.* — ἐγώ] In opposition to the 
πιστείνοντες, Who continue their activity on earth. — ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί μου] Comp. 
xy. 16, xvi. 23. The prayerful request to God (for it is to God that the 
absolute αἰτήσητε refers, comp. xv. 16) is made in the name of Jesus, if this 
name, Jesus Christ, as the full substance of the saving faith and confession 
of him who prays, is in his consciousness the element in which the prayerful 
activity lives and moves, so that thus that Name, embracing the whole revela- 
tion of redemption, is that which specifically measures and defines the dispo- 
sition, feeling, object, and contents of prayer. The express wse of the name 
of Jesus therein is no specific token ; the question is of the spirit and mind of 


1 Xen. Mem. i. 2. 24. 

2 See Hartung, Partikell. I. Ὁ. 145 f. 

3‘*For He assumed only a small corner 
for Himself, a little time for His preaching 
and working of miracles; but the apostles 
and their successors went through the 
whole world,’ ete.—Luther. 

4 [‘* Yours is henceforth the province of 


working miracles; for 7 go away.”’—K.] 
Chrysostom, so Theophylact, Euth. Ziga- 
benus, Erasmus, Wolf, Kuinoel, Ebrard, 
and several others. 

ὃ Comp. Calvin and several others, in- 
cluding B. Crusius, Luthardt, Hengsten- 
berg, 


414 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

him who prays. The apostolic mode of expression is analogous : to be, 
have, say, do, anything, etc., ἐν Χριστῷ, ἐν κυρίῳ. Therenderings : invocato 
meo nomine (in connection with which reference is irrelevantly made to 
Acts iii. 6;? me agnoscentes mediatorem (Melanchthon) ; wt mew causa faciat 
(Grotius) ; per meritum meuwm (Calovius and several others) ; in my mind, in 
my affairs (de Wette), and the like, are partly opposed to the words, partly 
too narrow, and comprised in the foregoing explanation. But if we pro- 
posed to interpret, with Godet : in my stead, that is, in such a way as though 
TI myself were the subject that prays through you,* the first person ποιήσω would 
be inappropriate to a se/f-hearing ; and essential prayers like those for the 
forgiveness of sin would. be excluded. — τοῦτο ποιήσω] nothing clse. This 
definite and unlimited promise rests upon the fact that the petition of him 
who prays in the name of Jesus isin harmony with the will of Christ and 
of God, but in every case subordinates itself in the consciousness of him 
who prays to the restriction : not my, but Thy will ! hence also the denial 
of a particular petition is the fulfilment of prayer, only in another way.. 
Comp. 2 Cor. xii. 8, 9.—That Christ asserts the doing of himself (xv. 16, 
and xvi. 23 of the Father), lies in the consciousness of His unity with God, 
according to which He, even in His exalted condition, is in the Father, and 
the Father isin Him. Hence, if, through the fulfilment of these petitions, 
the Son must be glorified, the Father is glorified in the Son ; wherefore 
Jesus adds, as the jinal aim of the τοῦτο ποιήσω : iva δοξασθῇ ὁ rat. ἐν τῷ υἱῷ. 
Comp. xiii. 31. The honour of the Father is ever the last object of all that 
is attained in the affairs of the Son, xii. 28, xi. 4 ; Phil. ii. 11 ; Rom. xvi. 
25 ff.; Gal. 1. 5; Eph. iii. 21. Note the emphatic collocation ὁ πατὴρ ἐν τῷ 
υἱῷ, where, however, the main stress lies upon 6 πατῆρ. 

Ver. 14. Td αὐτὸ λέγει βεβαιῶν μάλιστα τὸν λόγον, Euth. Zigabenus. But this 
is done to make it specially prominent that He is the active subject. Bengel 
well remarks : ‘‘éyé hoe jam indicat gloriam.” 

Ver. 15. A new exhortation—to keep His commandments in proof of 
their love to Him—in order, ver. 14, to attach thereto a new promise. But 
exhortation and promise are thus necessarily connected, as in vv. 11, 12 ff. 
Hence the latter not without the former. Comp. ver. 21. — Note the em- 
phatic τὰς ἐμάς : which you have from me ; they are not those of the O. T., 
but the completion of these. Comp. on xiii. 34. 

Vv. 16, 17. The καί is in both instances consecutive. On the succession of 
thoughts, see ver. 21. — ἐγώ] Emphatically introducing, after what He had 
required of the disciples, what He on His part will do as the Mediator of the 
divine love. The ἐρωτήσω does not conflict with xvi. 26, 27, where there is 
a different relation of time. ἐρωτᾶν is in John the standing word in the mouth 
of Jesus, when He addresses the Father in prayer, xvi. 26, xvii. 9, 15, 20. 


1 Comp. on Col. iii. 17, and see also Hof- 
mann, Schriftbew. II. 2, p. 357, and generally 
Gess, d. Gebet im Nam. Jesu, 1861. 

2 Chrysostom, Nonnus, Theophylact, 
Euth. Zigabenus, Maldonatus, and several 
others. 


3So also Weiss, Zehrbegr. Ὁ. 272, who 
regards the works only as the object of 
prayer. But for this the expression is too 
general; just as general, xvi. 23 ff. The 
works are subsumed under the general 
statement. 


CHAP TV. LG, lds 418 
But there is no difference of meaning from αἰτεῖν, see 1 John v. 16. — ἄλλον 
παράκλητον] another Advocate (instead of myself), another, who will as coun- 
sellor assist you. The word is found in the N. T. only in John (xiv. 26, 
xvi. 7, 1 John ii. 1,) and the signification given holds good in Dem. 843. 
10, Diog. Laert. iv. 50, Dion. Hal. xi. 87, and passages from Philo in Loes- 
ner, p. 496 f., both in the proper judicial sense (Advocate), and also in gen- 
eral as here.’’ With this agrees also the Talmudic 65. Rightly, after 
Tertullian and Augustine, Melanchthon, Calvin, Beza, Grotius, Wolf, Lampe, 
and several others, have most of the moderns so interpreted it.* See also 
Hahn, Theol. d. N. T. 1. p. 225. The equally ancient explanation : Comfort- 
er,‘ rests on a confusion, inadmissible on account of its passive form, with 
παρακλήτωρ (UXX. Job xvi. 2) in Aquila and Theodotion, Job xvi. 2.° 
Equally incorrect is the rendering Teacher in Theodore of Mopsuestia, Ernesti, ὃ 
Luthardt, Hofmann.” — Observe on ἄλλον, that in 1 John ii. 1 Christ Himself 
might also be designated as παράκλητος, without implying any difference of 
doctrine (Baur, Schwegler, Hilgenfeld). Nonnus aptly says : 
dAdov. —iva ἡ μεθ᾽ bu. εἰς τ. αἰῶνα] inorder that He may ; not as I now, again be 
taken from you, but be with you (i.e. may stand at your side protecting, help- 
ing, strengthening you against all hostile powers ; comp. Matt. xxvili. 20) 
Jor ever. Comp. 2 John 2. In the Paraclete, however, Christ Himself is 
present with His own (Matt. xxviii. 20) ; for in the mission of the Spirit, 
who is the Spirit of Christ (Rom. viii. 9 ; Gal. iv. 6), the self-communica- 
tion of the exalted Christ takes place (Rom. viii. 10 ; Gal. ii. 20), without, 
however, the Paraclete ceasing to be an ἄλλος, another—although dependent 
on the Son—subject than He ;° the obscure idea that the Paraclete is ‘‘ the 
Christ transfigured to Spirit” (Tholuck) is un-Johannean and unbiblical 
generally. Comp. on 2 Cor. iii. 17. See also, against the blending of the 
idea of the Logos with that of the Spirit, in Reuss ; Godet, II. p. 480. --- τὸ 
πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας] the Spirit of Truth, i.e. the Holy Spirit, who is Posses- 
sor, Bearer, and Administrator of the divine ἀλήθεια. He is the divine prin- 
ciple of revelation, by whose agency in human hearts the redemptive truth 


Χριστῷ obyyovov 


1§o also Philo, de opif. m. p.4 FE, and Hofmann’s too readily adopted observation 
Letter of the Church of Vienne in Eusebius, in his Schriftbew. II. 2, p. 16.—Luther has 
Ὁ: correctly explained the word itself by ad- 

2 5366 Buxtorf, Lex. Talm. Ὁ. 1843, and ewocate, but inconsistently translated it 
generally Wetstein in doc. ; Diisterdieck on Comforter. The Vulgate has paracletum, 
1 John ii, 1, p. 147 ff. the Codd. of It. in some cases the same, in 

3 See especially Knapp, I. p. 115 ff. others advocatum. Goth. has paraklétu.— 


4 Origen, Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. 
Zigabenus, Jerome, Erasmus, Castalio, 
Luther, Maldonatus, Jansen, Lightfoot, and 
several others, including van Hengel, An- 
nott. p. 40 ff. 

5 Certainly it is obvious that the inter- 
preter could not be responsible for this 
confusion which is opposed to the language; 
but for this he is responsible, that he 
should not thrust it upon John, if another 
use of the word, grammatically correct, is 
undoubtedly before us. This in answer to 


Were the word not Advocatus, but the 
active form, it must have been, not παρά- 
κλητος, but παρακλητικός (Plato, Rep. Ὁ. 524 Ὁ). 
Comp. ἐπικλητικός, ἀνακλητικός, and others.— 
The usual designation of counsel in the 
Greek writers is, moreover, σύνδικος Or συνή- 
yopos. On παράκλητος, comp. Hermann, 
Staatsalterth. § 142. 16. 

8 Opuse. Ὁ. 215. 

τ Schriftbew. II. 2, p. 17. 

8 Comp. Worner, d. Verhdlin. d. Geistes 
zum Sohne, Ὁ, 93. 


416 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

given by God in Christ, ¢.e. the truth κατ᾽ ἐξοχήν, is transformed into knowl- 
edge, made to be vitally appropriated, and brought to powerful moral 
expression. Nonnus: Comp. xv. 26, xvi. 15. The oppo- 
site : τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς πλάνης, 1 John iv. 6. 15 κόσμος] The unbelieving, as op- 
posed to Christ and His work. These are unsusceptible to the Spirit, because 
the capacity of inward vision (of experimental perception) of the Spirit is 
wanting to them ; He is to them something unknown and foreign, so that 
they have no subjective point of attachment for receiving Him. Comp. 
1 Cor. 11. 14. — ὑμεῖς δέ, κ.τ.2.1 The presents γινώσκετε and μένει ᾿ are as little 
to be taken as future as the presents in the first clause of the verse. They 
denote the characteristic relation of the disciples to the Spirit without refer- 
ence to definite time. They are absolute presents : but you know Him, since 
He has His abiding amongst you (not far from you, but in your midst, in the 
Christian community), and (the discourse now first enters the point of view 
of definite time) will be in you (in your own hearts). This being the specific 
character of His relationship to you, how should He be an unknown Some- 
thing to you? Let the gradation be observed : rap’ ὑμῖν . . 
the latter, Nonnus : ὁμόστολον ἕσται ὑμῖν, πάντας ἔχον νοερὸν déuov. — Note, 
generally, the Trinitarian relation here and ver. 26, and particularly? the 
definitely expressed personality of the Paraclete.* But in passages, again, 
like i. 33, xx. 22, the presupposition of the personality, whose life and powers 
are communicated, is by no means excluded. 

Ver. 18. Development of the consolatory element in this promised com- 
munication of the Spirit, onwards to ver. 21. — οὐκ ἀφήσω bu. pd.) L will not 
leave you behind, as those who (after my departure) are to be orphans.* The 
expression itself (comp. rexvia, Xiil. 33) is that of the πατρικὴ εὐσπλαγχνία 
(Euth, Zigabenus). — ἔρχομαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς] Without connecting particle (γάρ) 
in the intensity of emotional affection. That Jesus means by this coming, 
4.6. in the connection, coming again (see on iv. 16), not the final historical 
Parousia,® is shown by the whole following context (quite otherwise, ver. 3). 
See, especially, ver. 19, where it is not the world, but the disciples who are 
to see Him, which is as little appropriate to the Parousia as the ἔτι μικρόν ;° 
vv. 20, 21, where spiritual fellowship is spoken of, the knowledge of which 
cannot begin with the Parousia ; and ver. 23, where μονὴν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ ποιησ. 18 
not in harmony with the idea of the Parousia, since in this the disciples take 
up their abode with God (ver. 3, comp. 2 Cor. v. 8), not God with them, 
which takes place through the communication of the Spirit. Most of the 
older expositors refer to the Resurrection of Christ, and to the new wnion 
with the Risen One." But vv. 20, 21, 23, xvi. 16, 22, 23, all point to a higher 


ἀτρεκίης ὀχετηγόν. 


. ἐν ὑμῖν. On 


1 Not : manebit, with the Vulgate, and 
μενεῖ With Ewald. 

2 Against B. Crusius and Tholuck. 

3 See Kostlin, p. 109 ; Hofmann, I. Ὁ. 192 f. : 
Melanchthon, in doc. 

4 Ver. 27; Mark xii. 19; Tob. xi.2; Sir. 
vi. 2.1; Mace. xii. 41; Soph. Aj. 491; Phil. 
484. 

5 Augustine, Beda, Maldonatus, Paulus, 


Luthardt, Hofmann. 

5 Without ground, 1 John ii. 18, Rev. xxii. 
7,12, are appealed to for the setting aside 
of this shortness of time. How much later 
were these passages written than our ἔτι 
μικρόν was spoken | 

7 So Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Zig- 
abenus, Ruperti, Erasmus, Grotius, and 
many others, and again Kaeuffer, Hilgen- 


CHAP. XIV., 19. 41? 
spiritual fellowship,’ as the οὐκ ἀφ. bu. opd. also already presupposes a new 
abiding union. Justly, therefore, have most of the moderns? understood 
the spiritual coming of Christ through the Paraclete, in whom He Himself, only 
in another form of existence, came to the disciples. It is not yet, indeed, the 
consummation of the reunion which takes place at the Parousia : till that 
time the state of orphanage relatively continues : the church seeks its Lord 
(xiii. 33) and waits for Him ; and believers have to regard themselves as ἐκδη- 
μοῦντες ἀπὸ Tov κυρίου (2 Cor. v. 6), whose life in Him with God is not yet 
revealed (Col. iii. 1-4) (in answer to Luthardt). Others explain it in a twofold 
sense, alike of Christ’s Resurrection, and His spiritual return. So Luther, Beza, 
Lampe, Bengel, Kuinoel, de Wette, Briickner, Lange, Ebrard ; in which de 
Wette (as also Hengst.), assigns the first place to the spiritual return. But the 
bodily ἔρχεσθαι is not indicated at all (as, in contrast with the mission of the 
Paraclete, would have been done by an added ἐγὼ αὐτός), and the entire 
promise of the Paraclete, of which the present passage is an integral part, 
transports to a time in which the Resurrection of Christ has long passed. 
And in general the maintenance of a double sense can be justified only by the 
demands of the connection. 


OBSERVATION.—That Jesus, according to John, does not speak at all in express 
terms of His resurrection, but only in allusions like ii. 19, x. 17, 18, is in en- 
tire harmony with the spiritual character of the Gospel, according to which 
the return of the Paraclete was the principal thing on which the hopes of the 
disciples had to fix themselves. From death to the δόξα, out of which Jesus 
had to send the Spirit, the resurrection formed only the transition. But that 
He also cannot have in reality predicted His resurrection with such definite- 
ness as it is related in the Synoptics, is clear from the whole behaviour of the 
disciples before and after the occurrence of the resurrection, so that in this 
point also the preference belongs to the Johannean account. See on Matt. xvi. 
21. 


Wer. 19: "Ere yinp.] 80. ἐστί. Comp. xiii: 33, xvi. 16 ; Heb. x. 37 ; Hos. 1. 
4; Ps. xxxvii. 10. — οὐκέτε θεωρεῖ] Corporeally. Comp. also Acts x. 41. — 
θεωρεῖτε] But you, whilst the world no more beholds me, do behold me, although 
corporeally I am no more present, through the experience of my spiritual 
presence ;* you behold me spiritually, in that you experience my presence 
and my communion with you, in the communication of myself, and in my 
working upon you by means of the Paraclete. The terminus a quo of the 
present tenses, which represent the near future as present, is, indeed, not 


feld, Weiss, and, with a spiritualizing view 
of the resurrection, Ewald. 

1 Which historically took its beginning, 
not with the appearances of the Risen One, 
so enigmatic to the disciples themselves, 
removed and estranged from the old con- 
fidential relations, but first with the out- 
pouring of the Spirit. Thenceforward 
Christ lived in they, and His heart beat in 
them, and out of them He spake. 


2 Liicke, Tholuck, Olshausen, B. Crusius, 
Frommann, Kostlin, Reuss, Maier, Baeum- 
lein, Godet, Scholten, but also already Cal- 
vin and several others. 

8 Not: through the being caught away to 
me at the Parouisa (Luthardt). The οὐκέτι 
ϑεωρεῖ and the ϑεωρεῖτε must certainly be con- 
temporaneous. Invisible for the world (comp. 
vii. 33, 34), Christ is beheld by His own. 


418 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


quite the same in θεωρεῖ and θεωρεῖτε, since the ὁ κόσμος pe οὐκέτι θεωρεῖ already 
begins with the death of Jesus, but the ὑμεῖς δὲ Gewp. μὲ first after His return 
to the Father ; this distinction, however, disappears before the Johannean 
. view of the death of Jesus as a departure to God. — ὅτε ἐγὼ ζῶ, x. bu. ζήσεσθε] 
Not : because ἢ live, you also will live (Nonnus, Beza, Godet), but, correspond- 
ing to the progress of the discourse (comp. ver. 17), astatement of the reason 
of what precedes : because live, and ye shalllive. [Note XLIV. p. 426.] Note 
the change from the present to the future, and that ζῶ and ζήσεσθε cannot with- 
out arbitrariness be taken as essentially different in idea, but that ζῶ manifest- 
ly, since it exists without interruption (present), denotes the higher life of 
Christ independent of death, of Christ, who, by His departure to the Father, 
becomes a partaker of the heavenly glory. Christ lives, for He is, indeed, Him- 
self the Possessor and bearer of the true ζωή (comp. v. 36). Death, which 
translates Him into the glory of the Father, by no means breaks off this true 
and higher life of His (although His life ἐν σαρκί ceases), but is only the 
medium of the consummation and transfiguration of this His living into the 
everlasting heavenly ζωή and δόξα (comp. Col. iii. 8, 4). Out of this con- 
sciousness the Lord here utters the words : ἐγὼ ζῷώ. And He adds thereto :. 
καὶ ὑμεῖς ζήσεσθε : and you shall live, i.e. you shall be partakers (in its tem- 
poral development on to its glorious consummation) of the same higher life, 

liable to no death (xi. 26), under the life-giving (vi. 33) influence of the 
Spirit. ‘‘Stat enim illud fixum, nullam fore ejus vitam membris mortuis,” 
Calvin. Thus the life is in both essentially alike, only with the difference, 

that it is original in Jesus, and with his approaching departure is already at 
its glorious consummation ; but in the case of the disciples, being imparted 
by Christ in the Holy Spirit, who is the πνεῦμα τῆς ζωῆς (Rom. viii. 2), it is 
first to be unfolded within (before the Parousia, as the living fellowship 
with the exalted Christ), in order to become, at the Parousia through the 
resurrection (Rom. viii. 11) and relative transformation (1 Cor. xv. 51, 52), 

the participation in His glory. Comp. the idea of the συζῆν τῷ Χριστῷ in 
Paul, Rom. vi. 8 ; 2 Cor. vii. 3; 2 Tim. ii. 11. The ground of the proof 
(ὅτι) lies simply in this, that the above twofold ζῆν is the necessary condi- 
tion of the promised θεωρεῖτέ we. If the higher ζωή belonged only to Christ, 

and not also thereafter (through the working of the Spirit) to the disciples, 

there could be no mention of a beholding of the Lord on the part of the dis- 
ciples. The paritas rationis for the mutual relation would be wanting, and 
thereby the disciples would lose the capacity (the eye, as it were) to see 

Christ. But thus the living behold the Living One. The reference to the resur- 

rection of Jesus has led to interpretations like that of Grotius (comp. Euth. 

Zigabenus) : you shall see me actually alive (‘‘non spectrum”) and remain- 

ing im life amidst the impending dangers ; or (so Theophylact, comp. 

Kuinoel) : I shall, as having risen, be alive, and you shall be as newly made 
alive for joy! or : I rise again, and you shall (at the last day) arise (so 

Augustine). Again the interpretation of ζήσεσθε in Weiss’ of the new life, 

which arises in the disciples through the reappearance of the Risen One, who 


1 Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 70. 


CHAP XIY., 20-22. 419 


is recognized by them (as in the case of Thomas, xx. 28), is a forced expedi- 
ent, proceeding from an erroneous assumption, inappropriate to ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ 
ἡμέρᾳ, Ver. 20, which is definite and valid for all disciples, and to the inti- 
mate reciprocal confidence of vv. 20, 21; whence Weiss again, adding 
violence to violence, explains ver. 21 of the further unfolding of the new 
communion begun with the appearances of the Risen One (p. 276). Under- 
stood of the resurrection, the simplest explanation would be that of Kaeuffer, 
p. 136: ‘‘quae instat fortunae vicissitudo nec me nec vos poterit pessum- 
dare !” but the thought becomes trivial, and the change of the tense mean- 
ingless. But if, according to the above, both ζῷ and ζήσεσθε must embrace 
time and eternity, then de Wette has incorrectly limited ζήσεσθε to the life 
of faith with its joyous victory over death and the fear of death. Luthardt, 
on the other hand, erroneously restricts it to the life of transfiguration 
after the Parousia, on the ground that ἐγὼ ζῶ can only denote the glorified 
life,—an unsupported assumption, since the expression is not ἐγὼ ζήσομαι. 
Vv. 20, 21. On that day ;" in the historical fulfilment this was the day of 
Pentecost. Not : at that time (de Wette), or, as Hengstenberg changes it : 
in the period of time, beginning with the day of the resurrection (comp. 
Weiss) ; for a definite fact, marked off in point of time, is treated of, and 
this is the advent of Christ in the Paraclete. Comp. xvi. 28. — γνώσεσθε, 
«.7.4.] This dynamic immanence of Christ inthe Father (see on x. 38), which 
exists even in His state of exaltation (Col. iii. 3), like the analogous recip- 
rocal relation between Him and the disciples, by which they live and move 
in Him and He in them (Gal. ii. 20), was to become for them a matter of 
experimental acquaintance through the Spirit. — Ver. 21. General moral 
condition of this promised γνώσεσθε. Comp. ver. 15. —6é ἔχων, κ.τ.}.1 Au- 
gustine : ‘‘ qui habet in memoria et servat in vita.” The ἔχειν, however, is 
rather the internal possession of the commandments, obtained by faith, the 
appropriated living presence of them in the believing consciousness, as the 
consequence of the ἀκούειν. Comp. v. 38. — ἐκεῖνός ἐστιν] with great and ex- 
clusive emphasis. —In ἀγαπηθήσ. and ἀγαπήσω lies the peculiar mutual love. — 





καὶ ἐγὼ ayar.| ὡς ἀμφοτέρων τὰ αὐτὰ θελόντων κ. ἀποδεχομένων, Euth, Zigabenus. 
— ἐμφανίσω αὐτῷ ἐμαυτόν] corresponds to the γνώσεσθε, which was to commence 
through this very causing of Himself to appear in virtue of the communica- 
tion of the Spirit.?. The expression is such, that it sets forth the relation of 
the self-demonstration of the Lord to His individual loving ones, not His 
manifestation at the Parousia, which certainly will be glorious and univer- 
sal (in answer to Luthardt). Those who explain it of the resurrection of 
Christ understand the appearances of the Risen One to be referred to, 1 Cor. 
xvi" 

Ver. 22. Judas (Thaddaeus or Lebbaeus, Matt. x. 3; not, however, a 
brother of the Lord, Acts i. 13, 14, but son of one James, Luke vi. 16)* ex- 


1 Tuthardt, according to his view of the 2 On ἐμφαν.. comp. Ex. xxxiii. 13, 18; Sap. 
entire passage, must understand the day of i. 2; Matt. xxvii. 53. 
the Parousia, whereby he assigns to γνώ- 3 Grotius, Hilgenfeld, and many others. 
σεσϑε the moment of the completed knowl- 4 Nonnus correctly remarks: vids *lako- 


edge. Bovo, κ. ov ϑρασὺς ᾿Ισκαριώτης. 


420 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
pects a bodily appearance of Christ in Messianic glory, has in this view mis- 
understood Jesus, and is therefore surprised that He has spoken of His ἐμφα- 
vitew ἑαυτόν aS having reference only to the man who loves Him, and not 
also to the world of the unbelieving, on whom the Messiah when He appeared 
was in truth to execute judgment. — ri γέγονεν] What has come to pass, in 
respect to the fact that, etc.? What occurrence has determined Thee, etc. ὁ ὦ 
The foregoing καί as in ix. 36. — The addition οὐχ ὁ Ἴσκαρ. was indeed, after 
xiii. 30, quite superfluous, but is to be explained as an involuntary outflow 
of the deep loathing felt toward the traitor of like name. The latter is not 
to be thought of as again present (Bengel). 

Vv. 23, 24. Jesus repeats—and that was sufficient for the removal of such 
a misunderstanding—substantially, yet now at once placing love as the 
principal matter in the immediate foreground, the condition to which His 
self-revelation, ver. 22, is attached, by more closely defining it in its divine 
and blessed mode of existence ; and shows from this, and from the anti- 
thesis added in ver. 24, that the xéouoc—this κόσμος which hates Him and is 
disobedient to Him—is quite incapable of receiving that self-revelation. 
The more precise explanation, πρὸς air. ἐλευσόμ. Kk. μονὴν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ ποιησόμεθα, 
is intended to make this very incapacity still more distinctly and deeply 
felt. At the foundation of the expression lies the theocratic idea, realized in 
this spiritual fellowship, of the dwelling of God amongst His people,* with 
which also the later representation of the dwelling of the Shekinah with the 
pious* is connected. This representation, however, is not to be assumed 
here, since Jesus means an invisible presence. In the plural of commanion, 
ἐλευσόμεθα is the clear expression of the theanthropic consciousness, x. 80. — 
On the genuinely Greck expression μονὴν ποιεῖν, see Kypke, I. p. 404. The 
Middle (see critical notes) : we will make to ourselves. — rap’ αὐτῷ] The unio 
mystica, into which God and Christ thus enter with man through the Para- 
clete,* is presented in the sensuous form of the taking up an abode with Him 
(comp. vv. 17, 25), 2.6. in His dwelling (comp. i. 40, Acts xxi. 8, et al.), 
under His roof. They come, like wanderers from their heavenly home (ver. 
2), and lodge with Him, ‘‘ will be daily His guests, yea, house and table com- 
panions,” Luther. — The λόγοι, discourses, are the individual parts of the 
collective λόγος, and the ἐντολαί are its preceptive parts, and form, therefore, 
a more special conception than the λόγοι. ---- καὶ ὁ λόγος ὃν ἀκούετε, K.T.A.] and 
—from this you may infer how unfitted such a man is to experience that 
visitation—the word which ye hear (now, still !), ete. Comp. vii. 16, viii. 28, 
xii. 49, 50, iii. 834. He therefore rejects God Himself. The second person 
(ἀκούετε) is individualizing (not to be limited to what was said in vv. 23, 24, 
as Godet takes it), and makes the expression at the close of this portion of 
the address more lively. 

Vv. 25, 26. We are to suppose a pause before ver. 25 ; Jesus looks back 





1 See Kypke, I. p. 403 f. 4Not: ‘Sin the divine elevation above 
2 Ex. xxv. 8, xxix. 45; Lev. xxvi. 11, 12; space and time” (Weiss, Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 276), 
Ezek. xxxvii. 26 ff. which introduces here a speculative idea 


3 Danz in Meuschen, NV. 7. ex Talim. ill. Ὁ. remote from the meaning. 
101 ff. 


GHAR, "XIViy 2 ἧς: 421 


upon all that He has hitherto said to them at His farewell supper, and of 
which so much still remained to them enigmatical, and continues : ‘‘ These 
things have I spoken to you, whilst I (still) tarry with you ; but the Paraclete 
who, after my impending separation from you, will have come to you from 
the Father, He will further instruct you,” etc. — ἐν τῷ ὀνόμ. pov] Specitic 
limitation of the act of sending. God sends the Spirit in the name of Jesus, 
7.€. 50 that what the name Jesus Christ comprises in itself, forms the sphere 
in which the divine thought, counsel, and will lives, and is active in the 
fending. Comp. on ver. 13. The name of Jesus is the only name>which 
includes in itself the eternal salvation of men (Acts iv. 12) ; but God intends 
and designs, in the mission of the Spirit—of which the caswa meritoria lies 
in this name, and its actual manifestation is connected with the glorifi- 
cation of Jesus (viii. 39)—nothing else than this Name, the complete saving 
knowledge of which, its confession, influence, glorification, etc., is to be 
brought about and advanced through the mission of the Spirit, as in general, 
all that He has done in the carrying out of His redemptive counsel, He has 
done ἐν Χριστῷ, Eph. i. 3 ff. The notion: at my request (comp. Godet : 
‘in meam gratiam”), is not contained in the words, although, according to 
ver. 14, the prayer of Jesus precedes (in answer to Liicke, de Wette, Ebrard, 
Godet, and several others). Better, but only an approximation, and want- 
ing in precision, is the interpretation of B. Crusius : in my affair, and of 
Melanchthon and several others : propter me. The rendering, in my stead," 
is not appropriate, since, according to it, the Spirit would not appear as the 
Representative of Christ (comp. v. 43), but God, as in Christ’s stead, execut- 
ing the mission—which would be absurd. It should in that case run : 
ὃ ἐλεύσεται παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί μου, comp. xvi. 7. —In the ministry 
of the Spirit ὑμᾶς διδάξει πάντα is the general feature : He will not leave you 
uninstructed respecting any portion of the divine truth (comp. xvi. 13) : to 
this the particular is then joined : καὶ ὑπομνήσει, x.7.2. : and (and especially) 
will He bring to your recollection, etc. ΤῸ the first belong also new portions 
of doctrine, not yet delivered by Jesus (see on xvi. 12), also disclosures of 
the future (xvi. 13). On ὑπομνήσει, k.7.A.,. comp. é.g. 11. 22, xii. 16. ἃ εἶπον 
ὑμῖν might also be referred to διδάξει πάντα," but xvi. 12, 13 justifies the 
ordinary reference, which also logically at once suggests itself, merely to the 
second πάντα, and nevertheless excludes the misuse of the present passage 
in favour of Catholic tradition (see on xvi. 12), as well as of the revelations 
of fanaticism. Of the actual fulfilment of the entire promise, the apostolic 
discourses and letters supply the full proof. — eizov] Not merely now, but 
generally, as the context, by the first πάντα, demands. 

Ver. 27. ‘These are last words, as of one who is about to go away and 
says good-night, or gives his blessing,” Luther. — εἰρῴνην ἀφίημι ὑμῖν] The 
whole position of affairs, as Jesus is on the point of concluding these His 
last discourses (ver. 31), as well as the characteristic word εἰρήνη, introduced 
without further preface, justifies the ordinary assumption that here there is 


1 Euth. Zigabenus and others, including 2 Luther, Melanchthon, Grotius, Calovius, 
Tholuck, Bacumlein, Ewald, Weiss. and others. 


422 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


an allusion to the Oriental greetings at partings and dismissals, in which 
Div (i.e. not specially : Peace of soul, but generally : Prosperity) was 
wished. Comp. 1 Sam. i. 17, xx. 42, xxix. 5; Mark v. 34 ; Luke vii. 50, 
viii. 48 ; Acts xvi. 36 ; Jas. ii. 16 ; also the Syrian pacem dedit, in the sense 
of valedizit in Assem. Bibl. I. p. 376 ; and finally, the epistolary farewell- 
greeting, Eph. vi. 23; 1 Pet. v.14; 3 John 15. That which men were 
wont to wish at departure, namely, prosperity, Jesus is conscious of leaving 
behind, and of giving to His disciples, and that in the best and highest sense, 
namely, the entire prosperity of His redemptive work, ‘‘ fore ejus benedictione 
semper felices” (Calvin), in which, however, the peace of reconciliation with 
God (Rom. v. 1), as the first essential element, is also included. To assume 
(with Liicke) in the expression a reference, at the same time, to the O. T. 
peace-assuring and encouraging address 02? iow (Gen. xlili. 23 ; Judg. 
vi. 23, ef al.), is less in harmony with the departing scene, and the remote μὴ 
ταρασσέσθω, K.7.A., as well as with the expression of this consolatory address. — 
eip. τ. ἐμὴν did. ὑμ.] More precise designation of what has preceded. It is 
His, the peculiar prosperity proceeding from Him, which He gives to them 
as His bequest. Thus speaks He to His own, who, on the threshold of 
death, is leaving hereditary possessions : ‘‘I leave behind, I give,” in the 
consciousness that this will be accomplished by His death. So also Jesus, 
whose δίδωμι is to be understood neither as promitto (Kuinoel), nor even to 
be conceived as first taking place through the Paraclete (who rather brings 
about only the appropriation of the salvation given in the death of Jesus).— 
Not as the world gives, give 1 τὸ you ! Nothing isto be supplied. My giving 
to you is of quite another kind than the giving of the (unbelieving) world ; 
its giving bestows treasure, pleasure, honour, and the like, is therefore un- 
satisfying, bringing no permanent good, no genuine prosperity, etc.* Quite out 
of relation to the profound seriousness of the moment, and therefore irrele- 
vant, is the reference to the usual empty formulas of salutation (Grotius, 
Kling, Godet). — μὴ ταρασσέσθω, x.7.2.] ‘‘ Thus does He conclude exactly as 
He first (ver. 1) began this discourse,” Luther. The short asyndetic (sup- 
ply in thought οὖν) sentences correspond to the deep emotion. — δειλεάω 
(Diod. xx. 78) here only in the N. T., frequently in the LXX., which, on 
the other hand, has not the classical (δοκιμώτερον, Thomas Magister) ἀποδει- 
Ado. 

Ver. 28. Instead of being terrified and alarmed, you should rejoice, that 
1, ete. ἠκούσατε, κ.τ.2. (ver. 18) prepares for this. —ei ἠγαπ. με] intended 
by Jesus to be understood in its ideal sense, of true, complete love, which 
consists simply and solely in entire self-surrender to Him, so that all other 
interests are subordinated to it. —érc ὁ πατήρ pov μείζων μου ἐστί] Statement 
of the reason for the joy which they would have felt (ἐχάρητε) : since my 
Father is greater, as generally, so particularly, more powerful (comp. ver. 12, 
viii. 53, x. 29; 1 John iv. 4) than I; since I, consequently, through my 
departure to Him, shall be elevated in the higher fellowship with Him, to 


1 Hengstenberg introduces quite groundlessly a reference to the ϑλῖψις which the world 
gives, according to xvi. 33. 


GHAP. RIV. 29; 


Sar greater power and efficiency for my aims, for victory over the world, etc. 
Comp. Melanchthon. In this gain, which is awaiting me, how should not 
he rejoice who loves me? Ofhers find the motive to joy indicated by Christ 
in the glory and blessedness which awaits Him with the Father.’ But thus 
the motive would lie only in the departure to the Father generally (with 
which the attainment of the δόξα was necessarily associated), not to the Fa- 
ther’s superior greatness, irrespectively of the fact, that on this view the 
reference which Jesus would be giving to the love of the disciples would 
contain something selfish. Others make the occasion of joy lie in the 
more powerful protection which the μείζων πατήρ would assure to the disciples, 
beyond what He, during His presence on earth, was able to do. But this does 
not apply to the condition of love to the person of Jesus, which this explana- 
tion transforms rather into love towards His work. Others, as Luther, Beza, 
Grotius, Bengel, Lampe, mingle together in the determination of the cause 
of joy, the interest of Christ and of the disciples ; comp. Calvin : ‘‘ quia 
haec ultima est meta, ad quam tendere vos oportet.”’ — The μειζονότης of the 
Father (formerly the point of controversy with the Arians, see Suicer, Thes. 
IL. p. 1868) does not rest in the pre-eminence of the wnbegotten over the be- 
gotten,* for which special expedient the text offers no occasion whatever, nor 
again in the temporal humiliation of Christ,* since God is also greater than 
the exalted Christ,° as He was also greater than the pre-existent Logos (i. 1-- 
3); but in the absolute monotheism of Jesus (xvii. 3) and of the whole N. T. 
(see on Rom. ix. 5), according to which the Son, although of divine essence, ὅ 
and ὁμοούσιος with the Father,’ nevertheless was, and is, and remains subor- 
dinated to the Father, the immutably Highest One, since the Son, as Organ, 
as Commissioner of the Father, as Intercessor with Him, etc., has received 
His whole power, even in the kingly office, from the Father (xvii. 5), and, 
after the complete accomplishment of the work committed to Him, will re- 
store it to the Father (1 Cor. xv. 28). The remark of Hengstenberg is 
incorrect : Only such a pre-eminence of greatness on the part of the Father 
can be intended, as came to an end with the departure of Christ to the 
Father. 

Ver. 29. And now, even now, when my departure is approaching, 7 have 
said it to you, namely, ὅτι πορεύομαι πρὸς τ. π΄) ver. 28, not what was said in 
ver. 26, as Liicke thinks. — ὅταν γένηται] eum factum fuerit, namely, through 
my death ; comp. xiii. 19. — πιστεύσητε] Not absolutely, so as simply to ex- 
press what is more precisely defined in xiii. 19 by ὅτι ἐγώ εἰμι 5 but : that 


1So Cyril (τὴν ἰδίαν δόξαν ἀναληψόμενος), 
and several, including Tholuck, Olshausen, 


many others, including de Wette, Tholuck, 
and Luthardt. 


Kling, Ké6stlin, Maier, Hilgenfeld, Heng- 
stenberg, Baeumlein, comp. Godet. 

2 Theophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, and sey- 
eral others, including Kuinoel, Liicke, de 
Wette. 

3 Athanasius, Faustinus, Gregory Nazian- 
zus, Hilarius, Euth. Zigabenus, and many 
others, including again Olshausen. 

Cyril, Augustine, Ammonius, Luther, 
Melanchthon, Calvin, Beza, Aretius, and 


5 See ver. 16, ἐρωτήσω, xvii. 5; 1 Cor. xy. 
27, 28; Phil. ii. 9-11; 1 Cor. iii. 28, xi. ὃ, and 
generally throughout the N. T. 

6 This forms the previous assumption of 
the declaration, which otherwise would be 
without meaning and relevancy. Comp. on 
x. 30. In truth, from the mouth of an or- 
dinary human being it would be an utter- 
ance of folly. 

7J.1; Phil. ii. 6; Col. i. 15-18, ed a. 


424: THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


you may believe it, namely, that I have gone to the Father. Comp. πιστεύετέ 
μοι, ver. 11. The point for the departing Lord was, that when His ap- 
proaching death should take place, the disciples should have the true be- 
lieving apprehension of it, namely, as His departure to the Father. 

Ver. 80. Οὐκέτι πολλά, x.7.A.] ‘ Quasi dicat : temporis angustiae abripiunt 
verda,” Grotius. — For the prince of the world (see on xii. 31) 7s coming (is 
already drawing near). Jesus sees the devil himself in the organs and ex- 
ecutors of his design (xiii. 2, 27, vi. 70; Luke iv. 19). --- τοῦ κόσμου] is here 
emphatically placed first in antithesis to ἐν ἐμοί. ---- καὶ ἐν ἐμοὶ οὐκ ἔχει οὐδέν] 
and in me (antithesis of the κόσμος, xvii. 16) he possesses nothing, namely, as 
pertaining to his dominion, which more minute statement flows from the 
conception of the ἄρχων ; hence neither ποιεῖν (Kuinoel), nor μέρος (Nonnus), 
nor ‘‘ of which he could accuse me before God ” (Ewald), is to be supplied ; 
nor again is the simple sense of the words to be transformed into ‘‘he has 
no claim on me” (Tholuck, Hofmann, and several others) ; comp. Luther : 
‘‘cause and right.” In any case, Christ expresses the full moral freedom 
with which He subjects Himself to death (x. 18). The sénlessness, which 
Cyril, Augustine (‘‘in me non habet quicquam, nullwm omnino secilicet pee- 
catum”), Euth. Zigabenus, Cornelius ἃ Lapide, and many others, including 
Olshausen, here find expressed, certainly lies at the foundation as a neces- 
sary causal condition, since only provided that Jesus were sinless, could 
the devil have in Him nothing that was his, but is not directly expressed. 
That He has already overcome the world (xvi. 33) is not the reason (Liicke), 
but the consequence of His freedom from the prince of the world. — The 
καί is not : but (Ebrard, Godet) ; for the antithesis first follows with ἀλλά. 
Therefore : he comes, and is powerless over me (wherefore I needed not to 
surrender myself to him), but, nevertheless, that, etc., ver. 31. 

Ver. 31. That the world may know, etc. (as far as οὕτω ποιῶ), rise (from 
table), let us go hence! In order to bring the world to the knowledge of 
my love and my obedience to the Father (‘‘ut mundus desinat mundus esse 
et patris in me beneplacitum agnoscat salutariter,” Bengel), let us away 
from here, and go to meet the diabolical power, before which I must now 
fall according to God’s counsel |! The apodosis does not begin so early as 
καὶ καθώς (Grotius, Kuinoel, Paulus), in which case καί would mean also, and 
a reflection less appropriate to the mood of deep emotion would result. If 
a full point be placed after ποιῶ," which, however, renders the sentence 
heavy, and makes what follows to stand too abruptly, then after ἀλλ᾽ a 
simple ἔρχεται would have to be supplied. Comp. xv. 25. — After the sum- 
mons ἐγείρεσθε, k.T.A., we are to think of the company at table as having 
risen. But Jesus, so full of that which, in view of the separation ever draw- 
ing nearer, He desired to impress on the heart of the disciples, and en- 
chained by His love for them, takes up the word anew, and standing, con- 
tinues to address chap. xv. and xvi. to the risen disciples, and then follows 
the prayer of chap. xvii., after which follows the actual departure, xviii. 1. 
This view appears to be correct from this, that John, without any indica- 


1 Bengel, Lachmann, Tischendorf, Ewald. 2 Knapp, Liicke, Tholuck, Olshausen, 


NOTES. 425 
tion of a change of place, connects xv. 1 immediately with xiv. 81; while, 
that the following discourses, and especially the prayer, were uttered on the 
away,1is neither in any way indicated, nor reconcilable with xviii. 1, nor 
psychologically probable. A pure importation, further, is the opinion of 
Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, Erasmus, and several others, 
that Christ, xiv. 31, went with the disciples to a more secluded and safer 
place, where He (‘‘sur la pente couverte de vignes, qui descend dans la 
vallée du Cédron,” Godet) delivered chap. xv., xvi., xvii.; so also is 
Bengel’s harmonistic device, which Wichelhaus has adopted, that the local- 
ity of the discourse from xiii. 31° to xiv. 31 had been outside the city, but 
that now He set forth to go to Jerusalem for the passover.* Others, while 
de Wette abides by the hypothesis of an Aiatus between chap. xiv. and xv., 
the reason of which remains unknown, have sought to make use of the 
ἐγείρεσθε, ἄγωμεν, Matt. xxvi. 46, Mark xiv. 42, in spite of the quite different 
historical connection in Matthew and Mark, in order to charge the author 
with a clumsy attempt to interweave that reminiscence in his narrative 
(Strauss, Scholten) ; in opposition to which Weisse, with equal arbitrariness 
and injustice, accuses the supposed editor of the Gospel with having placed 
in juxtaposition, without any link of connection, two Johannean composi- 
tions, of which the one closed with xiv. 31, and the other began with xv. 
1. Baur and Hilgenfeld, indeed, make the synoptic words, divested of their 
more definite historical justification, stand here only asa sign of pause. The 
Johannean words, and those in the Synoptics uttered in Gethsemane, have 
nothing to do with one another ; but the apparent incongruity with the 
present passage speaks, in fact, in favour of the personal testimony of the 
reporter, before whose eyes the whole scene vividly presented itself. Comp. 
Bleek’s Beitr. p. 239. 


ΝΟΤΕΒ py American Eprror. 


XLII. ‘‘ Believe in God.’’ Ver. 1. 


With Meyer aiso Weiss concurs (along with many others) in rendering the two 
verbs here both in the imperative, against our Received Version, which the Revi- 
sion follows. That the imperative construction of both is the true one seems to 
me almost certain. It suits better the turn of thought indicated and introduced 
by the preceding imperative (μὴ ταρασσέσθω), and harmonizes with the direct and 
simple manner in which the Saviour would be likely to address the disciples. 
They did, indeed, believe in God, as they also believed in Him, but their faith 
in both would well admit, as it also required, a deepening into that fuller and 
practical trust to which the Lord exhorts them, Dr. Schaff well says (Lange 


Klee, Winer, Luthardt, Ewald, Briickner, 
Bleek, following the older expositors, also 
Gerhard, Calovius, and Maldonatus. 

1 Ammonius, Hilarius, Beza, Luther, Are- 
tius, Grotius, Wetstein, Lampe, Rosenmiil- 
ler, Lange, Ebrard. 

2 Bengel on xiii. 31: ‘‘Aéyec: dicit postri- 
die, nempe mane, feria VY.” 


380 also again Rope, @ Mahl des Fuss- 
wasch., Wamb. 1856, p 25 f., who, following 
Bynaeus, assumes that in ἐγείρεσϑε, κτλ. 
is contained the setting forth from Bethany 
for Jerusalem, and that chap. xv.-xvii. were 
then spoken at the paschal meal on the 14th 
Nisan, in reference to the institution of the 
Supper. 


426 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


in loco): Reading ‘‘ πιστευετε both times imperatively agrees best with the: 
preceding imperative, and with the fresh, direct, hortatory character of the ad- 
dress. The other interpretations introduce a reflective tone. Our Lord ex- 
_horts and encourages the disciples to dismiss all trouble from their hearts, to 
exercise full trust and confidence (πιστεύετε emphatically first and last) in 
God, who has in reserve for them many mansions in heaven, and conse- 
quently also to trust in Christ, who is one with the Father, and is going to pre- 
pare a place for them : faith in God and faith in Christ are inseparable (hence 
εἰς ἐμέ is placed before the second πιστεύετε), and the glorification of the Son is 
the glorification of the Father in the Son . . . There is here no addition of 
faith in Christ to faith in God (as Olshausen objects), nor a transfer of our 
trust from its proper object to another, but simply the concentration of our 
trust in the unseen God—who out of Christ is a mere abstraction—upon the 
incarnate Son, in whom this trust becomes real and effective.” 


XLII. ‘In my Father's house.” Ver. 2. 


According to Meyer this is not heaven in general, ‘‘ but the peculiar dwelling- 
place of the divine glory in heaven.’’ Weiss dissents, maintaining that 
‘«heaven is 60 ipso the dwelling-place of God,” and that Meyer’s distinction is 
unfounded and arbitrary. 


XLIV. ‘ Because I live and ye shall live.’ Ver. 19. 


So Meyer and his German editor Weiss agree, along with many others, against 
the common rendering (retained by the revisers), ‘‘ Because I live, ye shall live 
also.’’ The two renderings are grammatically equally possible. They object 
to the latter rendering that it does not assign any logical reason for the 
θεωρεῖτέ με Which it apparently conditions. Still it may indirectly, though not 
directly, assign such a reason. The thought might run; ‘In the life which I 
live, triumphing over my impending death, ye shall have a moral and spiritual 
life, culminating finally in a spiritual and glorified corporeal life, in both of ; 
which you shall thus have that union with and vision of me which the world in 
its moral deadness will be unable to attain.” 

Still, Meyer’s construction I think more probable : ‘‘ Because I live and ye 
shall live,” thus giving the double condition under which the beholding of Him 
is possible. ‘The world beholdeth me no more’’ (evidently a bodily behold- 
ing). Icompletely vanish from its gaze. ‘‘ But ye behold me,” because I survive 
death. My life will not be buried inthe grave. This is one condition of their 
beholding Him. The other condition is that they also will live. But here the 
meaning of live obviously changes. His life is the divine-human, theanthropic 
life, over which death has no power. The life of the disciples is not their con- 
tinued existence : this they will share with the morally dead world. It is the 
spiritual life which the Spirit of the living Christ will impart to them, by which 
they will behold Him both corporeally—even for this the carnal world is utterly 
unprepared —and spiritually through moral communion, So, substantially, 
Weiss. Butitis difficult to believe that this exhausts the Saviour’s meaning. 
His starting point is indeed onthe earth. The disciples, after His resurrection, 
will have a vision of Him of which the world will beincapable. Yet the thought 
surely goes beyond that. He lives (the Present, ζῶ, because His life is at bottom 


NOTES. 427 


changeless and eternal) a life which not only survives His death, but runs 
through the endless future. They too will live here in a spiritual life, which 
gives them here the vision and partial communion of their Lord, but by and 
by also in a glorified resurrection-body, in which their life will be consummated 
and their beholding of Him attain perfection. Such, with Meyer and partially 
against Weiss, I believe to be the thought. 


428 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


CHAPTER XV. 


Ver. 4. Tisch, has the forms μένῃ and μένητε ; similarly, ver. 6, μένῃ. Lachm. 
also has the latter and μένητε, ver. 4. Considering the divided state of the 
evidence (A. B. 8. in particular agree in favor of μεν.), no decision can be 
come to. — Ver. 6. τὸ πῦρ] Elz. Lachm. have merely πῦρ, against preponder- 
ating testimony. In the passage of similar meaning, Matt. iii. 10, vii. 19, 
Luke 111. 9, there is likewise no article found, which, consequently, was 
more readily omitted than added. — Ver. 7. aitjcecfe] A. B. D. L. M. X. Curss. 
Verss. Chrys.: αἰτήσασθε. Recommended by Griesb., adopted by Lachm. and 
Tisch. This preponderant attestation, the reference of the word to the fut., 
and the immediate proximity of the future tense, decide in favour of the genu- 
ineness of the aorist. — Ver. 8. γενήσεσθε} Rinck and Lachm.: γένησθε. The 
witnesses are greatly divided. But the conjunctive is a correction after φέρητε. 
— Ver. 11. μείνῃ] A. B. D. Curss. It. Vulg. et al.: ἡ. Recommended by Griesb , 
adopted by Lachm. Rightly ; after the previous frequent recurrence of the 
verb μένω, μείνῃ very readily and involuntarily arose here out of the last syl- 
lable of YMIN and the following 7.— Ver. 13. The deletion of τις (Tisch.) is 
too weakly supported. It came to be passed over as superfluous. — Ver. 
14. \dca] D. L. Χ. δὲ. : & So Lachm. Tisch. The singular ὅ 15 found in B, 
Codd. of It. Goth. Aeth. Cypr. Lucif. The witnesses-alone are decisive, and 
that for the plural, more precisely for ¢.— Ver. 15. The order λέγω ὑμᾶς 
(Lachm. Tisch.) is accredited by preponderating evidence. — Ver. 21. ὑμῖν] 
Lachm. and Tisch.: εἰς ὑμᾶς, after B. D.* L. 8.** 1, 33, Verss. Chrys. Rightly ; 
the more current and customary dative flowed of itself from the copyists’ pens, 
as it was also added in xvi. 3. — Ver. 22. elyov] Here and in ver. 24 Lachm. 
and Tisch. have the Alexandrine form εἴχοσαν, according to B. L. I.** 8. 1, 33, 
Or. Cyr. Not to be adopted, since this form appears certain only in Rom, 
111. 13, in a citation from the O. T. (édoA.otcav), while here the evidence is not 
sufficiently strong (not found even in A.). Buttmann, in the Stud. ει. Krit. 
1858, p. 491 f., supposes that εἴχοσαν arose from the original εἶχον av. Yet of 
av no further trace is found in the critical witnesses, and its (rhetorical) omis- 
sion (see Buttmann, /.c. p. 489) is quite free from doubt. — Ver. 24. πεποίηκεν 
A. B. Ὁ. J. K. L. X. Π. δὰ. Curss. Chrys.: ἐποίησεν. So Lachm. Tisch. The 
testimony in favour of this reading is decisive. 


Ver. 1. Since the image is introduced altogether without any suggesting 
object, it is natural to assume some external occasion for it, which John 
has not related.*/ That which most obviously suggests itself is the look at 
the cup of wine (comp. Matt. xxvi, 29: τὸ γέννημα τοῦ ἀμπέλου), which pre- 


1 Almost throughout the entire chapter wanting, and this is in keeping with deeply 
(as far as ver. 18) the particles of connec- stirred and intense emotion. 
tion between the individual utterances are 


CHAP. XV;; 2. 429 


cisely at this supper had assumed so great significance.’ [See Note XLI. p. 
403.] Had Jesus spoken what follows on the way (see on xiv. 31), or even, 
as G. Hier. Rosenmiiller? supposed, in the temple, then in the former case 
the walk through vineyards (comp. especially Lange, who assumes the ex- 
istence of garden-fires by night, and Godet), and in the latter case the gold- 
en vine at the gate of the temple,* might be supposed to present a suitable 
occasion. Itis more arbitrary to suppose (Knapp, Tholuck) a vine whose ten- 
drils had crept into the room (comp. Ps. cxxvili. 3), or: that there was at 
full moon a view of the vineyards from the room (Storr), or of the golden 
vine of the temple (Lampe). Most arbitrary of all is the supposition that 
John may have placed the similitude, in itself genuine, here in the wrong 
place (de Wette). Ifthe thought of the cup at the meal just concluded did 
not so spontaneously suggest itself, it would be safer, with Liicke and B. 
Crusius, to assume no external occasion at all, since the figure itself was so 
frequent in the O. T.;* and therefore (comp. Matt. xxi. 33 ff.) the disciples 
who were standing around Him could immediately, and of themselves, sce 
Jesus set forth under this venerable figure.® — ἡ ἀληθινή] genuine, real, i.e. con- 
taining the reality of the idea, [See Note XLVI. p. 441] which is figura- 
tively set forth in the natural vine (comp. oni. 9, vi. 35), not in antithesis 
to the unfruiiful vine, i.e. the degenerate people of Israel (Ebrard, Heng- 
stenberg), which is here remote, since the Lord is designating Himself as 
ἄμπελος, not His ἐκκλησία (this regarded asin antithesis to the Jewish). Christ 
is the Vine in relation to His believing ones (the branches), whose organic 
connection with Him is the constant, fruitful, and most inward fellowship 
of life. Quite similar as to the thing is the Pauline figure of the head and 
the members.® The vine-dresser’ is God ; for He has sent Christ, and estab- 
lished the fellowship of believers with Him (vi. 37, e¢ al.), and tends it in 
virtut of His working through Christ’s word, and (after His departure) 
through the power of the Holy Spirit. 

Ver. 2. As on the natural vine there are fruitful and unfruitful branches, 
i.e. tendrils,® so there are in the fellowship of Christ such as evince their faith 
by deed as faith’s fruit, and those with whom this is not the case. — 
The latter, who are not, with Hengstenberg, to be taken for the unbelieving 
Jews (as is already clear from ἐν ἐμοί and from ver. 5), but for the lip-Chris- 
tians and those who say Lord! Lord ! (comp. those who believe without 
love, 1 Cor. xiii.), God separates from the fellowship of Christ, which act 
is conceived from the point of view of divine retribution (comp. the thing, 
according to another figure, viii. 35) ; the former He causes to experience 
His purging influence, in order that their life of faith may increase 
in moral activity and efficiency. This purification is effected by the 
aid, indeed, though not exclusively, of conflict and suffering. — πᾶν κλῆμα 


1 Comp. Grotius and Nésselt, Opusc. II. p. 5ZLuthardt and Lichtenstein, following 
25 ff., also Ewald. Hofmann, also Ebrard. 
3 Τὴ F. E. Rosenmiiller, Repert. I. p. 167 ff. 6 Eph. y. 80; Col. ii. 19. 
3 Joseph. Antt. xv. 11. 3, Bell. v. 5. 4. 7 γεωργός, Matt. xxi. 23, e¢ al.; Aelian, 
4Jsa. v. 1 ff.; Jer. ii. 21; Ezek. xv. 1ff., NV. A. vii. 28; Aristaen. 1. 3. 
xix. 10 ff.; Ps. xxx. 9 ff.; comp. also Light- 8 Plat. Rep, p. 353 A; Pollux, vii. 145. 


foot and Wetstein. 


430 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ἐν ἐμοί] Nominat. absol. as in i. 12, vi. 39, xvii. 2, with weighty emphasis. 
- αἴρει] takes it away with the pruning-knife. It forms with καθαίρει a 
‘‘suavis rhythmus,” Bengel. —rd κάρπ. dép.| which bears fruit ; but pre- 
viously μὴ ¢ép.: if it does not bear. — καθαίρ.] He cleanses, prunes. Figure 
of the moral xafapiouéc,—continually necessary even for the approved Chris- 
tian,—through the working of divine grace, xiii. 10. — For a political view 
of the community under the figure of the vine, see in Aesch, adv. Ctesiph. 
166 ; Beck.’ 

Ver. 3. Application of the second half of ver. 2 to the disciples, in so far 
as they belong to the κλήματα ; as a preparation for the exhortation in ver. 
4, ‘* Already are ye clean” (such purified κλήματα) ; already there has taken 
place in your case, that which I have just said. The ἤδη ὑμεῖς glances at the 
multitude of those who were yet to become καθαροί in the future. That their 
purity originally is intended, not excluding the necessary continuance and 
practical further development of the relation (comp. xiii. 10), is understood 
as a matter of course, and see ver. 4. The mundi cease not to be mundandi. 
- διὰ τ. λόγον] διά, as vi. 57 of the ground ; hence: on account of the word, 
i.e. because the word (‘‘ provided it be received and apprehended in faith,” 
Luther, comp. Acts xv. 9) is the power of God (Rom. i. 16), in virtue of 
which it effects its καθαίρει, ver. 2; Jas. i. 18; 1 Pet. i. 23.7? The word, 
however, is the whole word, the entire doctrine which Jesus has delivered to 
them (comp. on viii. 43), not the utterance in xiii. 10 (Hilgenfeld, Ebrard). 

Ver. 4. To this purity, however, must be added the continuous faithful 
persistence in my living fellowship. —év ἐμοί] here : on (not in) me, συμπε- 
φυῶτες ἐμοί (Nonnus), as is required by what follows, hanging on me as the 
branches hang on the vine, ver. 2. [See Note XLVII. p. 441.] Euth. Ziga- 
benus aptly remarks : συγκολλώμενοί μοι βεβαιώτερον διὰ πίστεως ἀδιστάκτου καὶ 
σχέσεως ἀῤῥήκτου. --- κἀγὼ ἐν ὑμῖν] to the fulfilment of the requirement® is at- 
tached the promise : and I will abide on you—ovvov τῇ δυνάμει, Euth. Zigabe- 
nus—with the whole power of spiritual life, which I impart to my faith- 
ful ones ; I will not separate myself from you, like the vine, which does not 
loosen itself from its branches. On μενῶ as a supplement, see Bornemann 
in the Sdchs. Stud. 1846, p. 56. The harsher mode of completing the sense : 
and cause that I abide on you (Grotius, Bengel), is not demanded by ver. 5, 
where ὁ μένων... αὐτῷ is the fulfilled μείνατε. . . ὑμῖν. --- ξὰν μὴ μείνῃ, 
κιτ.}.1 If it shall not have abided, etc., refers merely to οὐ δύναται καρπὸν 
φέρειν (as in v. 19), and is so fara more exact definition of the ag’ ἑαυτοῦ, 
‘“ i aliqua propria, quam habeat extra vitem,” Grotius. — οὕτως οὐδὲ ὑμεῖς] 
so neither you, namely δύνασθε καρπ. φέρειν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν, 1.6. ποιεῖν τι χωρὶς ἐμοῦ, 
ver. 5. Bengel well remarks : ‘‘ Hic locus egregie declarat discrimen naturae 
et gratiae,” but also the possibility of losing the latter. 

Ver. 5. Abide on me, I say, for Jam the vine, ye the branches ; thus then 
only from me (not ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν, ver. 4) can you derive the living power for 
bearing fruit. And you must abide on me, ἃ5 1 on you: 80 (οὗτος : he, no 

1 ἀμπελουργοῦσί τινες τὴν πόλιν, ἀνατετμήκασί p. 197; Niagelsbach, z. Wias, p. 39 f., ed. 3. 


τινες τὰ κλήματα τὰ τοῦ δήμου. 3 Comp. Weiss, Lehrbegr. p. 74. 
2 Comp. Fritzsche, ad Rom. 11. p. 162, I. 


CHAP. XV., 6. 451 


other than he) will you bring forth much fruit. In this way, by means of. 
ἐγὼ . . . κλήματα the preceding ἐν ἐμοί, and by means of ὁ μένων, κ.τ.1., the ᾿ 
preceding μείνητε is confirmed and brought into relief. Hence also the em- 
phatic position of ἐγώ and μένων. --- κἀγὼ ἐν αὐτῷ] Instead of καὶ ἐν ᾧ ἐγὼ μένω, 
this clause—not relative, but appending itself in an easy and lively manner 
—is introduced.'—yupic ἐμοῦ] χωρισθέντες ἀπ’ ἐμοῦ, out of living fellowship 
with me. [See Note XLVIII. p. 441.] Comp. Eph. 11. 12; Tittmann, Synon. 
p. 94. Antithetic to ἐν ἐμοὶ μένειν. ---- ποιεῖν οὐδέν] effect nothing, bring about 
nothing, passing from the figure into the literal mode of presentation. The 
reference is to the Christian life in general, not merely to that of the apostles, 
since the disciples are addressed, not especially in respect of their narrower 
vocation, but generally as κλήματα of Christ, which standing they have in 
common with all believers. The utter incapacity for Christian efficiency 
without the maintenance of the living connection with Christ is here decid- 
edly and emphatically expressed ; on this subject, however, Augustine, and 
with him ecclesiastical orthodoxy, has frequently drawn inferences too wide 
in favour of the doctrine of moral inability generally (see especially Calo- 
vius) ; since it is only the ability for the specitically Christian ποιεῖν τι (the 
καρπὸν φέρειν) which is denied to him who is χωρὶς Χριστοῦ. For this higher 
moral activity, which, indeed, is the only trwe one, he is unable (iil. 6), 
and in this sense it may be said with Augustine, that Christ thus spoke, ‘‘ ut 
responderet futuro Pelagio ;” where, however, a natural moral volition and 
ability of a lower grade in and of itself? is not denied, nor its measure and 
power more exactly defined than to this effect, that it cannot attain to 
Christian morality, to which rather the ethical power of the living fellow- 
ship with Christ here depicted, consequently the new birth, is indispensable. 
Luther well says : ‘‘ that He speaks not here of the natural or worldly being 
and life, but of fruits of the gospel.” And in so far ‘‘nos penitus privat ὦ 
omni virtute, nisi quam suppeditat ipse nobis,” Calvin. 

Ver. 6. Νῦν λέγει καὶ τὸν κίνδυνον τοῦ μὴ ἐν αὐτῷ μενοντος, Euth. Zigabenus ; 
and how terrible in its tragic simplicity ! — ἐὰν pA τις] nist quis manserit.* — 
ἐβλήθη ἔξω, κ.τ.λ.1 The representation is highly vivid and pictorial. Jesus 
places Himself at the point of time of the execution of the last judgment, when 
those who have fallen away from Him are gathered together and cast into 
the fire, after they have been previously already cast out of His church, 
and become withered (having completely lost the higher true ζωή). Hence 
the graphic lively change of tense : In case any one shall not have abided on - 
me; he has been cast out like the branch, and is withered (already before the 
judgment), and (now what takes place at the last day itself) they gather them 
together, etc. The aorists therefore neither denote what is wont to be 
(Grotius), nor do they stand for futures (Kuinoel, B. Crusius, and older ex- 
positors), nor are they to be explained, ‘par la répétition de Vacte aussi 
longtemps que dure l’opération de la taille” (Godet) ; nor are they designed, 
asin Matt. xviii. 15, to express that which is at once done or appointed to 


1 See on this classic idiom, Bernhardy, p. 2 Comp. Rom. ii. 14, 15, vii. 14 ff. 
304; Nagelsbach, z. Jlias, p. 6, ed. 3: Butt- 3 See Baeumlein, Partik. p. 9:9. Comp. iii. 
mann, VV. 7. G7. Ὁ. 327 f. [E. T. p. 382]. 378. ᾿ 


432 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

be done with the non-abiding.’ To the latter interpretation is opposed the 
circumstance that, in point of fact, the being cast out and being withered 
cannot be appointed or effected immediately at and with the falling away, 
but that conversion and re-adoption must remain open (comp. ἡ πρόσληψις, 
Rom. xi. 15), if ἐὰν μή τις, x.7.2. is not to have in view the time of the judg- 
ment at the last day. The ἐβλήθη, x.7.2. appears as a definite result and as 
a completed act of the past,’ and that, as the further pictoral description, «. 
συνάγουσιν, k.7.2., Shows, from the standpoint of the last day (comp. also 
Heb. vi. 8, x. 27), and further in such a way that it is accomplished between 
the beginning of the falling away and the last day on which the gathering 
together and burning is now performed.* — ὡς τὸ κλῆμα] as the branch, which 
has not remained on the vine, but has been broken off or cut off, and cast 
out of the vineyard. But the vineyard represents the fellowship of the Mes- 
sianic people of God, out of which he who has fallen away from Christ has 
been thrust. Hence ἔξω refers to the vineyard, so far as this is the church. 
Outside it, the life of the man who has fallen away, which he had de- 
rived from Christ, has completely perished and is dead. This is expressed 
by ἐξηράνθη, by which the man is identified with the withered branch, which 
is hisimage. Euth. Zigabenus well remarks : 
ἰκμάδα χάριτος. --- καὶ συνάγ. αὐτὰ, κ-τ.}.1 Jesus now represents as present what 

is done with these cast-out and withered branches at the last day. The 
polysyndeton (comp. x. 3, 12; Matt. vii. 27, et al.) and the simply solemn 

expression has much in it that seizes the imagination. The subject of συνάγ. 

and #444. is understood of itself ; in the jigure it is the servants of the 

γεωργός, as to the thing, the αἰθέριοι δρηστῆρες (Nonnus), the angels, are in- 

tended (Matt. xiii. 41). --- εἰς τὸ πῦρ (see critical notes) : into the fire, already 

burning for this purpose, by which, in the interpretation of the figure, 

Gehenna is intended,* not also the fire of the divine anger generally (Heng- 

stenberg).—xai καίεται} and they burn! The simple form (οὐ μὴν κατακαίονται 

Euth. Zigabenus) as in Matt. xiii. 40. ‘‘Magna vi positum eximia cum 

majestate,” Bengel. 

Ver. 7. After thus deterring from non-abiding, in ver. 6, now again an 
inducement to abiding. But the figure now ceases, and barely still leaves 
in what follows some slight allusions (vv. 8, 16).— ἐὰν μεέν. ἐν ἐμοί] Still in 
the sense of the figure, as the branches on the vine ; but with καὶ τὰ ῥήμ. μ. 
ἐν ὑμῖν (in animis vestris), expressing the necessary consequence of a man’s 
abiding on Jesus, the language at once becomes proper, no longer figurative. 
— 6 ἐὰν θέλ. stands first with emphasis ; but such an one wills and prays 
simply and solely in the name of Jesus (xiv. 13, 14), and cannot do other- 


3 4 is τ LJ ~ es 
ἀπώλεσεν ἣν εἶχεν ἐκ τῆς ῥίζης 


wise. 


1S0 most expositors, including Liicke, 
Winer, Tholuck, de Wette, Luthardt, Weiss, 
Hengstenberg ; comp. Hermann, de emend. 
Grammat. p. 192 f. ; Buttmann, WV. 7. Gram. 
p. 172 [E. T. p. 199]. 

2 Hence the aorist, instead of which the 
perfect was not required, as Luthardt ob- 
jects. The ἤδη κέκριται of 111. 18 is conceived 


of differently. 

3The reading μένῃ (see critical notes) 
would not essentially alter the sense; it 
expresses: nisi quis manet, i.e. until the 
judgment. Ὄ 

4 Matt. xiii, 42, xxv. 41, ili. 10, vii. 19, Ὑ. 92, 
et al. 


CHAP. Xv., 8-10. 433 


Ver. 8. A further carrying out of this incitement to abiding on Him, and 
that by bringing out the great importance, rich in its results, of this grant- 
ing of prayer, which is attached to the abiding required. — ἐν τούτῳ] Herein, 
to this a forward reference is generally given, so that iva, «.7.2. is the con- 
tents of τοῦτο. But thus understood, since iva is not equivalent to ὅτι, this 
iva would express, that in the obligation (you ought, ver. 12, comp. on vi. 
29), or-in the destination to bear much fruit, the δόξα of the Father is given. 
This is inadmissible, as it is rather in the actual fruit-bearing itself that 
that δόξα must lie, and hence ὅτε must have been employed. To distinguish 
iva, however, merely by supplying ‘‘ as I hope” (Liicke) from ὅτι, does not 
satisfy the telic nature of the word.’ Hence (and not otherwise in 1 J ohn 
iv. 17) ἐν τούτῳ, as in iv. 37, xvi. 380, is to be taken as a retrospective refer- 
ence (so also Lange), and that not to the μένειν in itself, but to the immedi- 
ately preceding ὃ ἐὰν ϑέλητε αἰτήσασϑε x. γενήσ. ὑμῖν, so far, namely, as it 
takes place in him who abides in Christ. Jn this granting of prayer allotted 
to the μένειν ἐν ἐμοί, says Jesus, a twofold result—and this a high incentive 
to that péveer—is given, namely, (1) when what you ask falls to your lot, 
then in this result my Mather has been glorified, * that you—for that is God’s 
design in this His δοξάζεσϑαι--ηγαν bear much fruit (which is just to be the 
actual further course of that granting of prayer, comp. ver. 16) ; and (2) 
you will, in virtue of the fulfilment of all your prayers, become, in a truly 
proper and specific sense, my disciples, who belong to no other (note the 
emphatic possessive éwo/, as in xiii, 35), since this hearing of prayer is the 
holy characteristic simply and solely of my disciples (xiv. 13, 14). — The 
future γενήσεσϑε may depend on iva (comp. on ἰάσομαι, xiii. 40, see also on 1 
Cor. ix. 18; Eph. vi. 3), as Ewald connects it ; independently, however, 
of iva, and therefore connected with ἐν τούτῳ, the words convey more weight 
in the independence appropriate to their distinctive contents. The Lord, 
however, does not say ἔσεσϑε, but He sees the full development of His dis- 
cipledom beginning with the ἐν τούτῳ. 

Vv. 9, 10. But as disciples of Christ, they are the object of His love ; hence, 
to the general exhortation to abide on Him, is added now the particular one 
to abide in His love, which is done by keeping His commandments, accord- 
ing to the archetype of His harmonious moral relation to the Father. — As 
the Father has loved me, I have also loved tyou (aorists, because Jesus, at the 
boundary of His life, stands and looks back, xiii. 1, 34) ; abide (keep your- 
selves continually) in my love.’ To extend the protasis to ὑμᾶς, «πᾶ begin 
the apodosis with μείνατε (Maldonatus, Grotius, Rosenmiiller, Olshausen, and 
several others), is opposed by the fact that between καϑὼς ἠγάπ. pe ὁ π. and 
μείνατε, κιτ.λ. no correlation exists ; for the ἀγάπη ἡ ἐμή is not.love to me,* 
but : my love to you, as is clear from ἠγάπησα ὑμᾶς and from the analogy of 


1 Cyril already rightly recognized that ἵνα 3 Instead of μείνατε, Ewald conjectures 
cannot be an explanation of ἐν τούτῳ, but μείνητε, which he still makes depend on ἵνα, 
only a statement of the purpose of ἐδοξ. ὃ, ver. 8; but this is unsuitable, since καϑώς 
mat. μ. But quite irrelevantly he referred appears without καί. 
ἐδοξ. ὁ wat. μ. to the mission of the Son. 4Maldonatus, Grotius, Nésselt, Kuinoel, 

2 ἔλλαχε τιμήν, Nonnus. Baeumlein, and several others. 


434 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

ἡ χαρὰ ἡ ἐμή, ver. 11;? comp. vv. 12, 18. Olshausen mingles the two 
together, the active and passive love. — ἐν τῇ ἀγάπῃ μου] = ἐν τῇ ἀγάπῃ τῇ ἐμῇ. 
But the latter purposely lays emphasis on the thought that it was nothing less 
than His love, that love so great and holy, as He had just expressed by καϑὼς 
ἠγάπ., k.T.A., in which they were to abide. — τετήρηκα] Self-witness in the 
retrospect which He takes of His whole ministry on the threshold of its ac- 
complishment. — x. μένω αὐτοῦ ἐν τ. ἀγάπῃ} Consequence of τετήρηκα. The 
prominent position of αὐτοῦ corresponds to the consciousness of the happiness 
and the dignity of abiding in the love which His Father bears to him (x. 
17, xvii. 24). The present includes continuance also for the future ; hence 
it is not, with Ewald, to be accented μενῶ. 

Ver. 11. Conclusion of the section vv. 1-10 (ταῦτα). [See Note XLIX. p. 
441.]— iva ἡ χαρά, κ.τ.λ.1 Note the juxtaposition of ἡ ἐμή and ἐν ipiv’; that 
my joy may be in you, i.e. that the same joy which J have may be yours. 
The holy joyous tone of soul is intended, the conscious moral courage of 
joy, which rises victorious over all suffering, as Christ, in virtue of His 


fellowship with the Father and of His obedience towards Him, must and 


did possess it (comp. xvii. 13), and as it so often finds utterance with 
Paul in the spirit of Christ.? Yet ἡ ἐμή is not: the joy produced by me 
(Calvin, de Wette), or of which I have opened to you the spring (Tholuck), 
which is forcing a meaning on the simple possessive expression (comp. iii. 
29, xvii. 13 ; 2 Cor. ii. 8), and does not satisfy the significant juxtaposition 
of ἡ ἐμή and ἐν ὑμῖν (comp. 2 Cor. 11. 8: ὅτε ἡ ἐμὴ χαρὰ πάντων ὑμῶν ἐστιν"). 
The explanations : mea de vobis laetitia (corresponding to χαίρειν év),* or 
even: gaudium vestrum de me,* are to be rejected because the correct read- 
ing is 7 (see critical notes). Luthardt : that my joy may have its cause and 
object in you (not in anything else). This is grammatically correct (ἐν of 
causal foundation) : the πληρωϑῇ, however, which is subsequently said of the 
joy of the disciples, presupposes that in the first clause the joy of the dis- 
ciples themselves, the consummation of which is intended, is already indicated ; 
πληρωϑῇ Otherwise would remain without corresponding correlation. Had 
the object been merely to express the reciprocity of the joy, we should 
necessarily have expected in the second half simply : καὶ ἡ χαρὰ ὑμῶν ἐν ἐμοί. 
See, in answer to Luthardt, also Hofmann.*—If Christ’s joy is in His own, 
their joy will be thereby completed (comp. iii. 29), developed to its full 
measure in contents, purity, strength, victoriousness, οἵου Hence: «. ἡ 
χαρὰ ὑμ. πληρωϑῇ. 

Vv. 12, 13. Now, for the purpose of furnishing a more exact guide to this 
joy, is given the precept of reciprocal love, founded on the love of Christ (xiii. 
84), which is the collective conception of the ἐντολαί, ver. 10, Jesus’ pecul- 


1 That ἡ ἀγάπη ἡ ἐμή moy denote love to 
me, should not have been called in question, 
as being contrary to the genius of the lan- 
guage. Comp. φιλίᾳ τῇ oy, Xen. Anab. vii, 
4. 29; Thucyd. i. 187. 4: διὰ τὴν σὴν φιλίαν» 
Rom. xi. 31. 

aa (Cor νὴ 50. 2, Cor, sale 11> bile. a7, 
18, iv.4; Rom. xiy. 17; Gal. v.22 “Ὁ 


3 So Augustine, Schoettgen, Lampe, Kui- 
noel, Ebrard, Hengstenberg, and several 
others. 

4 Euth. Zigabenus, Grotius, Nisselt, Klee, 
and several others. 

5 Schriftbew. II. 2. p. 325 f. 

ὁ Comp. xyi. 24; 1Johni. 4; 2 John 12. 


- 


GHAP? KV. 14:18: 435 


iar, specific precept (ἡ ἐμή). --- ἵνα] you should (see on vi. 29). — Ver. 18 char- 
acterizes the καϑὼς ἠγάπ. ὑμᾶς. A greater love than this (just designated by 
καϑὼς ἠγάπ. ὑμᾶς) no one cherishes ; it is the greatest love which any one can 
have, such as, according to the divine purpose, shall impel to this (iva), that 
(after my example) one (indefinite) should give up his life for the advantage of 
his friends. Fora like readiness to self-sacrifice the greatness of my love 
shall be the motive, 1 Johniii. 16. The ordinary interpretation which takes 
ἵνα as expository of ταύτης [See Note L. p. 441], does not correspond to the 
idea of purpose in iva, and the attempts to preserve this conception (e.g. de 
Wette : in ἀγάπη there lies a law, a will, comp. Luthardt, Lange ; Godet : 
the culminating point of loving effort lies therein) are unsatisfactory and 
forced expedients.' — The difference between the present passage and Rom, 
v. 6 ff. (ὑπὲρ ἀσεβῶν) does not rest upon the thing itself, but only on the dif- 
ferent point of view, which in Romans is general, and here is limited, in the 
special connection, to the circle of friends, without excepting the friends 
from the general category of sinners. To designate them, however, by that 
quality, was not relevant in this place. Against the weakening of the idea 
of φίλων : ‘‘those who are actually objects of His love” (Ebrard), ver. 14 
should have been a sufficient guard. 

Ver. 14. ‘‘ For his friends,” Jesus had just said. There was a presump- 
tion implied in this, that He also would die for His friends (Euth. Ziga- 
benus briefly and correctly points out the sequence of thought by supply- 
ing at the end of ver. 18 : καϑὼς ἐγὼ ποιῶ νῦν). And who are these? The 
disciples (ὑμεῖς), if they do what He commands them.—The conception of 
the φίλοι is that of the loving confidential companionship with Himself, to 
which Christ has raised them ; see ver. 15. Later on, He designates them 
even as His brethren, xx. 17. 

Ver. 15. The dignity, however, which lies in this designation ‘‘ friends,” 
was to become known to them. --- οὐκέτι] No longer, as before (xii. 26, xiil. 
13 ff.). No contradiction to ver. 20, where Jesus does not anew give them, 
the name of δοῦλοι, but only reminds them of an earlier saying ; nor with 
Luke xii. 4, where He has already called them friends, which, however, is 
also not excluded by the present passage, since here rather the previous 
designation is only indicated a potiori, and the new is intended in a pregnant 
sense, which does not do away with the objective and abiding relation of 
‘ the disciples, to be δοῦλοι of Christ, and their profound consciousness of this 
their relation,? as generally Christians are at once δοῦλοι and ἀπελεύϑεροι 
κυρίου (1 Cor. vii. 22), at once δοῦλοι and yet His brothers (Rom. viii. 29), at 
once δοῦλοι and yet His συγκληρονόμοι (Rom. viii. 16). — αὐτοῦ ὁ xip.] Although 
he is his lord. — τι ποιεῖ] Not :,what he intends to do (Grotius, Kuinoel, and 
several others), which is not appropriate in the application to Jesus, whose 
work was in full process of accomplishment, nay, was so near to its earthly 
consummation, but the action itself, while it is going on. The slave, although 
he sees it externally, is not acquainted with it, does not know the proper 


1 On τιϑέναι τ. Wox., See ON X. 113 On Tis, 990, ed. 8. 
corresponding to the universal one (man, 2 Acts iv. 29; Rom. i. 1; Gal. i. 10; Phil. 
Ger.), any one, see Nagelsbach, 5, Jlias, Ὁ. i. 1, e¢ al, 


436 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN, 


nature of the action of his master,’ because the latter has not taken him 
into his confidence in respect of the quality, the object, the means, the mo- 
tives, and thoughts, etc. ; ‘‘servus tractatur ut ὄργανον," Bengel. — εἴρηκα] 
Ver. 14. — πάντα ἃ ἤκουσα, κ.τ.}.} does not refer to all the doctrinal teaching, 
nor again is it elucidated from the quite general saying, vili. 26 (Tholuck) ; 
and just as little does it require the arbitrary and more exact limitation to 
that which is necessary to salvation (Calvin), to the principles (de Wette), to 
that designed for communication (Liicke, Olshausen), which thus seeks 
to avoid the apparent contradiction with xvi. 12; but? it alludes to that 
which the Father has laid upon Him ¢o do, as appears from the context by 
the correlation with ὅτε ὁ δοῦλος οὐκ οἷδε, «.7.2. He has made known to the 
disciples the whole saving will of God, the accomplishment of which had been 
entrusted to Him on His being sent from His pre-existent state into the 
world ; but this by no means excludes instructions standing in connection, 
which they could not bear at the present time, xvi. 12. 

Ver. 16. Along with this dignity, however, of being Jesus’ friends, they 
were not to forget their dependence on Him, and their destiny therewith 
appointed. —éeréFacte . . . ἐξελεζάμην] as Master . . . as disciples, which 
is understood of itself from the historical relation, and is also to be gathered 
from the word chosen (vi. 70, xiii. 18; Actsi. 2). Each of them was a 
σκεῦος ἐκλογῆς Of Christ (Acts ix. 15) ; in each the initiative of this peculiar 
relation lay not on his but on Christ’s side. Hence not to be taken merely 
in a general sense of the selection for the fellowship of love.* — ἔϑηκα ὑμᾶς] 
have appointed you, as my disciples, consequence of the ἐξελεξάμην. The ‘‘do- 
tation spirituelle” (Godet) goes beyond the meaning of the word, although it 
was historically connected with it (Mark ii. 14,15). Comp. on τιϑέναι, 
instituere, appoint (not merely destine, as Ebrard thinks), 1 Cor. xii. 28; 1 
Tim, i. 12; 2 Tim. 1: 11.; Heb. i. 2; Acts: xx. 28, e al.* The rendering 
of Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth, Zigabenus, is incorrect : I have planted 
you.® The figure of the vine has in truth been dropped, and finds only an 
echo in the καρπὸν φέρειν, Which, however, must not be extended to ἔϑηκα, 
since the disciples appear not as planted, but as branches, which have grown 
and remain on the vine. Quite arbitrarily, Bengel and Olshausen see here a 
new figure of a fruit-tree, — iva ὑμεῖς ὑπάγ. | that you on your side may go away, 
etc., is by Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, in consequence of 
their interpretation of ἔϑηκα, erroneously explained by iva ἐκτείνησϑε αὐξανόμενοι. 
Nor does it merely denote ‘‘ independent and living action ;” ° comp. Luther : 
‘that you sit not still without fruit or work”), or ‘continual movement” 
(Hengstenberg), with which sufficient justice is not done to the peculiarity of 


\ this point, which, in truth, belonged in the most proper sense to the disciples’ 


calling. According to Ebrard, it would even be simply an auxiliary verb, 


1 Comp. Xen. ep. i. 3. others, including Luthardt, Lange. ᾿ 

2 This, at tne same time, in answer to 4Hom. Od. xy. 253, Zl. vi. 300; Dem. 322. 
Beyschlag, p. 101, vho considers a reference 11, e¢ al. 
here to the pre-existent state as absurd. 5 Xen. Oec. xix. 7, 9. 
Comp. also against the same, Johansson, de 6 De Wette, Liicke, Baumgarten-Crusius, 
Chr. pracexistentia, p. 14. ‘ Luthardt, Godet. 


3 Puth, Zigabenus, Luther, and several 


CHAP. XV., 17-20. 437 


like tre with the supine. It signifies rather the erecution of the ἀποστολῆ, in 
which they were to go away into all the world, ete. Comp. Luke x. 3; 
Matt. xxviii. 19. -- μένῃ] comp. iv. 86. The results of their ministry are 
not to go backward and be brought to naught, but are to be continuous 
and enduring even into the αἰὼν péAAwv.— The second iva is co-ordinated with 
- the first. See on vv. 7, 8. It isin truth precisely the granting of prayer 
here designated which brings about the fruit and its duration in all given 
cases. Comp. the prayers of Paul, as in Col. i. 9 ff. ; Eph. 111. 14 ff. —év 
τῷ ὀνόμ. μ.} See on xiv. 13. 

Ver. 17. At the close (comp. ver. 11) of this section, vv. 12-16, Jesus 
refers once more to its main point, reciprocal love. —raita] points backwards, 
as in ver. 11, namely, to what is contained in vv. 12-16, so far as the con- 
tents are of a preceptive nature. And that which is therein enjoined by Jesus 
on the disciples has for its object (iva), etc., as He had in truth required 
this duty at the very beginning of the section. The remainder of the sec- 
tion (vv. 14-16) was indeed not directly of a preceptive nature, but in 
support and furtherance of what had been enjoined, 

Vv. 18, 19. But now your relation to the world! as far as ver. 27.—In 
your fellowship, love; from without, on the part of the unbelieving, hatred 
toward you! Consolation for you : γενώσκετε (imperat.) ὅτε ἐμὲ πρῶτον ὑμῶν 
(i. 15), μεμίσηκεν. Comp. 1 Pet. iv. 12, 18. This hatred is a community of 
destiny with me. A further consolation : this hate is the proof that you no 
longer belong to the world, but to me through my selection of you (ver. 16) ; 
therein exists the reason for it. How must that fact tend to elate you! 
Comp. 1 John iii. 13, iv. 5. —The fivefold repetition of κόσμος is solemn. 
Comp. 111. 17. — τὸ ἴδιον] ‘‘ Suwm dicitur pro vos, atque sic notatur interesse 
mundi,” Bengel. Comp. vii. 7. They have become a foreign element to 
the world, and therewith the object of its antipathy ; χαίρει yap τῷ ὁμοίῳ τὸ 
ὅμοιον, Huth. Zigabenus, * 

Ver. 20. A recalling of xiii. 16, presupposing, however, a different appli- 
cation than in that passage—namely, a slave has no better lot to claim than 
his lord (comp. Matt. x. 24, 25).—Jf they have persecuted me, they will also 
persecute you ; if they have kept my word, they will also keep yours. Which of 
these two cases will in general occur, Jesus leaves to the decision of the 
disciples themselves, since they in truth knew from experience how it had 
gone with Him. To take the second clause ironically,* is appropriate neither 
to the seriousness of the first, nor to the tone of the whole passage. Ols- 
hausen holds incorrectly (comp. B. Crusius, Maier, Godet), ‘‘if many, etc.,” 
where, in the first half, according to Godet, we should have to think of the 
mass of the people. But the variation of the subjects isa pure importation. 
Finally, when Bengel and other older expositors (in Wolf) interpret τηρεῖν 
as watch, this is quite opposed to the Johannean usage of τὸν Ady. τηρεῖν 
(viii. 51, xiv. 23, 24, and frequently), comp. ver.-10, and it would be too 
weak a conception after the first half of the verse. Irrespectively of this, 


ὦ Comp. Plat. Zys. Ὁ. 214 B; τὸ ὅμοιον τῷ 2“ Quasi dicat: non est, quod hoc spere- 
ὁμοίῳ ἀνάγκη ἀεὶ φίλον εἶναι, ; tis,’ Grotius, Lampe. 


438 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
usage would not stand in the way of such rendering, Gen. iii. 15 (according 
to the usual reading).’ 

Ver. 21. ’A22a] antithesis of consolation against this state of persecu- 
tion [See Note LI. p. 441] : ταῦτα πάντα π. εἰς bu., however, presupposes that 
the second of the cases supposed in ver. 20 is not the actual one. The conso- 
lation lies in διὰ τὸ ὄνομά μου : because my name is your confession. ‘‘ The name 
of Christ from your mouth will be to them nothing but poison and death,” 
Luther. Comp. Acts iv. 17, ix. 14, xxvii. 9. This thought : it is for the 
sake of Christ’s name that I suffer (Acts ix. 16), was to exalt the perse- 
cuted,” and did exalt them (Acts v. 41, xxi. 13, e¢ al.), and they boasted of 
these sufferings,* which constituted their holy pride (Gal. vi. 17) and their 
joy (Phil. ii. 17, 18). Comp. Matt. x. 22, xxiv. 9, v. 11. According to 
others,* ὅτι οὐκ οἴδασι, «.7.2., has the emphasis. But in that case the thought 
διὰ τὸ ὄνομά μου is arbitrarily thrust back, and rendered unnecessary, although 
throughout the whole of the following discussion the reference of the perse- 
cutions to Christ is the prominent and controlling point (see especially vv. 
25-27). Hence ὅτι οὐκ οἴδασι, x.7.4., is to be taken as subordinated to διὰ τὸ 
ὄνομά pov, as giving, that is, its explanation. Had they possessed the true 
acquaintance with God, they would, because God has sent Christ, have also 
known Christ (comp. Luke xxiii. 34), and would not for His name’s sake 
have persecuted His disciples. 

Vv. 22-24. Sinfulness, not of this non-acquaintance with God (Ebrard, 
Ewald, Godet), but, as vv. 23-25 show, of this hatred of the name of Jesus, 
in respect of which they are inexcusable, since He has come and spoken to 
them (vv. 22, 28), and done before their eyes His Messianic works (miracles), 
ver. 24. — duapr. οὐκ εἶχον] For their hatred of my name would then be ez- 
cusable, because, without my appearance and discourses, the true knowledge 
of Him who sent me—and the non-acquaintance with whom is in truth the 
ground of their hatred (ver. 21)—would have remained inaccessible to them. 
My appearance and discourses ought to have opened their eyes, and brought 
them to the knowledge of Him who sent me ; but since this has not taken 
place, their hatred against me, which flows from their non-acquaintance 
with Him who sent me, is inerevsable ; it is the hatred of hardened blind- 
ness before God’s revelation of Himself in my advent and discourses. — The 
weight of the protasis lies in ἦλϑον and ἐλάλ. αὐτοῖς together (not merely in 
the latter) ; ἦλϑον is the Messianic ἔρχεσϑαι, correlative to the preceding r. 
πέμψαντά ue. The ἁμαρτία, however, referable to the μισεῖν," must not be re- 
ferred merely to unbelief, which reference does not correspond to the con- 


1 Dem. 317 ult., 1252. 8; Soph. O. FR. 808; 
Arist. Vesp. 364; Thuc. iv. 108. 1, vii. 80. 1; 
Lys. iii. 34. 

2 πρὸς τιμὴν μὲν ὑμῖν τοῦτο ποιοῦσιν, AMMO- 
nius. 

3 Rom. -v 3302) Cor. xi. 23)ff., xiit 10) ἘΠ 1 
Pet. iv. 12 ff. 

4Including Liicke, de Wette, Hengsten- 
berg. 

5 Hence, too, on the question as to the 


salvation of the heathen, to whom Christ 
has not been preached, nothing is to be 
gathered from the present passage; and 
one may now, with Augustine, decide in 
favour of mitiores poenas for them, or, in 
confirmation of their condemnation, pro- 
pose, with Melanchthon, to extend the 
words of Christ to the protevangelium in 
paradise, and bring in at the same time the 
natural moral, law, Rom. ii. 


CHAP. XV., 25-27. 439 


text in vv. 19, 21, 23-25. The words auapr. οὐκ ἔχειν, ix. 41, were spoken 
of unbelief. —'The non-occurrence of ἄν with εἶχον is as in viii. 39. — viv dé] 
But as tt is, since I have appeared and have spoken to them. [See Note LIL. p. 
442. ] — πρόφασιν οὐκ ἔχουσι, k.t.A.] In that supposed case they would have no 
sin, so far, namely, as their hatred would be only an excusable peccatum igno- 
rantiae ; but as the matter stands, they have no pretext in respect of their 
sin (to which they are subject through their hatred) ; they can allege noth- 
ing by way of escape. πρόφασιν ἔχειν, to have evasions, exculpations, only here 
in N. T., very frequent in the classics.?7 Euth. Zigabenus well remarks : 
ἀποστερεῖ τοὺς Ἰουδαίους ἁπάσης συγγνώμης ἐϑελοκακοῦντας. ---- Ver. 23. And how 
exceedingly great is this sin ! Comp. v. 39. -- Ver. 24, parallel to ver. 22, 
as there from the discourses, which the unbelieving have heard, so here 
similarly from that which they have seen, revealing their guilt. — οὐδεὶς 
ἄλλος] that is, in their nature and appearance divine works, v. 86, ix. 3, 4, 
ΟΣ. 87, xiv. 10, οὐ al. —viv δὲ καὶ ἑωράκασι, κ.τ.}.1 But as it is (νῦν dé, as 
in ver. 22), they have actually seen (as vi. 36), and yet hated both me and my 
Father. Not merely μεμίσ., but also ἑωράκ., is connected with καὶ ἐμέ, 
K.T.2. 3 in the works they have seen Christ (x. 25) and the Father (xiv. 10) ; 
for both have revealed themselves in them, which, indeed, the unbelieving 
have seen only as an external sensuous occurrence, not with the inward un- 
derstanding, giving significance to the outward σημεῖα ; not with the eye of 
spiritual knowledge and inward being, vi. 26. 

Ver. 25. Yet this hatred against me stands in connection with the divine 
destiny,* according to which the word of Scripture must be fulfilled by 
their hatred : they have hated me groundlessly. The passage is Ps. lxix. 4, 
or xxxv. 19, where the theocratic sufferer (David?) utters that saying which 
has reached its antitypical Messianic destination in the hatred of the un- 
believing against Christ (comp. on xiii. 18). The passage Ps. cix. 8, 
which Hengstenberg further adduces, does not correspond so literally, as 
neither does Ps. cxix. 161 (Ewald). — ἀλλ᾽] 86. μεμισήκασίν με. as the ground- 
thought of what precedes. [See Note LIII. p. 442. ] — δωρεάν] 03M, tmmerito, 
according to the LXX., but opposed to the Greek signification (gratis).4— 
The irony which de Wette discovers in ἐν τῷ νόμῳ αὐτῶν : ‘they comply 
faithfully with what stands in their law,” is an erroneous assumption, since 
iva πληρ. is the usual formula for the fulfilment of prophecies, and since νόμος 
here, as in x. 34, stands in a wider sense, while αὐτῶν is to be taken as τῷ 
ὑμετέρῳ, Vili. 17 (see in loc.), comp. ὑμῶν, x. 34. Bengel well says : ‘‘ in lege 
corum, quam assidue terunt et jactant.” 

Vv. 26, 27. Over against this hatred of the world, Jesus further appeals 
confidently, and in the certainty of His future justification, to the testimony 
which the Paraclete, and also the disciples themselves, will bear regarding 


1 In answer to Bengel, Luthardt, Lange, cording to vy. 22-24, does not do away with 


Hengstenberg, and several others. responsibility. Comp. Weiss, Lehrbegr. Ὁ. 
2 Dem. 526. 15; Plat. Pol. v. p. 469 C ; Xen. Ἴ51. 

Cyr. iii. 1. 27. Antithesis : ἀφελεῖν πρόφασιν, 4 Comp. 1 Sam. xix. 5; Ps. xxxiv. 7 (where 

Dem. 26. 2, 635. 24. ; Symmachus has ἀναιτίως); Sir. xx. 21, xxix. 


3. Which, asa matter of course, and ac- 6, 7. 


440 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Him. The Paraclete was to give testimony of Christ through the disciples, in 
speaking forth from them (Matt. x. 20; Mark xiii. 11). But the testimony 
of the disciples to Christ was at the same time also their own, since it 
expressed their own experiences with Christ from the beginning onwards, 
1. 14; 1 Johni. 1; Actsi. 21, 22. Both were, in so far as they, filled and 
enlightened by the divine Spirit, delivered His instructions (xiv. 26), and 
what they themselves had heard and seen of Jesus, both consequently ἐν 
πνεύματι, one witness ; it is, however, separated into its two actual factors 
(comp. Acts i. 8; Rom. viii. 16, ix. 1), and they are kept apart. —év ἐγὼ 

Te ὑμ. παρὰ tov πατρ.] How? see xiv. 16. As ἐγώ «ἰδ used with the 
weight of authority, so also has the determining expression : τὸ πνεῦμα τ. ἀληϑ. 
(see on xiv. 17), with its added ὃ π. τ. πατρ. ἐκπορ., in emphatic confir- 
mation of the above παρὰ τοῦ πατρός, the pragmatic weight of demonstrat- 
ing the truth and validity of the Spirit’s testimony, which thus goes back to 
the Father. But the general term ἐκπορ. which is without definite limita- 
tion of time, refers not to the immanent relation of subsistence (actus hypos- 
taticus), but, in accordance with the connection, to the efficacious outward 
communication ὁ from the Father, through which, in every recurring case, 
the Spirit isreceived.. ‘‘Itaque hujusmodi testimonia nec a Graecis (against 
the jilioque) nec contra Graecos (against the διὰ τοῦ υἱοῦ ἐκ τοῦ maTpdc) . .. 
satis apposite sunt citata,” Beza. For its dogmatic use in the interest of 
the Greek Church, see already in Theodore of Mopsuestia. Recently, 
Hilgenfeld especially has laid great stress on the hypostatic reference, in sup- 
port of the doctrine of a Gnostic emanation. — éxeivoc] opposed to the Christ- 
hating world. — περὶ ἐμοῦ] of my Person, my work, etc. Comp. 1 John 
v.6. —xai ὑμεῖς δὲ] atque vos etiam. Comp. on vi. 51, viii. 17. — μαρτυρεῖτε] 
ye also are witnesses, since ye from the beginning (of my Messianic activity) are 
with me (consequently are able to bear witness of me from your experience). 
Jesus does not say μαρτυρήσετε, because the disciples were already the wit- 
nesses which they were to be in future. They were, as the witnesses, already 
JSorthcoming. ἐστέ denotes that which still continues from the commence- 
ment up to the present moment. Comp. 1 John iii. 8. μαρτυρ. taken as 
imperative would make the command appear too abrupt ; considering its 
importance, a more definite unfolding of it was to be expected, which, how- 
ever, is not missed, if the words are only a part of the promise to bear 
witness.* An echo of this word of Christ regarding the united testimony of 
the Spirit and the apostles is found in Acts v. 32, also in Acts xv. 28. 


1 ΠῚ 6 Spirit goes out if He is sent, κῖν. 10, Schrifibew. I. p. 208 f. 
26; Gal. iv.6. Comp. the figurative expres- 2 Tn answer to B. Crusius and Hofmann, 
sion of the outpouring. See also Hofmann, Schrifibew. ΤΙ. 2, p. 19. 


NOTES. 441 


Notes py AMERICAN Eprror. 


XLY. ‘‘lam the true vine.’’ Ver. 1. 


Weiss considers Meyer’s reference of the probable introduction of this meta- 
phor to the wine cup of the supper, as wellas all the other modes of accounting 
for it, to be entirely without foundation. The familiarity of the figure in 
the O. T. abundantly explains it. 


XLVI. ‘‘ The true vine.” ‘Ver. 1. 


The genuine (ἀληθινή) vine, that which corresponds to the idea. According 
to Weiss, this genuine, archetypal vine is not here opposed to the natural vine, 
which Meyer makes figuratively but imperfectly represent it. Rather, accord- 
ing to Weiss, Jsrael is the typical representation of this idea, while Jesus with 
His church stands in contrast (not with the unfruitful vine, the degenerate Israel, 
but) with the imperfect realization of the genuine theocracy in Israel. Thus 
Christ puts Himself with His church over against the imperfect Jewish church. 


XLVII. ‘‘ Abide in me.” Ver. 4. 


According to Weiss: ‘‘in me, not on me’’ (as Meyer), ‘‘inasmuch as the 
direction is in part independent of the image of the vine and branches, and 
partly also the branches root themselves in the vine-stalk, and only as the result 
of this are suspended from it.’’ 


XLVIII. “- Without me.’ Ver. 5. 


«Not (as Meyer) χωρισθέντες ἐμοῦ, separated from vital communion with me. 
It corresponds not to the ἐν ἐμοὶ μένειν, but to the ἐγὼ ὃν αὐτῷ, as the new feat- 
ure, in the repetition : without me as Him who is and works in you” (Weiss). 


XLIX. ruira. Ver. 11. 


“ε ταῦτα refers not (with Meyer, Liicke, etc.) to all from 1 to 10, but to v. 9 and 
foll. (de W., God.) as the clause of purpose, rightly taken, clearly implies’’ 
(Weiss). 

L. ταύτης. Ver. 13. 


“ἐ ταύτης here does not refer back to the love expressed by ὑπθκαθὼς ἠγάπησα 
ὑμᾶσ, but forward to the clause introduced by iva. Meyer explains the iva of the 
divine purpose in the fact of the transcendent greatness of His love, viz. that 
one must yield up His life. But the negative clause μείζονα ἀγάπην οὐδεὶς ἔχει is 
by no means equivalent to the positive statement which Meyer substitutes for 
it: the τις corresponding to οὐδείς is not every one; and the context declares 
not why we must have the greatest love, but wherein the greatest love consists. 
All efforts to preserve the telic force of iva are unsuccessful’ (Weiss), 


ET, ἀλλά, but. Ver. 21. 


«ς- ἀλλά introduces not the contrast of the consolation, against this state of perse- 
cution, but shows, in contrast with the previous supposition, that they will per- 


442 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


secute the disciples for their own sakes, which is the deepest ground of their 
persecution” (Weiss). 
1.11. Vv. 22, 23. 
Observe the twice recurring logical νῦν δέ, so frequent in the N. T., but as it is, 


as the case stands. The uniform English rendering now is unidiomatic and often 
obscure or misleading (Luke xix. 42 ; 1 Cor. xv. 20). 


1.111. ἀλλ᾽ iva πληρωθῇ. Ver. 25. 


Meyer and Weiss (Weiss hesitatingly) supply the ellipsis with μεμισηκασίν με. 
Better, I think, τοῦτο γέγονεν, or some general expression like the Eng. Ver., 
this cometh to pass. Seei. 8, and especially xili. 18. 


CHAP. XVI. 443 


CHAPTER XVI. 


Ver. 3. After ποιήσ. Elz. has ὑμῖν, against decisive testimony. — Ver. 4. ἡ 
pa] Lachm.: ἡ dpa αὐτῶν, according to A. B., a few Cursives, Syr.; also L., 
Cursives, Vulg. It. Arr, Cypr. Aug., who, however, omit the αὐτῶν that follows. 
This betrays an already ancient variation in the position of the once original. 
αὐτῶν, which, placed before μνημον., was readily drawn to dpa, and then 
also again restored afier μνημον. D. 68, Arm. have no αὐτῶν at all, which is ex- 
plained from its original position after μνημον., in which it appeared super- 
fluous. — Ver. 7. ἐὰν yap ἐγώ] ἐγώ, which is wanting in Elz. Tisch., has impor- 
tant testimony against (B. D. L. δὲ.) and for it (A. E. G. H. K. M. U. A. A.). It 
was, however, because unnecessary, and also as not standing in opposition, more 
readily passed over than added. — Ver. 13. εἰς πᾶσαν τὴν ἀλήθειαν] Lachm.: εἰς 
τὴν ἀλήθ. πᾶσαν (A. Β. Y¥. Or. Eus.) ; Tisch. : ἐν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ πάσῃ (Ὁ. 1,. δὲς 
Cursives, Verss, Fathers). The reading of Lachm. has stronger attestation, and 
is, in respect of the position of the words, supported by the reading of Tisch., 
which latter may have arisen through a comparison of the construction of od7y. 
with ἐν in the LXX. (Ps. Ixxxvi. 10, exix. 35, οὐ al. ; Sap. ix. 11, x. 17). — Ver. 15. 
λαμβάνει] Elz. : λήψεται, against decisive testimony ; from ver. 14.— Ver. 16. 
ob] B. D. L. A. δὰ. Curss. Verss. (including Vulg. It.) Or. ef al. : οὐκέτι. Recom- 
mended by Griesb., adopted by Lachm. and Tisch. An interpretation in con- 
formity with ver. 10 and xiv. 19. — ὅτι ὑπάγω πρὸς τ. πατ.] is wanting in Β. D. 
L. Copt. Sahid, Cant. Ver. Vere. Corb. Bracketed by Lachm., deleted by 
Tisch, An addition from ver. 17, whence also the ἐγώ in Elz, after 674,—which 
ἐγώ, however, is in ver. 17, with Lachm. and Tisch., to be deleted, in conform- 
ity with A. B. L. M. A. δὰ. Curss. Verss., since it is supported by only very 
weak testimony in the above addition in ver. 16. —Ver. 19. After ἔγνω, Elz. 
Lachm. have οὖν. A connective addition, instead of which δέ is also found. — 
Ver. 20. The second δέ has been justly deleted by Lachm. and Tisch. in con- 
formity with B. Ὁ. A. δὲ. 1, It. Copt. Arm. Syr. Goth. Cypr. It was added in 
mechanical repetition of the antithesis. — Ver. 22. The order viv μὲν οὖν Avr. ἔχ. 
is, with Tisch., to be preferred on preponderating testimony. But instead of 
ἔχετε, read with Lachm. ἕξετε, after A. D. L. Curss. Verss. Fathers ; the present 
was mechanically introduced after ἔχϑει, ver. 21, and on occasion of the voy. — 
αἴρει] Lachm. : ἀρεῖ, according to B. Ὁ." T. Vulg. Codd. It. Cypr. Hil. Ex- 
planatory alteration in accordance with the preceding futures. — Ver, 23. ὅτι 
ὅσα dv] Many variations, As original appears the reading in A., 6 τι ἄν (so 
Lachm. in the margin), in connection with which copyists were induced, 
through the preceding λέγω ὑμῖν, to take OTI (differently from xiv. 13) recita- 
tively, which thus led to the readings ἄν rv (so Lachm. and Tisch., comp. xx, 
23), ἐάν τι, ὅσα ἄν, and thus the ὅτι, which had now become superfluous, disap- 
peared in many copies (not &., which has ὅτι ὃ dv). —év τῷ ὀνόμ. μου] is placed 
by Tisch. after δώσει ὑμῖν, in conformity with B. C.* L. X. Y. A. &. Sahid. Or, 
Cyr. Rightly ; the ordinary position after πατέρα is determined by xiv. 19, xv. 


444 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


16, and appeared to be required by ver. 24. — Ver. 25. Before ἔρχεται, Elz. and 
Lachm. (the latter in brackets) have ἀλλ᾽, contrary to important testimony. A 
connective addition. — Instead of ἀναγγελῶ, ἀπαγγελῶ is, with Lachm. and 
Tisch., to be adopted on decisive testimony. The former flowed from vy. 13, 
14, 15. — Ver. 27. 9e0v] B. C.* D. L. X. 8.** Verss. Cyr. Did. : zarpoc. A gloss 
by way of more precise definition (Verss. have : a deo patre). — Ver. 28. rapa] 
Lachm. and Tisch. : ἐκ, which is sufficiently attested by B. C.* L. X. Copt. 
Epiph. Hil. (in D. is wanting ἐξῆλθον. . . πατρός), and, in conformity with 
what immediately precedes, was dislodged by rapa. — Ver. 29. παῤῥησ. Lachm. 
and Tisch.: ἐν παῤῥησ., in conformity with B.C. D. 8. Rightly ; ἐν, because 
unnecessary, after ver. 25, came to be dropped, and the more readily after 
NYN. — Ver. 32. νῦν] is, in conformity with decisive testimony, with Lachm. 
and Tisch., to be deleted. — Ver. 33. ἔχετε] So also Tisch. But Elz. Lachm. : 
ἕξετε only, after D. Verss. (including Vulg. It.) and Fathers. The present 1s so 
decisively attested, that the future appears to be simply a closer defining of 
the meaning (comp. ver. 22). 


Ver. 1. Ταῦτα λελάλ. ὑμῖν] As the same expression, xv. 11, pointed back 
to the preceding section, vv. 1-10, and then ταῦτα ἐντέλλομαι ὑμῖν, ver. 17, 
to vv. 11-16, so here ταῦτα Aca. iu. refers to xv. 18-27, so that the substan- 
tial contents of this section are intended, namely, that which had been said 
of the hatred of the world. — ἵνα μὴ σκανδαλ.) Comp. Matt. xiii. 21, xxiv. 10, 
xi. 6. Prepared beforehand, and armed by Christ’s communications, they 
were not to be made to stumble at Him, but were to oppose to the hatred 
of the world all the greater efficiency and constancy of faith. 

Vv. 2, 3. Of the ταῦτα, ver. 1, He now gives certain concrete manifesta- 
tions, which might tend to their becoming offended. — azoovvay.| See on 
ix, 22, xii. 42. — ἀλλ} At, i.e. nay, yet more! it introduces the antithesis of 
a yet far heavier, of a bloody fate. Comp. on 2 Cor. vii. 11. To take azo- 
συναγ. ποιῆσ. bu. interrogatively (Ewald), is unnecessarily artificial. —iva] 
That which will take place in the ὥρα is conceived as the object of its coming: 
there is coming an hour, in order that, etc. Comp. on xii. 23. — πᾶς ὁ ἀποκτ., 
x.T.A. | that every one, who shall have put you to death, may think that he offers 
a sacrificial service to God (namely, through the shedding of your blood). 
On λατρεία, cultus,’ here with προσφέρειν, the standing word for sacrifices (see 
Matt. v. 23, viii. 4; Acts vii. 32 ; Heb. v. 1; Schleusner, Thes. IV. p. 504), 
in the special relation of sacrificial divine service, comp. Rom. xiii. 1 ; Heb. 
ix. 1, 6. The maxim of Jewish fanaticism is well known (and how often 
was the pagan enmity against the apostles no better !) : ‘‘ Omnis effundens 
sanguinem improborum, aequalis est 1111, qui sacrificium facit.”? On this 
δοκεῖν, comp. Saul’s example, Acts xxvi. 9; Gal. i. 18, 14.—On ver. 3, 
comp. xv. 91. Jesus once more recalls with profound sadness this tragic 
source of such conduct, the inexcusableness of which, however, He had already 
decisively brought to light (xv. 22 ff.). The supposed purpose of making 
the adversaries contemptible in the eyes of the disciples (Calvin, Hengsten- 
berg) must have been indicated had it existed, 


1 Plat. Apol. Ὁ. 23 C, Praedr. Ὁ. 224 ἘΠ; Rom. ix. 4. 2 Bammiddar Labda, £. 829. 1. 


CHAP. XVI., 4-6. 445 


Ver. 4. ’AAAd] But: breaks off the enumeration.’ Jesus will not go further 
into details, and recurs to the thought in ver. 1. The explanation : 
‘‘although it is not to be expected otherwise, I have nevertheless foretold 
it to you” (Liicke, de Wette), is the less agreeable to the text, since ταῦτα 
λελάλ. had just been,already said, and that without any antithetic reference 
of the kind. The explanations of Tholuck and Lange, again, are far- 
fetched : ‘but so little would I terrify (7) you by this, that I have only (?) 
said it to you,” etc. — ταῦτα] What was said in wv. 2, 3. — αὐτῶν, ὅτι ἐγὼ εἶπ. 
i. | Attraction.? — ἐγώ] with weighty emphasis : J, the Person, with whom 
your faith is concerned. Comp. ver. 1, iva μὴ oxavdar. — ἐξ ἀρχῆς] xv. 27. 
The question, how this declaration of Jesus may be reconciled with the an- 
nouncements found # the Synoptics, even from the time of the Sermon on. 
the Mount, of predestined sufferings,* is not solved by saying that here 
φοβερώτερα ἐκείνων * are announced ;° or that Christ spoke at an earlier period 
minus aperte et parcius (Bengel, comp. Grotius), and in much more general 
terms (Ebrard), but now more expressly set forth in its principles the charac- 

“ter of the world’s attitude towards the disciples (Tholuck, comp. Lange) ; 
or, that He has now stated more definitely the cause of the hatred (Lampe) ; 
or, that He utters it here as a parting word (Luthardt) ; or even, that at an 
earlier period, because the thoughts of the disciples had not yet dwelt upon 
it, it was ‘‘ for them as good as not said” (Hengstenberg). The difference 

- lies clearly before us, and is simply to be recognized ;° to be explained, 
howeversfrom the fact that in the Synoptics the more general and less ἃ 
definite allusions of the earlier time appear with the more definite form and ὦ 
stamp of later utterances. The living recollection of John must here also \ 
preponderate as against the Synoptics, so that his relation to theirs here } 
is that of a corrector. — ὅτε yew’ ὑμῶν ἤμην] It would have been unnecessary 
in the time of my personal association with you, since it is not till after my 
departure that your persecution (up to that time the hatred of the world 
affected Himself) is to commence. ‘‘ Because you have me with you, they 
cannot well but leave you in peace, and can do nothing to you, they must 
have done it to me previously, but now it will begin,” etc., Luther.’ As yet 
they had suffered no persecution ; hence the thought, ‘‘I could console you,” ® 

is notto be introduced. The interpretation also : ‘‘now first, when I prom- 
ise you the Spirit, can I thus openly speak to you” (Bengel, Tholuck), is 
not in harmony with the words. 

Vv. 5, 6. Now, however, this my being with you is past ! Now I go away to 

_ Him who has sent me, and in what a mood of mind are you at the prospect 
of this my impending departure !_ None of you asks me: whither dost Thou 
go away ὃ [See Note LIV. p. 457] but because I have spoken this to you, namely, 
that after my departure such sufferings shall befall you, grief has jilled your 


---.-. 


1 Baeumlein, Partik. p. 15. tom. 
2 See Winer, p. 581 f. [E. T. p. 625 ff.]. 5 See, on the contrary, Matt. x. 16-18, 28. 
3 Matt. v. 10 ff.; Luke vi. 22 ff.; Matt. 6 Comp. also Godet. 
x. 16 ff.; Lucke xii. 4ff.; Matt. xxi, 12 ff., 7 Comp. Chrysostom, Euth. Zigabenus, 
Xxiv. 9. Grotius. 


1—Euth. Zigabenus, comp. also Chrysos- 8 Liicke, de Wette, and older expositors. 


446 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


. heart, so that you have become quite dumb from sorrow, and blunted to the 
_ higher interest which lies in my going home to Him who sent me. Accord- 
ing to de Wette and Liicke, there would seem a want of exactness in the 
entire presentation, resting on the fact that ver. 6 does not stand before καὶ 
οὐδείς. The incorrectness of this assumption, in itself quite unnecessary, 
lies in this, that the first proposition of ver. 5is thus completed : ‘‘ But 
now at my departure I-could not keep silence concerning it,” by which the 
- 6th verse is anticipated. According to Kuinoel and Olshausen, a full point 
should be placed after πέμψ. we, and a pause is to be assumed, in which 
Jesus in vain awaited a question, so that He continued subsequently with 
an interrogation: ‘‘ Nullusne vestrum me amplius interrogat, quo abiturus 
sim ?” But the assumption of pauses (others, including de Wette, make 
the pause after ver. 5) is, when the correlation of the conjunctions is so 
definitely progressive, unwarranted. —The fact that already in xiii. 36 the 
question had been put by Peter ποῦ ὑπάγεις (comp. the question of Thomas, 
xiv. 5), does not stand in contradiction with the present passage ; but 
Jesus censures simply the degree of distress, which they had now reached, 
in which none among them fixed hiseye on the goal of the departing One, 
and could come to a question for more definite information respecting it. 
— ἡ λύπῃ] simply, in abstracto: sadness. 

Ver. 7. Nevertheless, how should you raise yourselves above this sorrow ! 
How is my departure your own gain 1 Through it in truth will the Paraclete 
be imparted to you asa support against the hatred of the world. [See 
Note LY. p. 457] — ἐγώ] in the consciousness of the personal guarantee. —- 
iva ἐγὼ ἀπέλϑω] ἐγώ in contradistinction to the Paraclete, who is to come in 
His place (xiv. 16) ; iva implies he divine necessity, as in xi. 50. On the 
dependence of the mission of the Paraclete upon the departure of Jesus, 
see on vii. 39. 

Ver. 8.1 The threefold ministry of the Paraclete towards the unbelieving 
Jews and Gentiles. hus will He be your advocate against the κόσμος ! --- 
ἐλέγξει] convict, namely, through His testimony of me, xv. 26. This convicting, 
of which the apostles were to be the bearers in their office, is the activity 
which convinces the person concerned (arguendi ratio exprobans), which 
reveals to him his unrighteousness, and puts him to shame,’ and the conse- 
quence of which may be in the different subjects either conversion (1 Cor. 
xiv. 24), or hardening’ and condemnation (Acts xxiv. 25; Rom. xi. 7 ff.). 
To apprehend it only of the latter side of the matter (Erasmus and many 
others, including de Wette, Briickner, and especially Wetzel, following the 
Fathers), is not justified by περὶ κρίσεως, since the κρίσις is intended, not of 
the world, but of the devil, and stands opposed to the Johannean view of 
the deliverance of the world through Christ ; the unbelieving world (ver. 
9) is to be convicted of the sin of unbelief ; and this, to him who is not 
hardened, is the way to faith (comp. xvii. 20, 21), and therewith to separa- 
tion from the world. _Godet well designates the threefold ἔλεγξις as the 


1 See Wetzel, wb. d. Hlenchus des Parakl. 2 iii, 20, viii. 9, 46; 1 Cor. xiv. 24; Tit.1.9; 
John xvi. 8-13, in the Zeiischr. 7. Luth. Theol. Matt. xviii. 15; Luke iii. 19, e¢ al. 
1856, p. 624 ff. 


ol 


CHAR KVIL;. 9} 10, 447 


moral victory of the Spirit through the preaching of the apostles. As the 
first prominent example, see the discourse of Peter, Acts ii., with its conse- 
quences. — περὶ ἁμαρτίας, x.t.2.] The objective contents of the ἔλεγξις set 
forth separately in three parts (themata). See, respecting the individual 
points, on vv. 9-11. 

Ver. 9. First part : in reference to sin He will convince them. The more 
exact defining, as to how far He will convince them περὶ ἁμαρτίας ; 80 far as 
they, namely (ὅτι, equivalent to εἰς ἐκεῖνο ὅτι, ii. 18, ix. 17, xi. 51), do not 
believe on me, which He will reveal to them as sin, and will bring them to a 
consciousness of guilt : ὅτε ἁμαρτάνουσι μὴ πιστεύοντες ἔτι, Huth. Zigabenus. 
Following Calvin (comp. already Apollinarius, Ammonius, and also Luther); 
de Wette and Briickner (comp. also Ebrard) interpret not of the conviction 
of sin, so far as the unbelief of the world will be brought to its conscious- 
ness as sin, but of sin generally (‘‘ qualis in se sit hominum natura,” Calvin), 
of the condition under the wrath of God, in which the world, as opposed 
to the ever-increasing multitude of believers, who are victorious through the 
power of truth, appears involved, because it does not believe, for faith is the 
bond between the sinful world and God. Comp. Lange, who understands 
the rejection of Christ as the essential manifestation of all sin, as also Wet- 
zel and Godet ; which, however, does not correspond to the simplicity of 
the words.’ On the ἔλεγξις of the world περὶ ἁμαρτ., and that with regard 
to its converting power, comp. 1 Cor. xiv. 24, 25. Tholuck makes out of 
the simple ἁμαρτίας the guilt of sin, and that the wnpardonable (ix. 41). — 
Note further that ὅτε is the exponent, not of ἁμαρτίας, but of ἐλέγξει 
περὶ aft. 

Ver. 10. The second particular : in reference to righteousness, thus to the 
opposite of ἁμαρτία. As, however, in ἁμαρτίας the subject of the ἔλεγξες is the 
world itself, so the subject of δικαιοσύνη is Christ ; hence the more exact state- 
ment : in that I go to my Father, and you see me no more ; δικαίου yap γνώρισμα 
τὸ πορεύεσϑαι πρὸς τὸν ϑεὸν κ. συνεῖναι αὐτῷ, Huth. Zigabenus; righteousness, since 
it thus, in virtue of the context, is necessarily an attribute of Christ, denotes 
His guiltlessness and holy moral perfection. The unbelieving held Him to 


ibe a sinner (comp. ix. 24), and put Him to death as such (xviii. 30) ; He was, 


however, the righteous one (1 John ii. 1, 29, 111. 7 ; comp. Acts iii. 14, vii. 
52; 1 Pet. 111. 18), and was proved to be such by the testimony of the Par- 
aclete, by whose power the apostles preached the exaltation of Christ to the 
Father (comp. Acts ii. 33 ff.), and thus convicting the world as guilty περὲ 
δικαιοσύνης, the opposite of which the unbelieving assumed in Christ, and 
thought to be confirmed by the offence of His cross. So substantially 
Chrysostom and his successors, Beza, Maldonatus, Bengel, Morus, Tittmann, 
and others, as Liicke, Klee, Olshausen, de Wette, B. Crusius, Maier, Godet, 
Baeumlein. Since, after the analogy of the triple division, Christ must be 
the subject of righteousness, we on this ground must at once reject not only the 


1 The sense would be this: in reference this! for example, by: περὶ ἁμαρτίας, ὅτι ἡ 
to sin He will convince them that wnbelief ἁμαρτία ἐστὶν ἡ ἀπιστία. And such an expres- 
is the true essence of sin. How easy would _ sion of the thought assumed would have 
it have been for Jesus to have actually sai@ been quite Johannean. 


448 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
interpretation of Grotius of the compensatory justice of of God, ‘and that of the 
Socinians and Kuinoel, quod jus et fas est (Matt. xii. xii. 15), but also that of 
Augustine, Erasmus, Luther,? Melanchthon, Calvin, Calovius, Jansen, 
Lampe, Storr, Hengstenberg, and others, who understand the righteousness 
of man through faith in the Pauline sense,® which also de Wette (with the 
modification that it is its victorious power in the world which is spoken οἵ) 
inappropriately mixes up with the other interpretation, The form given by 
Luthardt to the interpretation of Augustine, etc., that the passage does not 
indeed express that Christ has by His departure acquired righteousness, 
but rather has rendered righteousness through faith in Himself as unseen, 
possible, is likewise opposed by the fact that Christ would not be the subject 
of δικαιοσύνη ; and the thought, moreover, is both artificial and inappropri- 
ate, since faith in Christ cannot be conditioned by His invisibility, although 
faith must exist in spite of His invisibility (xx. 29). The thought is rather : 
‘‘The fact that I go the Father, and shall then be removed from your eyes, 
vill serve to the Spirit in His ἔλεγξις of the world as demonstration that I 
»4 And thus the by no means idle, but tender and sympathetic 
expression, x. οὐκέτι ϑεωρεῖτέ με, as denoting the translation into the invis- 
ible world, is an outflow of the thoughtful and feeling interest of Jesus in 


am. δίκαιος. 


, the approaching pain of separation which the disciples were to experience, to 


whom this grief, in view of the higher object of that ἐλεγξις of the world, 
could not be spared. A reference to the scorn of the world to be expected 
on the removal of Jesus, as if He were thereby to be manifgsted an impostor,” 
is remote from the ‘connection. De Wette’s remark is jincorrect : that x. 
ὑμεῖς ϑεωρεῖτέ με Was rather to be expected. That must haye been expected 
if, with Tholuck, it had to be explained of the moral purity (= ζωῇ) only to 
be found in Christ, the revelation of which was completed by the spiritual 
communication of the exalted One, who now may be contemplated spiritu- 
ally instead of bodily. But thus all essential points would be read between 
the lines. 
Ver. 11. If the Paraclete by means of His testimony convinces the world 
of its sin of unbelief, and of Christ’s righteousness, than the third ἔλεγξις 


1**Deum aequum esse rectorem, ut qui own only in an invisible manner. This 


me extra omnem injuriae contactum in 
suae majestatis consortium receperit.” 
Comp. also Ewald, Jahrb. VIII. p. 199, and 
Johann. Schr. 1. Ὁ. 381. 

2 “ἡ For Christians should know no other 
righteousness, as the ground of their 
standing in the sight of God ... than this 
departure of Christ to the Father, which is 
nothing else than that He has taken our 
sins on His neck,” etc. 


3 Here also Ebrard’s view comes in, who,” 


indeed, considers the Pauline sense of 
δικαιοσύνη to be remote, but explains it: of 
the righteousness, which the world should 
have and has not, since it has cast out the 
Lord, and compelled Him to go to the 


Father, and to hold intercourse with His’ 


., 


interpretation is incorrect, for the reason 
that, in accordance with it, the ἔλεγξις wept 
δικαιοσύνης would substantially coincide 
with the ἔλεγξις περὶ ἁμαρτίας, Moreover, 
the rejection of Christ and His invisible 
intercourse with His society is an émported 
meaning. 

4 What Wetzel finds over and above this 
in the words: that in Christ “ all right- 
eousness rests, and from Him again all right- 
eousness proceeds,” is indeed a correct dog- 
matic deduction from the present passage, 
but is not contained in the words them- 
selves as their meaning. 

‘Linder, in the Stud. u. Krit. 1867, Ὁ. 
514 ff. 


CHAP. VERVE. 125.2 449 


cannot be wanting, which must refer to him, who rules the unbelieving 
world, and is the original enemy of Christ and His kingdom, to the devil. . 
He is judged, i.e. actually condenmed, by the fact that Christ has accomplished 
His world-redeeming work, whereby in truth every one who becomes a 
believer is withdrawn from the sway of the devil, so that his cause in and 
with the fulfilment of the redemptive work is objectively a lost one. Comp. 
on xii. 30, 81. Of this the Paraclete will rebukingly convict the world, 
dependent on the dominion of the devil, in order that the world, in ac- 
knowledgment of the sinfulness of its unbelief (ver. 9), and of the holy 
righteousness of the Christ rejected by it (ver. 10), may turn its back in 
penitence on the prince of the world, over whom already sentence has been 
pronounced (ver. 10). Thus, through the apostolic preaching is accom- 
plished on the κόσμος the officium Spiritus 8. elenchticum. 


ΝΟΤΕ.--- ΤῊ 6 three more precise statements with ὅτι (vv. 9-11) express the re- 
lations from the standpoint of the presence of the speaker. Hence, in ver. 9, the 
present πιστεύουσιν (which was altered at a very early period—so YVulg. and It. 
—into ἐπίστευσαν) ; hence also in ver. 10 the present ὑπάγω and the second per- 
son θεωρεῖτε, because Jesus is speaking to the disciples, and it is in fact His de- 
parture from them which is filling His mind, which lively directness of style 
de Wette unjustly criticises as surprisingly inappropriate ; hence, finally, in 
ver. 11 the perfect κέκριται, because Jesus sees Himself at the end of His work, 
and therewith the actual condemnation of Satan already completed and secured. 
Comp. ver. 33. 


Ver. 12. Jesus breaks off, and states the reason. —7o/2a] Much, that 
belongs to the entirety of the divine ἀλήϑεια (ver. 13). That He means only 
Surther developments (Luther, Melanchthon, and many others, including 
Liicke, de Wette), is not to be deduced (see in loc.) from xv. 15, comp. xiv. 
26. Nevertheless, the portions of doctrine themselves, which may belong to 
the πολλά, although they are in general to be sought for in the letters and dis- 
courses of the apostles, cannot be completely determined ; but neither are 
they, with Grotius (comp. Beza), to be limited to the ‘‘ cognitio eorum, quae 
ad ecclesias constituendas pertinent” (spirituality of the kingdom of Christ, 
abolition of the law, apostolic decrees), because we are not fully acquainted 
* with the instructions of Jesus to His disciples. In general, it is certain that 
information respecting the further development of His work, and particu- 
larly matters of knowledge which, as history attests, still necessitated special 
revelation, as the immediate calling of the Gentiles, Acts x., and eschatologi- 
cal disclosures like 1 Cor. xv. 51, Rom. xi. 25, 1 Thess. iv. 15 ff., form part 
of their contents. The non-apostolical Apocalypse (against Hengstenberg 
and others), as likewise the ἀποκαλύψεις granted to Christian prophets in the 
N. T., are here, where Jesus is concerned with the circle of apostles, left out 
of consideration. Augustine, however, is already correct generally : ‘‘cum 
Christus ipse ea tacuerit, quis nostrum dicat: illa vel illa sunt?’ Since, 
however, we cannot demonstrate that even the oral instruction of the 
apostles was completely deposited in their writings (especially as undoubted 
epistles are lost, while very few of the original apostles left behind them any 


450 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

writing), Tradition in and of itself (tn thesi) cannot be rejected, although its 
reality in regard to given cases (in hypothesi) can never be proved, and it must 
therefore remain generally without normative validity.’ In opposition to tra- 
dition, Luther limited the many things, in entire contradiction of the context, 
to the sufferings that were to be endured. — ἔχω] have in readiness, viii. 6 ; 2 
John 12; 3 John 13. — βαστάζειν] That which is too heavy, for the spiritual 
strength, for understanding, temper, strength of will, cannot be borne.? On 
the thing : 2 Cor. 111. 2. Note, further, Bengel’s appropriate remark, to 
the effect that the Romish traditions can least be borne by those who have 
the Spirit. — ἄρτι] at the end, as in xiii. 33. 

Ver. 18. Τὸ xv. τ. ἀλ.] See on xiv. 17. — ddny. iy. εἰς τ. aA. πᾶσαν] He will 
be to you a guide into all the truth. Comp. ver. 23; πᾶσαν, in its position 
after τ. ἀλ. (see critical notes), does not belong to the verb, as if it expressed 
the complete introduction (Liicke), but describes, as in v. 22, divine truth in its 
entirety, according to its collective contents.* As,to the thought, πᾶσαν τὴν 
ἀλήϑειαν, Mark v. 33,* would not be different ; but the present construction 
makes ἀλήϑεια more prominent. —ov yap, x.t.A.] Reason, from the origin and 
compass of His communications. — ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ] αὐτοκέλευστος, ἀνήκοος, Nonnus. 
This negative statement is, indeed, the denial of anything conceived of 
after a human manner, which is absolutely out of the question,’ but serves 
completely to set forth the unity of the Spirit’s teaching with that of the 
Lord. Comp. v. 19. ---ὅσα ἂν ἀκούσῃ] All, whatsoever He shall have heard 
from God, so that He will withhold from you nothing of that which has 
been divinely heard by Him.’ The Spirit, however, hears from God not ex- 
ternally as a Subject separated from God, but (comp. 1 Cor, ii. 11) through 
an interna acceptio ; for He is in God, and proceeds from Him, xv. 26. 
That the hearing from God, not from Christ,* is meant, is to be assumed on 
account of the absolute ἀκούσῃ, and ver. 15 renders it certain. On ἀκούσῃ 
itself, comp. also Luther: Faith must make its way universally over all 
creatures, and not cleave to thoughts of listening to bodily preaching, but 
lay hold of a preaching, word, and hearing in essence.” —ra ἐρχόμενα] So 
that you, through the revelation of the Spirit, will also become acquainted 
with the future,* the knowledge of which belongs to the whole ἀλήϑεδ (par- 
ticularly the eschatological developments). Finally, ra ἐρχόμενα belongs 
also to that denoted by ὅσα ἂν ἀκούσῃ, and is related to it as species to genus, © 


1 Comp. on 1 Cor. xi. 34. certain mark of truth and touchstone, to 


2 Comp. Kypke, I. p. 404 f. 

3Comp. v. 22: τ. κρίσιν πᾶσαν, Plat. 
Theaet. p. 147 B, τὸν ἀριϑμὸν πάντα δίχα διελά- 
βομεν; Kriiger, § 50. 11. 11. 

4 Kriiger on Thue. vi. 87. 1. 

5 “ Spiritus enim, qui a semet ipso loqui- 
tur, non spiritus veritatis, sed spiritus est 
mendacii,”’ Ruperti; comp. already Igna- 
tius, ad Eph. interpol. 9. 

6 Consequently He sets, for the Holy 
Spirit Himself, a goal and measure of His 
preaching, that He shall preach nothing 
new nor different from that which Christ 
and His word is, so that we may have a 


judge of false spirits,’’ Luther. 

7 When Godet says, on ver. 13: “7716 
word in xiv. 26 included the formula of the 
inspiration of our Gospels ; ver. 13 gives that 
of the inspiration of the Epistles and of the 
Apocalypse,” the simple addition must be 
made, ‘in so far as and to the extent in 
which these writings are actually apostolic.” 

8 Olshausen, Kling, B. Crusius, Luthardt, 
Hengstenberg, Godet : from both. 

9 ἁ δ᾽ ἐρχομένα μοῖρα, Soph. Trach. 846. 

10'Comp. ἜΒΗ: ΚΠ. 22, 23, xliv. 7 Σὶν. 1.5: 
τὰ ἐπερχόμενα. 


CHAP. XVI., 14-18. 451 
so that καί brings into relief from that which is general, something further 
that is particular. 

Vv. 14, 15. For me, with a view to glorify me (ἐμέ, with emphasis), will 
the Paraclete, as is said in ver. 13, operate, for the advancement of my glory 
among men, since He will announce to you nothing else than what is mine, 
what in the identity of its substance is my truth, of which J am the 
possessor and disposer.’ Justly do I designate the divine truth, which He 
is to announce, as my property, since all that the Father has, 7.e. according 
to the context, the whole truth possessed by the Father (Col. ii. 8), belongs 
properly to me, as to the Son, who was in intuitive fellowship with the 
Father (i. 18), went forth from the Father (viii. 42), was consecrated (x. 
36) and sent for the accomplishment of His work, and, moreover, continu- 
ally lives and moves in the Father, and the Fatherin Him. Comp. xvii. 10. 
Calvin, in opposition to the ontological interpretation, well observes, that 
Christ speaks : ‘‘ de injuncto sibi erga nos efficio.”” Note further, the emphat- 
ic, all-embracing πάντα ὅσα, x.7.A., aS Major premiss in the argument from 
the universal to the particular ; hence all the less is ver. 14 to be referred, 
with Grotius and Hengstenberg, merely to the announcement of what is 
Suture. — λαμβάνει] Conceived as a constant relation. 

Ver. 16. Soon, after a short separation, will this arrival of the Paraclete, 
and in it our spiritual reunion, take place. Comp. xiv. 19. —k. ὄψεσϑέ we] As 
in xiv. 18, 19, not to bereferred to the resurrection? [See Note LVI. p. 457], 
nor to the Parousia,* but to the spiritual vision of Christ in the ministry of 
the Paraclete, which they experience, and that without any double meaning. 
See on xiv. 18. — Were ὅτε ὑπάγω πρὸς τ. rar. genuine (but see the critical 
notes), it would assign the reason for the promise ὄψεσϑέ με, since the seeing 
again here intended is conditioned by the departure to the Father (ver. 7). 

_ Vv. 17, 18. Jesus makes a pause ; some of His disciples (ἐκ τ. pad. air. 86. 
τινές, aS in vii, 40) express (in a whisper) to one another, how enigmatic 
this language, ver. 16,is tothem. They indicate, accordingly (ver. 18), the 
μικρόν that was mentioned as the point of unintelligibility : ‘‘ what shall 
this be, what does He mean by μικρόν 2?” Note τοῦτο placed first with emphasis, 
as well as the article with μικρόν, pointing backwards, — καὶ ὅτε ὑπάγω rp. τ. 
πατ.] ὅτι is recitative. Since the words in ver. 16 are not genuine, we must 
assume that the disciples place what Jesus said in ver. 10, in connection 
With these enigmatic words, ver. 16, and here include along with it the 
point there expressed in their seeing Him no more :—irdyw mp. τ. rar. — 
in order to receive an explanation regarding it, probably feeling that this 


1 Every claim that anything belongs to 
what Christ terms τὰ ἐμοῦ must necessarily, 
according to the analogia fidei, be measured 
by His and His disciples’ extant word ; 
hence the present passage, in like manner, 
as ver. 13, excludes all the pretended claims 
of fanaticism. 

2 As Lange, Ebrard, Hengstenberg,Ewald, 
Weiss still maintain, in spite of ver. 23, 
comp. with Acts i. 5, 6. 


3 The πάλιν μικρόν, which decidedly op- 
poses this interpretation, because it is en- 
tirely unrelated to the first μικρόν, leads 
Luthardt to the supposition that the return 
of Christ is here promised to the disciples 
in such a way, that they were to see in the 
transitory return of the risen one a pledge 
of the future Parousia. But of this Jesus 
certainly says nothing, either here or in 
what follows. 


ee 


452 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


explanation must necessarily serve for the clearing up of the obscure words 
before them. 

Ver. 19. Jesus observes what they would ask (comp. vi. 6), and extracts 
from them (as one who knows the heart, ii. 25 ; see subsequently ver. 30) 
the inquiry, not, however, setting aside the point, which they had also in- 
troduced from His earlier discourse (ὑπάγω rp. τ. x.) but deferring it till the 
solemn conclusion of His instruction, ver. 28. 

Vv. 20-22. He gives no explanation of the meaning, but depicts the a/- 
ternation of sorrow and joy, which the not seeing and seeing again will bring 
with them. In this way they might, with the correct apprehension and hope, 
advance towards the approaching development. — κλαύσετε x. ϑρηνήσ. ὑμεῖς] 
ὑμεῖς With peculiar emphasis, moved to the end, and placed immediately 
before ὁ dé κόσμ. The mourning and lamentation, this loud outburst of the 
λύπη of the disciples over the death of Jesus (not : ‘‘ over the church of 
Christ given up to death,” Luthardt), becomes yet more tragic through the 
contrast of the joy of the world. — εἰς χαρὰν γενήσεται] will be turned into joy, 
namely, when that ὄψεσϑέ με takes place. — Ver. 21. ἡ γυνή] the woman ; the 
article is generic, comp. 6 δοῦλος, xv. 15. — ὅταν τίκτῃ] when she is bringing 
Sorth. — ἡ ὥρα αὐτῆς] her hour of distress, ὥρα βαρυώδινος, Nonnus. Comp. 
afterwards τῆς ϑλίψεως, which denotes the distress during the occurrence of 
birth. — ἄνϑρωπος] a man. In this lies a self-consciousness of maternal joy. 
- εἰς τὸν κόσμ.] born and therewith come into the world (i. 9, xviii. 87). An 
appeal to the Rabbinical Ὁ }»Δ NID is not required. — The picture of the 
woman bringing forth, to set forth the sorrow which issues in joy, is also 
frequent in the O. T. (Isa.. xxi. 8, xxvi. 1%, lxvi. 7 ; Hos. ‘xiii. 18.3 Mic. 
iv. 9, 10). Its importance in the present passage Jesus Himself states, ver. 
22, definitely and clearly, and in regard to it no further exposition is to be 
attempted. In accordance with this view, the grief and the joy of the dis- 
ciples is the sole thing depicted, not also the passing of Christ through death 
to life (Briickner), as the birth of the new fellowship for the disciples, and 
the like. There is much arbitrary interpretation in Chrysostom, Apollina- 
ris, Theophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, Ruperti, and several others, including 
Olshausen, according to whom the death of Christ is said to appear as the 
sorrowful birth-act of humanity, out of which the God-man comes forth, 
glorified to the eternal joy of the whole ; evenin de Wette the living Christ 
is subjectively a child of the spiritual productivity of the disciples. Simi- 
larly Tholuck, also Lange, in conformity with his explanation of Christ’s 
resurrection, understanding this as involving the birth of the new humanity 
out of the birth-sorrow of the theocracy ; comp. Ebrard, who finds depicted 
the résurrection of the Lord as the birth of the church, which is begotten 
and suckled from His heavenly life. And further, since the Parousia is not 
referred to, and the you, ver. 22, are the disciples, we must not, with Lu- 
thardt, explain it of the passing of the church into the state of glorification at 
the future coming of Christ (Rey. xxi. 4), so that the churchis to be thought 
of as ‘‘ bringing forth in its death-throes the new state of things. — Ver. 22. 
According to the amended reading (sce the critical notes) : you also will thus 
(corresponding to this παροιμία) now indeed (over my death, which is immedi- 


CHAP. XVI., 23, 24. 458 
ately impending) have sorrow ; but again I shail see you, etc. That here 
Christ does not again say ὄψεσϑέ we, as in ver. 19, is only a change in the 
correlate designation of the same fact (Godet’s explanation is an artificial 
refinement), which, expressed in vy. 19 and 22 under both its aspects, 
is, by means of vv. 23 and 25, obviously designated, neither as the Parou- 
sia, nor asthe return by the reswrrection, or at least as taking its begin- 
ning from this (see on xiv. 18), but as the communication of the Paraclete. 
The exalted Christ, returning to them in the Holy Ghost, sees them again. 
— aiper] represents the certain future as present. Climax of the representa- 
tion. Then your joy will be incapable of being taken from you, on account 
of the renewed fellowship, like this fellowship itself (Matt. xxviii. 20). 

Vv. 23, 24. Happy result of this spiritual reunion in reference to the dis- 
ciples’ official relationship : ilwmination—granting of prayer. — ἐν ἐκείνῃ τ. 
ἡμ.] On the day that I shall again be seen by you (spiritually), not : “Τῇ 
the disciples shall spiritually have given birth in themselves to the living 
Christ” (de Wette) ; not : on the never-ending day which is to begin with 
Easter in their souls (Lange), to which the interpretations of Ebrard and 
Hengstenberg also substantially amount, comp. Briickner.— ἐμὲ οὐκ épur. 
οὐδέν] Because, the enlightenment through the Paraclete will secure you so 
high a sufficiency of divine knowledge, that you would have no need to 
question me (note the emphatic ἐμέ) about anything (as hitherto has been 
the case so frequently and so recently, ver. 19). The discourse of Peter, 
Acts ii. 14 ff., is a living testimony of this divine certainty here promised, 
which took the place of the want of understanding.? Chrysostom, Grotius, 
and several others, including Weizsicker and Weiss, incorrectly take ἐρωτ. 
to mean pray. Comp. vv. 19, 30.—aujyv ἀμήν, «.7.4.] The further good to 
be promised is introduced with emphatic asseveration in the consciousness 
of its great importance. — In adopting the reading δώσει ὑμῖν ἐν τῷ ὀνόμ. μου 
(see the critical notes), we must explain : He will give it you, in virtue of 
my name, by its power as the determining motive,* because you have not 
prayed otherwise than in my name (see on xiv. 13). The interpretation : 
in my stead (Weiss), yields a paradoxical idea, and has opposed to it ver. 
24. — ἕως ἄρτι, x.7.2.] Because, that is, the higher illumination was wanting 
to you, which belongs thereto, and which will be imparted to you through 
the medium of the Paraclete only after my departure. You are wanting up 
to this time in the spiritual ripeness and maturity of age for such praying, 
as the highest grade of prayer that may be heard. This reason appears in 


1Jn interpreting it of the Parousia, the 
assumption is forced on one, that with 
ἀμὴν, ἀμήν λέγω, κιτ.λ., a new section of the 
discourse commences, which refers to the 
intermediate time until the Parousia. See 
especially Luthardt and Lechler, p. 225. 
This is certainly opposed, and decisively, 
by the ἐν ἐκείνῃ τ. ἡμέρᾳ, ver. 26, which is 
solemnly repeated, and points back to ver. 
23. And the above assumption is, in and 
of itself, entirely arbitrary. Comp. the 


ἀμὴν, k.7.A., ver. 20. In interpreting it of 
the Resurrection, Ebrard sees himself neces- 
sitated to give to οὐκ ἐρωτήσ. οὐδέν the limi- 
tation : in the sense of ver. 19. A pure im- 
portation. 

2 Scholten’s view is a misunderstanding 
of an enthusiastic kind, to the effect that 
this saying overthrows the entire Protes- 
tant principle of Scripture. 

3 Winer, p. 362 [E. T. p. 390]. 


484 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


harmony with the text from the reciprocal relation of ἐν ἐκείνῃ τ. ἡμέρᾳ and 
ἕως ἄρτι, if we note that by ἐμὲ οὐκ ἐρωτ. οὐδέν that very divine clearness and 
certainty is expressed, which is still wanting to them ἕως ἄρτι. The reason, 
therefore, is not to be determined in this wise, that Christ had not yet been 
glorified (Luthardt), and had accordingly not yet become to the disciples 
that which He was to become.’— iva] Divinely ordained object of the 
λήψεσϑε. ---ἡ χαρὰ ὑμ.1] Ver. 22. It is to be filled up, i.e. to be complete, 
that nothing may be wanting to it. Comp. xv. 11. There is thus fulfilled 
in the disciples, after their reception of the Spirit through the granting of 
their prayers, the consolatory picture of the bearing woman in her joy after 
the sorrow she has surmounted. Luthardt also transposes vv. 23, 24 into 
the time Jefore the last future ; but necessitated to this, he should not have 
referred ver. 16 ff. to the Parousia. 

Ver. 25. Tairu] that, namely, after which the disciples, in vv. 17, 18, 
had asked, and what He Himself, ver. 20 ff., had more fully carried out ; 
that, consequently, which had been spoken of His departure and of His 
being seen again, and its circumstances and consequences. He has uttered 
this in improper, allegorical expressions (ἐν παροίμ., comp. on x. 6, and on 
the generic plur., Mark xii. 1), proportioned to their capacity of compre- 
hension ; but when the hour of the fulfilment of the promise of the Para- 
clete shall have arrived, He will then, and that through the Paraclete, no 
longer speak to them under such sensuous veils of thought, but without cir- 
cumlocution, and directly, frankly and freely (παῤῥησίᾳ, adverbial instru- 
mental dative, as in xi. 14), give them tidings of the Father. In answer to 
Luthardt, who refers ταῦτα to all that was previously said, including the 
discourse on the vine (comp. also Godet), xvi. 1 is decisive, and the fact 
that before ver. 19 the disciples have spoken. 

Vv. 26, 27. Ἔν ἐκ. τ. ἡμ. ἐν τῷ Ov. μ. αἰτήσ.] Because enlightened by the 
Paraclete. Comp. ver. 24. Bengel’s remark is apt: ‘‘Cognitio parit ora- 
tionem,” and that, the prayer to be heard in the name of Jesus.? —x«ai οὐ 
λέχω, k.7.2.| and I say not, etc.; I should therewith promise something for 
that coming time that may be dispensed with. For on my part (ἐγώ) an in- 
tercession on your behalf in order to the hearing of these your prayers will 
not at all be needed, because, that is, they are precisely prayers in my name 
(see on xiv. 14). The opposite meaning is deduced by Aretius, Grotius, Wolf, 
Rosenmiiller, Kuinoel : that οὐ λέγω tu. means : L will not mention at all, so 
that the intercession is thus designated as a matter of course. Against this 
the following αὐτὸς yap, κ.τ.1., is decisive. There is no contradiction, how- 
ever, with xiv. 16, xvii. 9, since in these places the intercession of Christ 
belongs to the time prior to the communication of the Paraclete. — αὐτός] 
ipse, from the proper divine impulse of love, without the need of my inter- 
cessory mediation. — φιλεῖ} ‘‘amat vos, adeoque vos exaudit,” Bengel. 
The present tense represents the future as present, They have then the 


1 Hofmann, Schriftbew. 11. 2, p. 358, comp. announced to thee by the Holy Spirit what 
Hengstenberg. God’s will and command is, which He has 
2**For thou comest not in thine own performed through Christ,’’ Luther. 
name, work, or merit, but on this, that it is 


CHAP. XVI., 28-30. 455 


πνεῦμα viodeciac, Rom. viii. 15; Gal. iv. 6 ; along with which, however, 
the intercession intended in 1 John ii. 1, Heb. vii. 25, Rom. viii. 34, on the 
part of the exalted Jesus, is not excluded. This intercession is not required 
in order to the hearing of prayer, if it is made in virtue of the Spirit in the 
name of Jesus, but rather generally in order to the continued efficacy of the 
atonement on behalf of believers. — The reason of that αὐτὸς. . . φιλεῖ ὑμᾶς 
is: ὅτε ὑμεῖς, x.7.2.: ‘for He will not thus remove Himself out of the 
midst, that they should pray without and exclusive of Him,” Luther. 
Note ὑμεῖς ἐμέ : because ye are they who have loved me. πεφιλ. is placed 
Jirst as the correlate of φιλεῖ ; and with logical correctness, since faith, in 
this definiteness of development (ὅτε... ἐξῆλϑον), could in its progress 
gradually unfold itself only in their loving union with Christ, through the 
exercise and experience of this love. On the perfects, as the presents of the 
completed act, Bengel says, and rightly: ‘‘amore et fide prehensum 
habetis.”” Hofmann’ incorrectly explains them from the standpoint of the 
Parousia, from which a glance is taken backwards to the love that has been 
borne to the close. The entire promise has nothing to do with the Parou- 
sia ; see on vv. 16, 22, xiv. 18. — ἐξηλϑον] See on vill. 42. 

Ver. 28. With ἐξήλϑον, solemnly, and with still more definite precision 
by means of ἐκ τοῦ πατρός, a fresh confirmation of these fundamental con- 
tents of faith is commenced, and the return to the Father is subjoined,— 
and with this a conclusion is made with the same thought,—now, however, 
through the intervening explanatory clauses, brought nearer to the under- 
standing of the disciples—from which the whole discussion, vv. 16, 17, 
took its rise. A simple and grand summary of His entire personal life. 

Vv. 29, 30. The disciples, aroused, nay, astonished (ide), by the clearness 
of the last great declaration, now find the teachings contained in vy. 20-28 
so opened to their understanding, and thereby the enigmatical character of 
vv. 16, 17 so solved, that they judge, even now, that in this instruction just 
communicated He speaks so openly and clearly, so entirely without allegor- 
ical disguise, that He is at the present time doing for them (not merely a 
prelude thereof, as Hengstenberg tones down the meaning) that, for the at- 
tainment of which He had in ver. 25 pointed them to a future hour. But 
as He, by this teaching in vv. 20-28, had anticipated (ver. 19) the questions 
which they, according to vv. 16, 17, had upon their heart, they are also in 
this respect so surprised, that they at the same time feel certain that He 
knows all things, and needs not first to be inquired of, since He replies un- 
asked to the questions on which information was desired ; hence the future 
things promised by Him in the words ἐν ἐκείνῃ to οὐδέν, ver. 23, may like- 
wise already exist as present, on account of His unlimited knowledge. 
‘‘Exultant ergo ante tempus perinde acsi quis nummo uno aureo divitem se 
putaret” (Calvin) ; but however incomplete their understanding was as yet, 
it was sufficient for them to experience a deep and vivid impression there- 
from, and to lead up to the expression of the decided confession of faith, év 
τούτῳ πιστεύομεν, κιτ.2. Augustine exaggerates when he says: ‘Illi usque 


1 Schrifibew. II. 1, p. 548. 


ef 


456 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Parvuli 
Schweizer has very arbitrarily declared ver. 30 to be spuri- 
ous ; but Lange maintains that the disciples regarded a ray of light from 
the Spirit, which they now received as the beginning of an uninterrupted 
holiday of the Spirit. This is by no means to be established by ἐν τούτῳ, x.7.2. 
— Ver. 29. viv] Now, what thou first didst promise as future, ver. 25. — Ver. 
30. viv] What we, according to thy declaration, ver. 23, should first become 
aware of at a future time. The obvious retrospective reference, given in the 
words themselves that are employed, of ver. 29 to ver. 25, and of ver. 30 to 
ver. 23, is neither to be concealed nor denied. — iva] as in 11. 25. — ἐν τούτῳ] 
propter hoc, Acts xxiv. 16. Comp. ἐν ᾧ, quoniam (Fritzsche, ad Rom. 11. p. 
93). ἐν denotes causal dependence (Bernhardy, p. 211). Not now com- 
mences their faith, that (ὅτ) Christ came forth from God (see ver. 27), nor 
do they now first believe it because of His omniscience ; but for their existing 
faith in His divine origin they recognize in this discovered omniscience a 
new and peculiar ground of certainty ; comp. on ii. 11. Lange erroneously 
explains ὅτε as because ; ‘in this our faith is rooted, because Mhou,ete; ine 
procession of Christ from His pre-human existence with God was indeed 
not the ground of faith (this were His words and works, xiv. 10, 11, x. 38), 
but the grand subject of faith (ver. 27, xvii. 8, xx. 31). Comp. 1 John iv. 
2,3; 2John 7. According to Ewald, ἐν τούτῳ would express that in which 
they believe, namely, in the fact that (rz), etc. But John never designates 
the object of faith by ἐν (Mark i. 15) ; he would probably have written τοῦτο 
mot. (X1. 26). 

Vv. 31, 32. Since ἄρτε must bear the emphasis, and since Jesus could not 
and would not doubt of? the faith of the disciples at this moment, ἄρτι mor. 
is not to be taken interrogatively? (according to the analogy of i. 51, xiii. 
38, xx. 29), but concessively : ‘‘ Now, just now, ye believe, but how soon will 
ye become vacillating !”* The faith itself did not pass away (hence there 
is no contradiction to ver. 27, comp. Luke xxii. 32), but it did not stand 
the test of self-denial and of heroism. This must first appear in the school 
of conflict and experience. — xa? ἐλήλυϑεν] so immediately at hand is it, — 
iva] See on ver. 2. —ele τὰ idia] into His own, i.e. His own place of residence.* 
Opposite of the κοινωνία, which is thus rent asunder.’ On the prediction it- 
self comp. Matt. xxvi. 31, and on its fulfilment xxvi. 56. — καί] The emphatic 


adeo non intelligunt, ut nec saltem se non intelligere intelligant. 
enim erant.” 


and . . ., which (with a pause to be supplied in thought) unexpectedly 


introduces the contrast. See on vii 

1“ He will not punish them nor discoun- 
tenance them, as those who are as yet weak 
and without understanding, but answers 
them in the most friendly manner, as 
though He should say: ‘‘ Ye are good pious 
children, you may probably imagine that 
you understand and believe, and it is indeed 
true that you now believe, as you in truth 
acknowledge from the heart that He went 
forth from God (which is ever the true 
faith), but ye know not how it will go, and 
how weak your faith is,’’ etc., Luther. 


. 28. — οὐκ εἰμὶ μόνος, x.7.A.] The calm, 


2 With Euth. Zigabenus, Calvin, Wetstein, 
and several others, including Kuinoel, Ols- 
hausen, de Wette, B. Crusius, Tischendorf, 
Hengstenberg, Ewald. 

3 οἱ λέγοντες φεύξεσϑε μικρὸν 
ὕστερον, κινηϑείσης ὑμῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ φόβου τῆς 
πίστεως, Apollinaris. 

4 xix. 27; Plat. Pol. 8, p. 543 B. 

δ ἀπόσσυτος ἄλλος am’ ἄλλον, Nonnus, comp. 
Plat. Gorg. Ὁ. 502 E: ἕνεκα τοῦ ἰδίου τοῦ αὑτῶν 
ὀλιγωροῦντες τοῦ κοινοῦ. 


πιστεύειν 


»~ 


NOTES. 457 


clear self-consciousness, elevated above all human desertion, of the Father’s 
protection, comp. viii. 29. The momentary feeling which appears in Matt. 
xxvii. 46 is not in conflict with this. 

Ver. 33. ‘‘ This is the last word given, and struck into their hand by way 
of good-night. But He concludes very forcibly with that for which he has 
made the entire discourse,” Luther, —ravra] pointing back, at the close of 
the whole discourses again resumed from xiv. 31, to chap. xv. 16. — ἐν ἐμοὶ 
εἰρήνην . . . ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ ϑλῖψιν) exact correlates : in me (living and moving), 
ἦ.6. in vital fellowship with me : Peace, rest of soul, peace of heart (comp. 
xiv. 27) ; in the world, 1.6. in your intercourse with the unbelieving ; afflic- 
tion (xvi. 21, and see xv. 18 ff.). —éyo] Luther aptly remarks : ‘‘He does 
not say: ‘‘Be comforted, you have overcome the world ; but this is your 
consolation, that J, J have overcome the world ; my victory is your salva- 
tion.” And upon this victor rests the imperishability of the church. — vevi« 
τ. x6ou.] The Perf. declares the victory immediately impending, which is to 
be gained through His glorification by means of death, already completed. 
Prolepsis of the certain conqueror on the boundary of His work. Comp. 
xii. 31, xiii. 31. But if He has overcome the anti-Messianic power of the 
world, how could His own, in spite of all affliction, become disheartened, as 
though He would give up His work, which was to be continued through them, 
and suffer His victory to fall to the ground ? Comp. rather 1 John v. 4, 5, 
iv. 4. Therefore take away. Paul especially isa living commentary on this 
Sapoeiv. Seee.g. Rom. viii. 37; 2 Cor. ii. 14, iv. 7 ff., vi. 4 ff., xii.9, his dis- 
course before Felix and Festus, etc. Comp. Luther’s triumphant exposition. 


ΝΟΤΕΒ py AMERICAN EDITOR. 


τῆν pe Viers5: 


Νὺν δέ is not here, as often in John and elsewhere, logical, but as it is; but 
strictly temporal, but now.—-And none of you asketh me. Generally taken as im- 
plying some censure, because they are not more ready to question him. Weiss 
holds that, because of the clear declarations already made, there was no room 


Ἰ for further questioning; and the Saviour’s only meaning can be: You have 


no need of questioning ; you know, each of you, whither I go. 


LY. ‘‘ It is expedient for you.’’ Ver. 7. 


Meyer: because the Spirit assures to them aid against the hating world. Weiss: 
on account of His agency in the world, which Christ proceeds, in the following 


.words, to unfold. Better still, perhaps, on account of the Spirit’s entire minis- 


try, both in the disciples and in the world, which makes His coming more than 
a compensation for the personal presence of Christ. 


LVI. ‘* And yet a little while, and ye shall see me.’’ Ver, 16. 


Meyer makes this renewed vision refer, not to Christ’s reappearance in the 
resurrection or in the Parousia, but to the spiritual vision of Christ in the 
ministry of the Paraclete. Weiss dissents, and maintains (with Lange, Ebr, 


458 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Hengst. Ew.) that it can refer only to his bodily reappearance after the res- 
urrection. So again in ver. 20, according to Weiss the sorrow and mourning 
of the disciples over the death of Jesus are turned into joy on His reappearance ; 
while Meyer refers the change to the coming of the Paraclete. Granting Weiss’s 
rendering mainly correct, it should not, I think, be too closely pressed; the 
whole series of events hangs together, from the wailing of the disciples at the 
crucifixion, passing over into the ultimate glory of the Parousia, and the corre- 
sponding change from exultation to sorrow in the emotions of the world. 


OHAP, XVII, 1, 2. 459 


CHAPTER XVII. 


Ver. 1. ἐπῇρε] B. C.* D. L. X. &. Curss, Or. Cyr. : ἐπάρας without the follow- 
ing καί. So Lachm. Tisch. A frequently-occurring improvement of the style. 
In like manner is the reading τελειώσας, ver, 4, instead of ἐτελείωσα to be re- 
garded. — iva καί] καί is condemned by decisive witnesses. — Ver. 3. γενώσκωσι] 
Tisch. : γινώσκουσιν, following A. D. G. L. Y. A. A. An error in transcription, 
instead of which Lachm., following B. C. E. &., has rightly retained the con- 
junctive. — Ver. 4. Between the forms δέδωκα and ἔδωκα, the Codd. in this chap. 
vacillate in various ways. — Ver. 7. ἐστίν] Tisch. : εἰσίν, according to prepon- 
derant evidence. The Receptais an attempted improvement. — Ver. 11. Instead 
of © Elz. has ofc, against decisive witnesses. The too weakly attested reading 
6 (D.* U. X.), which is a resolution of the attraction, testifies also in favour of 
ὦ. — Ver. 12. ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ] after αὐτῶν, is wanting in the majority of witnesses ; 
deleted by Lachm. and Tisch. An addition after ver. 11. —Instead of οὖς, 
Tisch. has 6, according to B. C.* L. Mechanical repetition from ver. 11. --- 
Ver. 16. The position of οὐκ εἰμί after ἐγώ (Lachm. Tisch.) is decisively attested. 
—Ver. 17. After ἀλήθεια the Edd., except Lachm., have cov, which must be 
deleted on the decisive testimony of A. B. C.* D. L. 1, Vulg. It. Goth. Sahid. 
Cyr. Did. Ambr. Aug. A more definite exegetical definition in accordance 
with what follows. Bengel aptly remarks in his Appar.: ‘‘persaepe veritas 
apud Joh...nunquam additur Dei.” —Ver. 19. The order ὦσιν καὶ αὐτοί 
(Lachm. Tisch.) is decisively attested. — Ver. 20. Instead of πιστευόντων Elz. 
has πιστευσόντων, contrary to decisive testimonies. — Ver. 21. ἐν ἡμῖν ἕν dour] B. 
C.* Ὁ. Codd. of It. Sahid. Arm. Ath. Hil. Vig. Tisch. have merely ἐν ἡμῖν dow. 
Lachm. has ἕν in brackets. This ἕν is a glossematic addition, — Ver. 23. καὶ 
iva] Β. C. Ὁ. L. X. Curss. Verss. Fathers have merely iva. καί is rightly deleted 
by Lachm. and Tisch. An interpolation irrelevant to the connection, made 
without attending to the construction of ver. 21. — Ver. 24. otc] B. D. δὲ, Copt. 
Goth. Vulg. ms.: 6. So Tisch. Considering the weighty attestation, and that 
οὖς very readily suggested itself as an improvement, 6 must be regarded as the 
original reading. Comp. on ver. 11. 


[See Note LVII. p. 476.] Vv. 1, 2.’ The parting discourses to the disci- 
ples are finished, and that with the words, giving assurance of victory, ἐγὼ 
vevix. τ. κόσμ. But now, before Jesus goes forth into the fatal night, as He 
casts a parting glance on His disciples, who are standing there ready to 
depart (xiv. 31), and on the whole future of His work, now to be complet- 
ed for the earth, Hiscommunion with the Father impels Him to prayer. 
He prays aloud (ver. 13) and long, on His own behalf (vv. 1-5), on behalf of 
His disciples (vv. 6-19), and on behalf of those who are to become believers 
at a later time (vv. 20 ff.), with all the depth, intensity, clearness, and re- 


1 Luther’s exposition of chap. xvii. belongs to the year 1534. 


460 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

pose of the moral need and the childlike devotion of the Fulfiller. Be- 
cause He, by this prayer, prepares Himself for the high-priestly act of the 
atoning self-sacrifice (see especially ver. 19), it is justly termed the precatio 
summi sacerdotis (Chytraeus), an appellation which is arbitrarily explained by 
Hengstenberg from the Aaronic blessing (Lev. ix. 22; Num. vi. 22 ff.). 
Luther aptly says: ‘‘that He might fully discharge His office as our sole 
high priest.””— ταῦτα ἐλάλησεν. . . καὶ. . . καί] Not negligence of style 
(de Wette), but solemn circumstantiality. — εἰς τ. ovp.] does not establish 
the point that Jesus spoke in the open air (see on xiv. 31 ; so Ruperti, Gro- 
tius, Ebrard, Hengstenberg, and many others), nor necessitates the sugges- 
tion (Gerhard) that through the window of the room the heavens were ac- 
cessible to view, but the eye of one who prays is on all occasions raised 
toward heaven. Comp. Acts vii. 55. —7 ὥρα] The hour κατ’ ἐξοχήν, i.e. the 
hour of my death, as that of my passage to Thee, xiii. 1, xii. 23. [See Note 
LVII. p. 476]. — δόξασον. . . δοξάσῃ] The former through His elevation 
into the heavenly glory (comp. ver. 5), the latter through the revelation of the 
glory of God, so far, that is, as the victory of the gospel in the world, and 
the entire continuance and consummation of the divine work of redemption 
was conjoined with the heavenly glorification and ministry of Christ. To 
refer δόξασον to the earthly, moral glorification of Christ in the recognition of 
Tis Person and cause,’ or to the communication of the true God-consciousness 
to humanity (Baur), is opposed to the context, which involves Christ’s glorifi- 
cation through His death, always in John the personal heavenly glorification. 
Note further cov τὸν υἱόν and ὁ υἱός cov ; the emphasis of the σου, which is 
moved to the first place, is related to the prayer as assigning a reason for it ; 
it is in truth Thy Son whom Thou art to glorify. — Ver. 2 presents to the 
Father the definite motive for the fulfilment of that which was prayed for, 
and that in such a manner that καϑὼς. . . σαρκός corresponds to the preced- 
ing δόξασόν σου τὸν υἱόν, and ἵνα πᾶν, x.7.2., Which contains the purpose of 
ἔδωκας αὐτῷ ἐξουσ. 7. o., is correlative to iva ὁ vide σ. δοξ. σε." --- καϑώς denotes 
the motive contained in the relation of jitness, in the measure that, according 
48. Comp. on xiii. 34, — Full power over all men has the Father given to 
the Son on His mission (xiii. 3), for He has endowed Him as the sole Re- 
deemer and Saviour with power for the execution of the decree of salvation, 
which extends to all ; none is exempted from His Messianic authority. But 
this ἐξουσία He cannot carry out without returning to the heavenly glory, 
whence He must carry on and complete His work. By πάσης σαρκός, how- 
ever, the whole of humanity—and that in its imperfection (see on Acts ii. 17), 
conditioned by the very fact of the σάρξ, 111. 6, by which it is destitute of 
eternal life—is, with a certain solemnity of the O. T. type (WW3 5D), desig- 
nated, The expression is not elsewhere found in John, but it corresponds 


1Didymus, Nosselt, Kuinoel, de Wette, upon the earth.’ But the periodic form 


Reuss. 

2 Ewald beginsa new sentence with 
καϑώς, Which is completed in ver. 4, so that 
ver. 3 is a parenthesis: ‘‘ Zven as Thou 
gavest to Him full power... 1 glorified Thee 


which thus arises is less in harmony with 
the manner of this prayer ; and the change 
of persons in vy. 2 and 4 betrays the want 
of mutual connection, 


CHAP. XVII., 3. 461 


exactly to this elevated mood of prayer. — ἵνα πᾶν, x.t.4.] Not a mere state- 
ment of the contents and compass of the ἐξουσία (Ebrard) : no, in the at- 
tainment of the blessed design of that fulness of power (comp. v. 26, 27) 
lies precisely that glorification of the Father, ver. 1. Not all, however, 
without distinction, can receive cternal life through Christ, but (comp. ver. 
6) those whom the Father has given to the Son (through the attraction by 
grace, vi. 37, 39, 44, 65) are such, designated from the side of the divine 
efficiency, the same who, on their side, are the believing (i. 12, iii. 15, et al.), 
not ‘‘ the spiritual supramundane natures” whom Hilgenfeld here discovers. 
Comp. besides, on vi. 37, 39, — αὐτοῖς] to be referred to the subjects of the 
absolute,’ collective πᾶν (Bremi, ad 7800". I. Exc. X.). Note further the 
weighty parallel arrangement δέδωκας αὐτῷ, δώσῃ αὐτοῖς." Not future con- 
junctive (Bengel, Baeumlein), but a corrupt form of the aorist. 

Ver. 8. The continuative dé adduces, in the connection, a more precise 
definition * of ζωὴ αἰώνιος (not a transposition of its idea, as Weiss holds), 
and that with a retrospective glance to the glorification of the Father in ver. 
1. On ἐστίν, comp. on Rom. xiv. 17; John iii. 19. — In this consists eternal 
life, that they should recognize (iva, comp. on vi. 29) Thee as the only true 
God (as Him to whom alone belongs the reality of the idea of God, comp. 1 
Cor. viii. 4), and Thy sent one Jesus as Messiah. This knowledge of God 
here desired (which is hence the believing, living, practical knowledge, 
καϑὼς δεῖ γνῶναι, 1 Cor. vill. 2), 18 the ζωὴ αἰώνιος, in that it is its essential 
subjective principle, unfolding this ζωή out of itself, its continual, ever self- 
developing germ and impulse (comp. Sap. xv. 1, 8), even now in the tem- 
poral evolution of eternal life, and still yet after the establishment of the 
kingdom, in which faith, hope, and love abide (1 Cor. xiii.) ; the fundamental 
essence of which is in truth nothing else than that knowledge, which in the 
future αἰών will be the perfected knowledge (1 Cor. xiii. 12), comp. 1 John 
iii. 2. The contents of the knowledge are stated with the precision of a Con- 
Jession,—a summary of faith in opposition * to the polytheistic® and Jewish 
κόσμος, Which latter rejected Jesus as Messiah, although in Him assuredly 
was given the very highest revelation of the only true God., It is in the 
third person, however, that the praying Jesus speaks of Himself from ver. 1 
forwards, placing Himself in an objective relation towards the Father dur- 
ing the first intensity of this solemn mood, and first at ver. 4 continuing 
the prayer with the familiar ἐγώ ; nay, He mentions His name in ver. 3, 
because in His designation of Himself through the third person, it here specifi- 
cally suggested itself, in correspondence to the confessional thought. — 





1 Buttmann, V. 7. Gx. p. 325 [E. T. pp. 379, 
380]. 

2On the form δώσῃ, see Buttmann, ¥. 7. 
Gr. Ὁ. 31 [E. T. p. 36]. 

3 No formal definition. See the apposite 
observations of Riehm in the Stud. u. Avit. 
1864, p. 539 f. 

4 An antithesis which might present itself 
naturally and unsought to the world-em- 
bracing glance of the praying Jesus, on the 


boundary line of His work, which includes 
entire humanity. But He had also thought 
further of the ἐξουσία πάσης σαρκός, 
which was given to Him. This likewise in 
opposition to Weiss, Lehrbegr. p. 56, who 
considers the antithesis foreign to the con- 
nection. 

57, μόνον ἀληϑ. ϑεόν, comp. v. 44; Deut. 
yin 43 1 Cor: ‘vill,.'5; 1’ Thess: 1.9: 


~~. 


462 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Χριστόν] is an appellative predicate : as Messiah, comp. ix. 22. To connect 
it as a proper name with Ἴησ. (Jesus Christ, comp. i. 17), to ascribe to the 
evangelist an offence against historical decorum,’ and to see in this a proof 
of a later reproduction (comp. Tholuck and Weizsiicker, Ὁ. 286 ; also 
Scholten, p. 238), would be to accuse the writer, especially in the report of 
such a prayer, of a surprising want of consideration. Luthardt also takes 
Χριστόν as a proper name, which he thinks was here, in this extraordinary 
moment, used for the first time by Jesus, and thereby at the same time de- 
termined the use of the word by the apostles (Acts ii. 38). So also Godet, 
comp. Ebrard. But Jesus prayed in Hebrew, and doubtless said JW} 
ΤΡ ΤΠ, from which expression a proper name could by no means be recog- 
nized. The predicative view of τ. μόν. a2. ϑεόν and of Χριστόν is also justly 
held by Ewald. [See Note LIX. p. 476.]— Although τ. μόνον ἀληϑ. ϑεόν 
refers solely to the Mather, the true divine nature of Christ is not thereby 
excluded (against the Arians and Socinians, who misused this passage), all 
the less so as this, in accordance with His (Logos) relationship as depend- 
ent on the Godhead of the Father, forms the previous assumption in ὃν 
ἀπέστειλας, as is certain from the entire connection of the Johannean Christ- 
ology, and from ver. 5.2 Hence it was unnecessary,—nay, even a perver- 
sion of the passage, and running counter to the strict monotheism of John, 
when Augustine, Ambrose, Hilary,~Beda, Thomas, Aretius, and several 
others explained it as if the language were : ut te et quem misisti Jesum 
Christum cognoscant solum verum Deum. Only One, the Father, can abso- 
lutely be termed the μόνος ἀληϑ. ϑεός (Comp. ὁ dv ἐπὶ πάντων ϑεός, Rom. ix. 
5), not at the same time Christ (who is not even in 1 John vy. 20 the ἀληϑινὸς 
ϑεός), Since His divine entity stands in the relation of genetic subsistence to 
the Father, i. 18, although He, in unity with the Father, works as His com- 
missioner, x. 30, and is His representative, xiv. 9, 10. 

Vv. 4, 5. Once more the prayer of ver. 1, δόξασόν cov τὸν υἱόν, but stating 
a different reason for it (‘‘ostendit, non iniquum se petere,” Grotius), and 
setting forth the δόξα more definitely. — ἐγώ ce ἐδοξ. ἐπὶ τ. γ.] By what, is 
expressed by the following parallel proposition, which is subjoined with 
asyndetic liveliness. The Messianic work glorified God, to whose highest 
revelation, and therewith to His knowledge, praise, and honour it bore ref- 
erence. Comp. ver. 6. — The aorists ἐδόξ. and ἐτελεί. are employed, because 
Jesus stands at the goal of His earthly activity, where He already includes 
in this account the fact which puts a close to His earthly work, the fact of 
His death, as already accomplished. Christ is not passive in His sufferings ; 
His obedientia passiva is active, the highest point of His activity. —xai νῦν] 
And now, when I take leave of this my earthly ministry. — In what follows 
note the correlation of ye of with ἐγώ σε, in which the thought of recompense 
(comp. διό, Phil. ii. 9) is expressed. The emphasis lies on ἐγώ and ci, hence 
after μὲ nocomma should stand. — rapa σεαυτῷ] so that I may be united with 
Thyself in heavenly fellowship (Col. iii. 3), corresponding to ἐπὶ τ. γῆς. 
Comp, on xiii, 32. — The δόξα, which Jesus possessed before the creation of 





1 Bretschneider, Liicke, de Wette. 2 Comp. Wetstein, and Gess, Pers. Chr. p. 162. 


CHAP. XVII., 6-8. 463 
the world, and thus in eternity before time was (εἶχον, which is to be under- 
stood realiter, not with the Socinians, Grotius, Wetstein, Nésselt, Léffler, 
Eckermann, Stolz, Gabler, comp. B. Crusius, Schleiermacher, LZ. J. p. 286 
f., Scholten, ¢deally of the destinatio divina), was the divine glory, i.e. the 
essentially glorious manifestation of the entire divine perfection and blessed- 
ness, the μορφὴ ϑεοῦ (Phil. ii. 6) in His pre-existent state (John i. 1), of which, 
He divested Himself when He became man, and the resumption of which 
in the consciousness of its once enjoyed possession,’ He now asks in prayer 
from God. That Christ contemplated Himself as the eternal archetype of 
humanity in His pre-historical unity with the proper personal life of God, 
and attributed to Himself in this sense the premundane glory (Beyschlag, p. 
87 f.), is contradicted by the expression εἶχον παρὰ σοί, which so separates 
the possessor of the glory from the divine subject as to place it alongside of 
that subject ; and contradicted also by the prayer for the restored glory ; 
for the essence of this is the σύνϑρονον εἶναι ϑεοῦ, which must therefore have 
been also that of the earlier glory. Comp. on vi. 62. — For the fulfilment of 
this prayer : Phil. ii. 9 ; 1 Tim. iii. 16; Heb. i. 8,13; Acts ii. 34; 1 Pet. iii. 
22, etal. The δόξα, however, which His believing ones beheld in Him in 
His earthly working (i. 14), was not the heavenly majesty in its Godlike, 
absolute existence and manifestation,—that He had as λόγος ἄσαρκος, and 
obtained it again in theanthropic completeness after His ascension,—but 
His temporal theanthropic glory, the glory of God present in earthly and 
bodily limitation, which He had in the state of κένωσις, and made known 
through grace and truth, as well as through His entire ministry.? 

Vv. 6-8. Hitherto Jesus has prayed on behalf of Himself. But now He in- 
troduces His intercession on behalf of His disciples, which begins with ver. 9, 
by representing them as worthy of this intercession. — cov] With emphasis, 
as opposed to τοῖς ἀνϑρώπ., in the deep feeling of the holiness and greatness 
of the task discharged. — What the name of God comprises in itself and 
expresses (see on Matt. vi. 9), was previously made known to the disciples 
only in so far as it brought with it its O. T. imagery ; but the specific dis- 
closures respecting God and His counsel of salvation resting in Christ, and 
His entire redemptive relation to men, which Christ had given them by vir- 
tue of His prophetic office (the Christian contents, therefore, of the divine 
name), entitled Him to pray ; é¢avépwod σου τ. ὄν., x.7.2. Comp. Col. i. 26, 
27. A reference to the Jewish practice of keeping secret the name of Jehovah 
(Hilgenfeld) lies entirely remote from the meaning. —oi¢ dédwx. μοι ἐκ τ. 
κόσμου] Necessary limitation of τοῖς ἀνϑρώποις (hence not to be connected 
with σοὶ ἦσαν) ; whom Thou hast given to me out of the world (separated from 


1 Not merely ina momentary anticipation, 
in which it appeared before the eye of His 
spirit (Weizsacker). Comp. on viii. 58. It 
is a perversion of the exegetically clear and 
certain relation when Weizsiacker finds in 
such passages, instead of the self-conscious- 
ness of Jesus reaching back into His pre- 
human state, only ‘tthe culminating point 
of an advancing self-knowledge.” But 


that here, and in ver. 25, different modes 
of apprehending the person of Christ 
are intimated (Weizsicker in the Jahrb. 
SJ. D. Th. 1862, p. 645 ff.), cannot be estab- 
lished on exegetical grounds. See on ver. 
25. 

2 Comp. oni. 14;see also Liebner, Christol. 
I. p. 323 f. 


464 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

out of the unbelieving, xv. 19), that is, the disciples (see vv. 8, 11), as ob- 
jects of the divine counsel of salvation. God has given them through the 
attraction of His grace ; see on vi. 37. — coi] Possessive pronoun, as in ver. 
9; they belonged to Thee, were Thine, ‘‘per fidem V. T.,” Bengel.1 There- 
fore not in the sense of predestination (Beza, Calvin), but of motive, from 
which God, to whom they indeed already inwardly belonged, has drawn 
them to Christ. God knows His own. The non-ethical conception of 
property in general (Cyril. : ἴδια yap πάντα ϑεῷ), or, ‘as Thy creatures” (Heng- 
stenberg), yields no special ground of reason. —xa? τὸν λόγον σου τετηρ.] and 
with what result gavest Thou them tome! Onr. λόγον cov, comp. vii. 16, 
xii. 48, 49, and on rernp., they have kept Thy word (by faith and deed), 
vill. 51, xiv. 23. — viv ἔγνωκαν, x.7.A.] Progress in the picturing of this re- 
sult, which is now advanced so far, that they have recognized (and do 
recognize, Perfect) all that the Father has communicated to Christ as that 
which it is, as proceeding from God. All which Thou hast given tome points 
not merely to the doctrine (de Wette), but to the entire ministry of Jesus 
(Luthardt), for which He has received from the Father a commission, di- 
rection, power, result, etc. Comp. ver. 4, xii. 49, v. 36. A more definite 
limitation is arbitrary, because not demanded by what follows, which rather 
establishes the general expression (ver. 7) by the particular (τὰ ῥήματα). --- 
Ver. 8 gives the causative (ὅτε because) information how they attained to the 
knowledge of ver. 7,7 namely, (1) on the part of Jesus, in that He communicat- 
ed to them the words given Him by God, i.e. that which He, as Interpreter 
of God, had to announce (nothing else) ; and (2) on their part (airoi), in 
that they have adopted this,* and have actually known it (vii. 26). Thus 
with them that éyvwcav of ver. 7 has come to completion. — καὶ αὐτοί] is only to 
be separated by a comma from what precedes, and is connected with ὅτι. 
The καὶ ἐπίστευσαν, x.7.4., parallel to ἔγνωσαν ἀληϑῶς, x.7.2., adding faith to 
knowledge (see on vi. 69), and the above ἐξλϑον (comp. on vili. 42), lead- 
ing back to the Fatherly behest, whereby it is accomplished, completes the 
expression of the happy result attained in the case of the disciples. Note, 
further, the historical aorists 4a. and ἐπίστ. in their difference of sense 
from the perfects. 

Ver. 9. [pray for them! Both in ἐγώ and in περὶ αὐτῶν there lies a motive 
element in reference to God. That which lies in rep? αὐτῶν is then further 
made specially prominent, first negatively (οὐ 7. τ. κόσμ. ép.), and then posi- 
tively (ἀλλὰ περὶ, K.T.A.). —owv περὶ τοῦ κόσμου] has no dogmatic weight, and 
is therefore not to be explained in the sense of the condemnation of the 
world (Melanchthon), or of absolute predestination,* or of the negation of 


1 Comp. i. 37, 42, 46, 48, and generally viii. 
47, vi. 37, 44. 

2 Ewald begins with ὅτι (because), a pro- 
tasis, the apodosis of which (7 therefore beg) 
follows in ver. 9, in such a manner, how- 
ever, that from ov περὶ τοῦ κόσμου to ἔρχομαι, 
ver. 11, a parenthesis is introduced, and 
then first with πάτερ ἅγιε comes the supplica- 
tion conveyed by ἐρωτῶ, But this compli- 


cated arrangement is neither necessary nor 
appropriate to the clear and peaceful flow 
of the language of this prayer as it stands. 

32,6. They have not rejected the ῥήματα, 
but have allowed them to influence them- 
selves. This is the necessary pre-condition 
of knowledge and of faith. Comp. Weiss, 
Lehrbegr. p. 28. 

4 Calvin, Jansen, Lampe. 


CHAP ναι, 10, 11: 465 


such intercession in general (Hengstenberg), but refers simply and solely to 
this present intercession, which relates not to those who are strangers to 
God, but to His own, whom He has given to Jesus,—and should all the 
more move Him to fulfil the prayer. Prayer for the unbelieving has been 
enjoined by Jesus Himself (Matt. v. 44), and has been offered by Himself 
upon the cross (Luke xxiii. 34), and for them did He die, comp. also ver. 
20; but here He has only the disciples in view, and lays them, by the an- 
tithesis οὐ περὶ τ. κόσμου, the more earnestly on the Father’s heart. Luther 
well says: ‘‘ At other times one should pray for the world, that it may be 
converted.” Comp. ver. 21, — ὅτε σοί εἰσι] Ground of the intercession : because 
they—although given to me—are Thine, belonging to Thee as my believing 
ones, since they were Thine (ver. 6) already, before Thou gavest them 
to me. 

Ver. 10. Kai τὰ ἐμὰ πάντα. . . ἐμά] is parenthetic (on καί parentheticum, 
see Fritzsche, ad Rom. I. 13, p. 35), and καὶ δεδόξ. ἐν αὐτοῖς is still in connec- 
tion with ὅτι, ver. 9, containing a second ground of the intercession. — As 
regards the above parenthesis [See Note LX. p. 476], as Jesus prayed ὅτε σοί 
εἰσι, ver. 9, His glance extended itself from this concrete relation to the 
category, to the general reciprocal community of property, which, in matters 
relating to His work, exists between Him, the Son and plenipotentiary of 
the Father, and the Father. Both have the same work, the same aim, the 
same means, the same power, the same grace and truth, etc., in common ; 
neither has and works separate from the other, and for Himself ; God in 
Christ, and He in God. Comp. on xvi. 15. Luther aptly remarks : ‘It 
were not so much if He simply said: All that is mine is Thine ; for that 
every one can say. . . it is much greater that He inverts the relation, and 
says : All that is Thine is mine ; this no creature can say in reference to 
God.” — δεδόξ. ἐν αὐτ.} Iam glorified in them, in their person and activity, 
in so far as they are bearers and furtherers of my glory and knowledge 
upon earth, so precious and important, then, that I pray for them. What 
is already begun, and is certainly to be further accomplished in the near 
future, Jesus views, speaking in the perfect with prophetic anticipation, as 
completed and actually existing,’ and ἐν denotes the relation resting on, 
contained in them, as in xiii. 31, 32, xiv. 13. 

Ver. 11. Before He now gives expression to the special supplication 
itself (πάτερ ἅγιε, τήρησον, K.7.2.), He first brings forward the peculiar ground 
of need, connecting in profound emotion its individual members unperiod- 
ically by kai. — οὐκέτι εἰμί, κιτ.λ.1 Thus He speaks, ‘‘nune quasi provincia 
sua defunctus,” Calvin. —xai οὗτοι, «.7.4.] ‘‘ hos relinquam in tantis flucti- 
bus,” Grotius. — ἅγιε] As in ver. 25, δίκαιε, so here ἅγιε is added signifi- 
cantly ; for to guarantee that which Jesus would now pray (τήρησον, κ.τ.}.) 
is in harmony with the holiness of His Father, which has been revealed to 
Him in entire fulness, a holiness which is the absolute antithesis of the un- 
godly nature of the profane world.? Placed by their calling in this unholy 


1 Kiihner, II. p. 72. ceived of as ἅγιος τοῦ Χριστοῦ, which is the 
3 According to Diestel in the Jahrb. 7. completion of the N. T. ἅγιος τοῦ ᾿Ισραήλ. 
Deutsche Theol. 1859, p. 45, God ishere con- Βιῦ of this there is neither any indication in 


466 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


κόσμος, they shall be guarded by the holy God so as to abide faithfully in 
His name. In harmony with this antithesis of the holiness of God to the 
nature of the world, stands the petition, ‘‘ hallowed be Thy name,” at the 
head of the Lord’s Prayer. Comp. also 1 John ii. 20 ; Heb. xii. 10 ; 1 Pet. 
i. 16; Rev. vi. 10. Thus the Father discharges the obligation lying on 
Himself, if He keeps the disciples of the Son in His name. — ἐν τῷ ὀνόμ. o.] 
Specific sphere, in which they are to remain through being so kept ; the 
name of the Father is made known to them (vv. 6, 26), and with a happy 
result (vv. 6-8); thus are they to persevere in His living acquaintance and 
believing confession, not to depart out of this holy element of their life. — 
© δέδωκ. μοι] © by attraction, instead of 6, which, however, does not stand 
instead of οὖς, but : God has given His name to Christ, and that not in the 
sense of the divine nature entering into manifestation, as Hengstenberg here 
brings in from Ex. xxiii. 21, but rather in the sense of ver. 6, for revelation 
to the disciples ; He has for such a purpose delivered His name to Him as 
the object of a holy commission. In conformity with this, the Lord prays 
that God would keep them in this His name, in order that they, in virtue of 
the one common faith and confession resting on the name of God, may be 
one (in the spiritual fellowship, of like mind and love, comp. vv. 22, 23), 
in conformity with the archetype? of the ethical unity of the Father and 
the Son (comp. the Pauline εἷς ϑεὸς x. πατὴρ πάντων, x.7.4., Eph. iv. 6). 
Hence iva expresses the object of τήρησον, κ.τ.λ., not of δέδωκ. μοι. 

Vv. 12, 13. A more definite outpouring of heart concerning ver. 11. — 
ὅτε ἤμην, x.t.A.] As in ver. 11, οὐκέτι εἰμὶ ἐν τ. κόσμῳ, Jesus speaks as though 
He had already departed out of the world. ‘‘ Jam in exitu mundi pedem 
irrevocabilem posuerat,” Ruperti on ver. 11. —éyo] That which Thou mayest 
now do, ver. 11. —oi¢ δέδωκ. μοι ἐφύλ., κ.τ.λ.1 Not a parenthesis, but a further 
expression of the τήρησις just described, in which a sorrowful but telically 
clear and conscious mention of Judas obtrudes itself. — ἐφύλαξα] Through 
the φυλάσσειν (custodire) is the τηρεῖν (conservare) accomplished.* The dis- 
ciples were handed over to Him for protection and guardianship, ut e08 salvos 
tueretur. This He has accomplished, and none of them has fallen into de- 
struction (i.e. into eternal destruction through apostasy, which leads to the 
loss of ζωή), except him who belongs to destruction (Matt. xxiii. 15), 7.e. who is 
destined to destruction. Comp. vi. 64, 70. Jesus does not like to name Judas, 
who forms this tragical exception (ei μή is not equivalent to ἀλλά, as Scholten 
thinks), but his destruction—and therein the purity of the consciousness of 
Jesus in the matter is expressed—is nothing accidental, capable of being 
averted, but is prophesied in the Scripture as a divine destiny, and must 
take place in fulfilment thereof. On account of xiii. 18, it is without 
warrant to think of another saying of Scripture than, with Luther, Liicke, 
and several others, of Ps. xli. 10 (Kuinoel refers it to the prophecies of the 





the context, nor do we find at all the idea would read 6, see the critical notes. 


of God as of the ἅγιος τοῦ Χριστοῦ expressed. 2 Bengel: ‘Illa unitas est ex natura, haec 
Hengstenberg refers too exclusively to the ex gratia; igitur illi haee similis est, non 
power of the holy God. aequalis.”’ 


1 Bengel, comp. Ewald and Godet, who 3 Comp. Sap. x.5; Dem. 317. ult. 


CHAP. XVII., 14-17: 467 


death of Jesus generally ; Lange,’ to Isa. lvii. 12, 13 ; Euth. Zigabenus, 
Calovius, and many to Ps. cix. 8, which passage, however, has its reference 
in Acts i. 20). The designation of Antichrist by ὁ υἱὸς τ. ἀπωλ., 2 Thess. 
ii. 8, is parallel in point of form. In the Hoang. Nikod. 20 (see Thilo on 
the passage, p. 708), the devil is so called.—Ver. 18. But now I come to Thee, 
and since I can no longer guard them personally as hitherto, 7 speak this 
(this prayer for Thy protection, ver. 11) in the world (‘‘ jam ante discessum 
meum,” Bengel), that they, as witnesses and objects of this my intercession, 
knowing themselves assured of Thy protection, may bear my joy (as in xv. 
11, not xiv. 27) fulfilled in themselves. On this expression of prayer regard- 
ing the influence which the listening to prayer should have upon the listeners, 
comp. xi. 42. Luther well says: ‘‘that they, through the word, appre- 
hended by the ears, and retained in the heart, may be consoled, and be 
able cheerfully to presume thereon, and to say : See, this has my Lord 
Christ said, so affectionately and cordially has He prayed for me,” ete. 

Vv. 14, 15. The intercession addresses itself to a particular, definite point 
of the τήρησις prayed for, namely, ἐκ τοῦ πονηροῦ, ver. 15, and this is intro- 
duced, ver. 14, from the side of their necessities. — ἐγώ] antithesis : ὁ κόσμος. 
- ἐμίσ. αὐτούς] has conceived a hatred against them.* This hatred Luther 
terms ‘‘the true court colours of Christians that they bear on earth.” 
Further, see on xv. 18, 19. — The more precise defining of τήρησις follows in 
ver. 15 negatively and positively. They are not (‘‘for I have still more to 
accomplish by their means,” Luther) to be taken out of the unbelieving world 
which hates them (which would take place by death, as now in the case of 
Jesus Himself, ver. 11), but they are to be kept by God, so that they ever 
come forth, morally uninjured, from the encompassing power of Satan, the 
Prince of the world. ἐκ τ. πονηροῦ is not, with Luther, Calvin, and many 
others, including Olshausen, B. Crusius, Hengstenberg, Godet, to be taken 
as neuter, but comp. 1 John ii. 18 ff., iii. 12, v. 18, 19, iv. 4; Matt. vi. 15 ; 
2 Thess. iii. 3 ; comp. on τηρεῖν ἐκ, Rev. iii. 10, also φυλάσσειν ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς in 
Themist. 181. 19 (Dindorf). Nonnus: δαίμονος ἀρχεκάκοιο δυσαντήτων ἀπὸ 
ϑεσμῶν. ἃ i 

Vv. 16, 17. From the keeping hitherto prayed for, the intercession advances 
to the positive consecrating, ver. 17 ; and this part of it also is introduced in 
ver. 16, and that by an emphatic resumption of what was said in ver. 14 on 
the side of the condition fitted for the ἁγιάζειν. ---- ἁγίασον αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ ἀληθ.] 
The disciples were in the truth, for since they had believingly accepted the 
word of God given to them by Christ, and had kept it (vv. 6, 12), the divine 
truth, the expression of which that word is, was the element of life, in which 
they, taken from the world and given to Christ, were found. Now He prays 
that God would not merely keep them (which He has previously prayed for), 
but yet further : He would provide them with a holy consecration (comp. on 
x. 36) in this their sphere of life, whereby is meant not indeed the translation 
into ‘‘ the true position of being” (Luthardt), but the equipment with divine 
illumination, power, courage, joyfulness, love, inspiration, etc., for their 





το Re a ayn Cy ? Aor., see Lobeck, ad Γάγγη. Ὁ. 197; Kiihner, ad Xen, Mem. i. 1. 18. 


468 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
official activity (ver. 18) which should ensue, and did ensue, through the 
Holy Spirit, xiv. 17, xv. 26, xvi. 7 ff. Comp. on ἐν, Sir. xlv. 4. Ordinarily 
it is taken instrumentally, in virtue of, by means of,’ but in arbitrary neglect 
of the analogy of the correlate τηρεῖν ἐν, vv. 11, 12; whilst de Wette, B. 
Crusius, Baeumlein, just as arbitrarily here again mix up also the notion of 
τηρεῖν ; “50 that they remain in the truth,” whereby the climactic relation of 
τηρεῖν and ἁγιάζειν is misapprehended. When, with Luther, (‘‘ make truly 
holy”) ἐν τ. ἀληθ. is taken as equivalent to ἀληθῶς, of complete sanctification 
in contrast with their hitherto defective condition (Hengstenberg), against 
the view is decisive, not indeed the article,* but rather the following 6 
λόγος, κιτ.3. The reading ἐν τ. aA. cov correctly, though in the way of a gloss, 
defines the idea. — ὁ λόγος ὁ σὸς ἀλήθ. ἐστι] a Supporting of the prayer, in 
which ὁ σός has peculiar weight ; Thy word (xiv. 24, xii. 49, vil. 16), the 
word of no other, is truth. How shouldst Thou, then, not grant the ἀγιάζειν 
prayed for? That 4470. is without the article, does not rest upon the fact that 
it is a predicate, but upon the conception that the essence of the λόγος is truth, 
so that ἀλήθ. is abstract, not a noun appellative. Comp. iv. 24, 1 John iv. 16. 
Vv. 18, 19. In support of the prayer for the consecrating of the disciples, 
there now follow further two motives for its being granted, deduced, (1) from 
the mission of the disciples into the world, on which account they need conse- 
cration ; and (2) from Christ’s own personal consecration for the purpose of 
their ἁγιασμός, which purpose God will not be willing to leave unattained. — 
καθὼς ἐμέ, k.T.A.] Placed first with pragmatic weight ; for as He could not 
execute His mission without the divine consecration (x. 36), so neither could 
they who were sent by Him. — κἀγώ] Not instead of οὕτως ἐγώ (de Wette), 
but simply : Zalso have sent. Comp. xv. 9, xx. 21, et al. — ἀπέστειλα] The 
mission was indeed not yet objectively a fact (xx. 21 ; Matt. xxviii. 19), 
but already conceived in its idea in the appointment and instruction for 
the apostolic office (Matt. x. 5 ff.). Comp. on iv. 38. — Ver. 19. Note the 
emphatic correlation of αὐτῶν. . . ἐγὼ ἐμαυτόν. . . καὶ αὐτοί. ---- The ἁγιάζω 
ἐμαυτόν, not including in it the whole life of the Lord (Calvin, Hengstenberg, 
Godet), but now, when the hour is come, to be carried out, is the actual con- 
secration, which Christ, in offering Himself through His death as a sacrifice to 
God accomplishes on Himself,* so that ἁγεάζω is substantially equivalent to 
προσφέρω σοὶ θυσίαν (Chrysostom), comp. 4 Macc. xvii. 19, ἁγιάζειν, wap, is 
a sacred word for sacrifices in the O. T.* Christ is at once the Priest and 
the Sacrifice (Ep. to the Heb.) ; and for " the disciples He performs this sacri- 
fice, —although it is offered for all,°—so far as it has, in respect of the disci- 





1 Chrysostom, Nonnus, Theophylact, Cal- 
‘vin, and many others, including Liicke, 
Tholuck, Godet. 

2 Comp. Xen. Anab. vi. 2. 10. 

3 Comp. generally, Ritschl in the Jairo. 
JS. 2). Theol. 1863, p. 240 f. 

4 See Ex. xiii. 2; Deut. xv. 19 ff. ; 2 Sam. 
viii. 11; Esr. v. 52; Rom. xv. 16; comp. also 
Soph. Qed. Col. 1491; Dion. H. vii. 2. 

5 ὑπέρ, in commodum, xy. 13. 


ὁ Even this solemn ὑπέρ (vi. 51, x. 11, xi. 
50, xv. 13, xviii. 14; 1 John iii. 16) should 
have prevented ἁγιάζω ἐμ. from being under- 
stood in the ethical sense of the 7ipening to 
moral perfection through faithful, loving 
obedience towards the Father (so Worner, 
Verhdlin. ad. Geistes 2. Sohne Gottes, Ὁ. 41 f.) 
Simply correct is Euth. Zigabenus, ἐγὼ 
ἑκουσίως ϑυσιάζω ἐμαυτόν. 


CHAP; XVII, 18; 19. 469 


ples, the special purpose: that they also may be consecrated in truth, namely, in 
virtue of the reception of the Paraclete (πνευματικῷ πυρὶ γυῖα λελουμένοι, Nonnus), 
which reception was conditioned by the death of Jesus, xvi. 7. The «ai has 
its logical justification in the idea of consecration common to both clauses, 
although its special sense is different in each ; for the disciples are, through 
the sacrifice of Jesus, to be consecrated to God in the sense of holy purity, en- 
dowment, and equipment for their calling. On the other hand, the self-con- 
secration of Christ is sacrificial,—the former, however, like the latter, the 
consecration in the serviceof Godand of His kingdom. Comp. on the self- 
consecration of Christ, who'yields Himself voluntarily to be a sacrifice (x. 18, 
xv. 13), Eph. v. 2: παρέδωκεν ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν προσφοράν, x.7.A. ; that is the 
idea of the present passage, not that He renounced the mortal flesh, and 
entered fully into the divine mode of existence and fellowship (Luthardt). 
See also Heb. ix. 14. — ἐν ἀληθείᾳ] Modal detinition of ἡγιασμένοι : truly con- 
secrated, Matt. xxii. 16 ; 2 Cor. vii. 14 ; Col. i. 6 ; 1 Johniii. 18 ; 2 John 
1; 3 John 1.’ In the classics the mere dative and ἐπ᾽ ἀληθείας are frequent. 
The true consecration is not exactly an antithesis in the Jewish sanctimonia 
ceremonialis (Godet and older expositors), to which nothing in the context 
leads, but simply sets forth the eminent character of the relation generally. As 
contrasted with every other ἁγεότης in human relations, that wrought through 
the Paraclete is the trweconsecration. Comp. Luther : ‘ against all worldly 
and human holiness.” So substantially,’ Chrysostom, Euth. Zigabenus, 
Beza, Calvin, Bengel, and several others, including Hengstenberg, Godet. 
The interpretation which has recently, after Erasmus, Bucer, and several 
others, become current,* that ἐν ἀληθ. is not different from ἐν τῇ ἀληθείᾳ, ver. 
17, is erroneous, because the article is wanting which here, in the retrospec- 
tive reference to the truth already defined with the article,was absolutely 
necessary ; for of an antithesis ‘‘ to the state of being in which the disciples 
would find themselves outside of this” (Luthardt), the text suggests nothing, 
even leaving out of sight the fact that a state of sanctification in such an 
opposite condition would be inconceivable. Without any ground, appeal is 
made, in respect of the absence of the article, to i. 14, iv. 24, where truth 
is expressed as a general conception (comp. viii. 44) (Sir. xxxvii. 15 ; Tob. 
11. 5 ; 2 Tim. 11. 25, iii. 7), and to 8 John 3,* where ἐν ἀληϑ. must be taken 
as equivalent to ἀληϑῶς," and consequently as in the present passage and as 
in 3 John 1. 


1 See on 2 Cor. loc. cit. ; LXX. 2 Reg. xix. 
17 (where, however, ev is doubtful); Sir. 
Vii. 20; Pind. Ol. vii. 126. 

2 In so far as they understand ἐν ἀληϑ. of 
the (rue ἁγιάζεσϑαι, in which. however, they 
find an antithesis to the fypical holiness of 
the O. T. sacrifice, as 6. 9. Euth. Zigabenus: 
ἵνα καὶ αὐτοὶ ὦσι τεϑυμένοι ἐν ἀληϑινῇ ϑυσίᾳ" ἡ 
γὰρ νομικὴ ϑυσία τύπος ἦν, οὐκ ἀλήϑεια. Comp. 
Theophylact ; also Holtzmann, Judenth. τι. 
Christenth. p. 421. 


3 Liicke, Tholuck (?), Olshausen, de Wette,. 


B. Crusius, Luthardt, Lange, Briickner, 


Ewald. 

4 Ver. 4 is, with Lachm. and Tisch., to be 
read ἐν τῇ ἀληϑ. 

5 The passage means: “1 rejoiced when 
brethren came and gave witness for Thy 
truth (z.e. for Thy morally true Christian 
constitution of life), as Thou truly (in deed) 
walkest.”” καϑώς, «.7.A., that is, not forming 
apart of that testimony of the brethren, 
gives to this testimony the confirmation of 
John himself. As the brothers have testi- 
fied for Gaius, so he actually walks. This 
John knows, and the brethren have told 


410 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Vv. 20, 21. In His prayer for the disciples for their preservation and sanc- 
tification (vv. 11-19), Jesus now also includes ad/ who ' shall believe on Him ? 
through the apostles’ word (διὰ τοῦ κηρύγματος αὐτῶν, Euth. Zigabenus). The 
purpose for which He also includes these : that all (all my believing ones, 
the apostles and the others) may be one (ethically, in likeness of disposition, 
of love, of endeavour, etc., on the ground of faith, comp. Eph. iv. 3 ff. ; Rom. 
xv. 5, 6; Acts iv. 32). —This ethical unity of all believers, to be specifical- 
ly Christian,* must correspond as to its original type (καθώς) to the reciprocal 
Sellowship between the Father and the Son (according to which the Father lives 
and moves in the Son, and the Son in the Father, comp. x. 38, xiv. 10, 11, 
xv. 5), the object of which, in reference to believers collectively, is, that in 
them also the Father and the Son may be the element in which they (in virtue of 
the wnio mystica brought about through the Spirit, 1 John i. 3, iv. 13; 
1 Pet. i. 4) live and move (iva κ. αὐτοὶ ἐν ἡμῖν Gow).—This ethical unity of all 
believers in fellowship with the Father and the Son, however (comp. xiii. 
35), shall serve to the unbelieving world as an actual proof and ground of convie- 
tion that Christ, the grand central point and support of this unity, 7s none 
other than the sent of God. ‘‘ That is the fruit which must follow through 
and from such unity, namely, that Christ’s word shall further break forth 
and be received in the world as God’s word, wherein stands an almighty, 
divine, unconquerable power and eternal treasure of all grace and blessed- 
ness,’’ Luther, in opposition to which, Calvin (as also Scholten) gets into con- 
fusion by introducing the doctrine of predestination, making of πιστεύειν a 
reluctant agnoscere. Thus the third iva is subordinated to the first, as intro-. 
ducing its further aim : the second, however, because defining specifically 
the aim of καθώς, x.7.2., is related to the first explicatively. 

Vv. 22, 23. What He on His part (ἐγώ) has done in order to bring about 
this unity of His believing ones and its object—a newly introduced and 
great thought of the power of His kingdom—not still dependent on ὅτι 
(Ewald). —riv δόξαν] The heavenly glory. [See Note LXI. p. 476.] Comp. 
1, 5, 24. This, once already possessed by Him before the incarnation, the 
Father has given to Him, not yet, indeed, objectively, but as a secure posses- 
sion of the immediate future; He has obtained it from God, assigned as a 
property, and the actual taking-possession is now for Him close at hand. 
In like manner has He given this, His δόξα, in which the eternal (w4, vv. 2, 
3, is consummated, to His believing ones (αὐτοῖς), who will enter on the real 
possession at the Parousia, where they συνδοξάζονται (Rom. viii. 17), after 
that they, up to that time, had been saved in hope (Rom. viii. 24). Comp. on 
Rom. viii. 80. They ave in Christ already His joint heirs, and the Spirit which 
they are to receive will be to them the ἀῤῥαβὼν τῆς κληρονομίας (Eph. 1. 14 5 2 
Cor. i. 22, v. 5) ; but the actual entrance on the inheritance is accomplished 


1 Comp. Rom. x. 14. 
2 πιστευόντων, regarding the future as 


him nothing new by that testimony, how- 
ever greatly he has rejoiced in the fact of 


receiving such a testimony concerning his 
Gaius. Therefore he adds, with loving rec- 
ognition, as thou truly waikest. That testi- 
mony therefore only corresponds to the 
reality. 


present. 

3 “Non vult concordiam coetus humani, 
ut est concors civitas Spartana contra 
Athenienses,’’ Melanchthon. 


CWP. KV Aas 471 
at the Parousia (xiv. 2, 3; Rom. viii. 11; Col. iii. 4). Yet this relation 
does not justify us in interpreting διδόναι as destinare (Gabler, B. Crusius), 
or at least dédwxa as constitui dare (Grotius), while the explanations also 
which take δόξα of the glory of the apostolic office in teaching and working 
miracles,’ or of the inner glory of the Christian life,? of the life of Christ in 
believers, in accordance with Gal. ii. 20 (Hengstenberg), of sonship (Bengel),* 
of love (Calovius, Maldonatus), of grace and truth, i. 14,* are opposed to the 
context.° See immediately, ver. 24. —iva ὦσιν ἕν, «.7.4.] For what a strong 
bond of unity must lie in the sure warrant of fellowship in eternal δόξα ! 
Comp. Eph. iv. 4. -- ἐγὼ ἐν αὐτοῖς x. σὺ ἐν ἐμοί] Not out of connection with 
the construction (de Wette), since it fits into it ; nor again beginning a new 
proposition, and to be completed by εἰμί," since thus the discourse on the 
δόξα would be, in opposition to the context (see ver. 24), interrupted ; but 
an appositional separation from ἡμεῖς, from which it is therefore, with Lach- 
mann and Tischendorf, to be divided only by acomma. In ἡμεῖς is con- 
tained : ἐγὼ καὶ ob, and both are pragmatically, 1.6. in demonstration of the 
specific internal relation of the ἕν εἷναι of believers to the oneness of the Fa- 
ther and the Son, thus expounded : J moving in them, and Thou in me. In 
accordance with this appositional, more minute definition, the iva dow ἕν is 
again taken up with liveliness and weight (‘‘ see how His mouth overflows 
with the same words,” Luther), and that in the expression containing the 
highest degree of intensity: wa dot τετελειωμένοι εἰς ἕν, that they may be com- 
pleted to one (to one unity), be united in complete degree. εἰς in the sense 
of the result.? ἵνα γινώσκῃ ὁ κόσμος, «.t.A.| Parallel to iva ὁ κόσμος πιστεύσῃ, 
ver. 21, adding to faith the knowledge connected therewith (conversely, ver. 
8), and then completing the expression of the happy result to be attained by 
the designation of the highest divine love, of which the believer is conscious 
in that knowledge. We are not even remotely to think of the ‘‘ forced cén- 
viction of rebels” (Godet) ; against this vv. 2, 3 already declare, and here the 
entire context. Note rather how the glance of the praying Jesus, vv. 21-23, 
rises to the highest goal of His work on earth, when, namely, the κόσμος 
shall have come to believe, and Christ Himself shall have become in fact 6 
σωτὴρ Tow κόσμου (iv. 42, comp. x. 16). This at the same time against the 
supposition of metaphysical dualism in Hilgenfeld. —x. ἠγάπησας, κ.τ.}.} and 
hast loved them (as a matter of fact, through this sending of me) as Thou hast 
loved me, therefore with the same Fatherly love which I have experienced 
from Thee. Comp. ili. 16 ; Eph. i. 6; Rom. v. 5, viii. 32. 

Ver. 24. What He has already bestowed on them, but as yet as a posses- 


1 Chrysostom, Theophylact, and, but with 
iatermixture of other elements, Euth. Ziga- 
benus, Erasmus, Vatablus, Grotius, and 
several others, including Paulus and Klee. 

2 Olshausen, comp. Gess, p. 244. 

8 Comp. Godet, who refers to Rom. vii. 
29. 

4Luthardt, Ebrard, a part also of Tho- 
luck’s and Briickner’s interpretation. 

5 The δόξα is explained away also by 


Weizsicker in the Jahrd. 7. Deutsche Theol. 
1857, p. 181. It is said to be substantially 
the same as the λόγος, ver. 14. 

® Augustine, Theophylact, Euth. Ziga- 
benus, Beda, Beza, Bengel, and several 
others, including Luthardt. 

7 Comp. passages like Plato, Phileb. p.18B: 
τελευτᾶν τε ἐκ πάντων εἰς ἕν ; Dem. p. 368. 14: 
εἰς ἕν ψήφισμα ταῦτα πάντα συνεσκεύασαν. 


472 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. Ν 

sion of hope (ver. 22), He l/s (θέλω) that they may also partake of in reality. 
He does not merely wish it,’ but the Son prays in the consciousness of the 
authority bestowed on Him by the Father according to ver. 2, for the commu- 
nication of eternal life to His own. This consciousness is that of the most 
intimate confidence and clearest accord with the Father. Previously He 
had said ἐρωτῶ ; ‘‘nune inecrementum sumit oratio,” Bengel. The idea of 
the jinal will, however (Godet), is not to be introduced here. — The relative 
defining clause is placed first emphatically, because justifying the θέλω in its 
contents. This is nevter (4, see the critical notes), by which the persons 
(ἐκεῖνοι, ὁ.6. the disciples and all believers, ver. 20) are designated in abstracto, 
according to their category (comp. ver. 2, vi. 37), and the force of δέδωκάς 
μοι, Which is a motive cause to the granting of the prayer, becomes more 
prominent in and of itself. —iva] Purpose of θέλω (they should, etc.), and 
with this its contents ; see on Luke vi. 31. — ὅπου εἰμὶ ἐγώ, κἀκεῖνοι, K.T.A. | 
shall be realized at the Parousia.? See on xiv. 3, also on ἀναστήσω αὐτό, K.7.2., 
vi. 39. —Oewpdor] may behold, experimentally, and with personal participa- 
tion, as συνδοξασθέντες, Rom. viii. 17, 29, and συμβασιλεύοντες, 2 Tim. ii. 12. 
The opposite : behold death, viii. 51.° Against the interpretation that the 
beholding of the glory of Christ in itself (its reflection, as it were) constitutes 
blessedness,* ver. 22 testifies, although it is also essentially included in it,. 
1 John iii. 2; Heb. xii. 14.— fv ἔδωκάς μοι, ὅτι, κ.τ.2.1 Further added, in 
childlike feeling of gratitude, to τὴν ἐμήν, and that proleptically (comp. eis), 
because the Lord is on the point of entering into this glory (ver. 1), as if He 
had already received it (comp. ver. 22): which Thou gavest me, because 
(motive of the édux.) Thou lovedst me before the foundation of the world (xpo 
κατ. x. not belonging to ἔδωκ. μ., as Paulus and B. Crusius think). The δόξα 
of Christ, as the λόγος ἄσαρκος (ver. 5), was, according to the mode of view 
and expression of the N. T., not one imparted to Him from love, but in vir- 
tue of the ontologically Trinitarian relation to the Father,’ that which per- 
tained with metaphysical necessity to the Son in the unity of the divine 
nature, the μορφὴ θεοῦ, which He as θεὸς λόγος, i. 1, had, being from eternity 
eternally with the Father (ver. 5) ; whereas the glory here intended is in His 
exaltation after the completion of His work, since it concerned His entire 
person, including its human side, that given to Him by the Father from love 
(Phil. ii. 9), from that love, however, which did not originate in time, but 
was cherished by the Father toward the Son before the foundation of the 
world. The δόξα possessed by Jesus before His incarnation, to which for 
the most part (as still Luthardt, Ebrard, Hengstenberg) reference is wrongly 


1 Against Beza, Calvin, B. Crusius, Tho- 
luck, Ewald. 

2 The intermediate state denoted in Phil. 
i. 23 (see in loc.) is not meant (Hengstenberg), 
nor a part of the meaning (Godet), but as 
what follows shows,. the completed fellow- 
ship of glory. Comp. 1 John iii. 2. 

38 Baur thus explains away the historical 
sense: “They behold this glory, see it in 
reality before them, if in them, through the 
communication of the true God conscious- 


ness, and of the eternal life thereby condi- 
tioned, through which they have become 
one with Jesus and the Father, just as He 
is one with the Father, the divine principle 
(to this, according to Baur, δέδωκα, ver. 22, 
refers) has realized itself as that which it 
is in itself.” 

4 Olshausen, comp. Chrysostom and Euth. 
Zigabenus. 

5 Comp. J. Miiller, Von cer Sénde, ΤΙ. Ὁ. 
183 f. 


CHAP; XVII., 25, 26; 419 


made, whereby, according to ver. 5, ἔδωκας would have to be conceived of 
as brought about through the generation of the μονογενής, was the purely 
diwine ; that given to Him through His exaltation is indeed the same, 
into which He now again has entered, but, because it is the glory of the 
λόγος ἔνσαρκος, theanthropic in eternal perfection (Phil. ii. 9). Comp. on 
ver. 5, 1. 14. Nowhere in the N. T. is the premundane δόξα of the Son, 
designated as given to Him (Phil. ii. 6 ; Col. i. 15 ; 2Cor. viii. 9), although 
this would be imaginable in and of itself as an eternal self-communication 
of Fatherly love.’ Further, it is strangely incorrect that the δόξα, which the 
Father has given to the Son, has been explained here differently from that 
in ver, 22. — The love of the Father to the Son before the foundation of the 
world implies the personal pre-existence of the latter with God, but is not 
reconcilable with the idea of the pre-temporal ideal existence which He has 
had in God, as the archetype of humanity. This in answer to Beyschlag, p. 
87, who considers the relation as analogous to the eternal election of grace, 
Eph. i. 4, Rom. viii. 29 ; which is not appropriate, since the election of 
grace concerns those as yet not in existence, namely, future believers, whom 
God rpoéyvw as future. The Son, however, whom He loved, must personally 
exist with the Father, since it was in Christ that the motive already lay for 
the election of grace (see on Eph. i. 4). Comp. also on ver. 5. To suppose 
that God, according to the present passage, had loved His own ideal of hu- 
manity before the foundation of the world, the idea consequently of His own 
thought, is an idea without any analogy in the N. T., and we thereby arrive 
at an anthropopathic se/f-love, as men form to themselves an ideal, and are 
glad to attain it. 

Vv. 25, 26. Conclusion of the prayer : Appeal to the righteousness of God, 
for, after that which Jesus here states of Himself and of the disciples in 
opposition to the world, it becomes the righteous Father not to leave un- 
granted what Jesus has just declared, ver. 24, to be His will (θέλω, iva, 
x.T.4.). Otherwise the final recompense would fail to come, which the 
divine righteousness (1 John i. 9) has to give to those who are so raised, as 
expressed in ver. 25, above the world ; the work of divine holiness, ver. 11, 
would remain without its closing judicial consummation and revelation. — 
καὶ ὁ κόσμος, «.7.A.] The apparent inappropriateness of the καί, from 
which also its omission in D. Vulg. θέ al., is to be explained, is not removed 
by placing, with Grotius and Lachmann, only a comma after ver. 24, and 
allowing καὶ ὁ κόσμος σε obk ἔγνω to run with what precedes, since this thought 
does not fit into this logical connection, and the address πάτερ δίκαιε, accord- 
ing to the analogy of ver. 11, leads us to recognize the introductory sen- 
tence of a prayer. According to Bengel and Ebrard, kai... καί, eb... et, 
correspond to one another, which, however, is allowed neither by the 
antithetic character of the conceptions, nor the manifest reference of the 
second καί to ἐγὼ δέ. Following Heumann, de Wette, Liicke, Tholuck 


1Comp. Briickner and Ebrard. Euth. the N. T. this mode of presentation is un- 
Zigabenus: τὴν δόξαν τῆς ϑεότητος, ἣν δέδωκάς supported; in ver. 26, to which Johansson 
μοι, οὐχ ws ἐλάττονι ἢ ὑστερογενεῖ, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς appeals, ἔδωκεν in truth refers first to the 
αἴτιος, εἴτουν ws γεννήσας με, But in time of the sending into the world. 


4141 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

make καί correspond to the following δέ, so that two simultaneously occur- 
ring but contrasted relations’ would be indicated : ‘‘ whilst the world 
knew Thee not, yet I knew Thee.” Not to be justified on grammatical 
grounds ; for τέ... δέ," but never καί... dé, is thus employed, and the™ 
passages of that kind adduced by Liicke from Plato® are not in point ; in 
other passages * καί is the simply connective and, without reference to the 
subsequent dé. The καί in the present passage is rather the and serving to 
link on an antithetic relation (and notwithstanding), and is particularly fre- 
quent in John, see on vii. 28. Had Jesus said : πάτερ, δίκαιος el, καὶ ὁ 
κόσμος, K.T.A., then καί would have been free from any difficulty. Neverthe- 
less, the connection and its expression are the same. Christ is, in the address 
πάτερ dikate, Absorbed in the thought of the justice of God now invoked by 
Tlim, the thought, therefore, of this self-revelation of God, which was so 
easily to be recognized (Rom. i. 18 ff.), in spite of which the world, in its 
blinded security, has not known Him (comp. Rom. i. 28), and gives expression 
to this latter thought in painfully excited emotion (Chrysostom : δυσχεραίνων), 
immediately connecting it by καί with the address. After πάτ. δίκαιε we 
may suppose a pause, a break in the thought : Righteous Father—(yea, such 
Thou art !) and (and yet) the world knew Thee not!* Luthardt also, with 
Briickner’s concurrence, takes καί as and yet, but so that it stands in opposi- 
tion to the revelation of God through Christ previously (see ver. 22) stated. 
Too indefinite, and leaving without reason the characteristic πάτερ δίκαιε out 
of reference. —éyvw| namely, from Thy displays in my words and deeds ; 
ἔγνων, on the other hand (Nonnus : σύμφυτος ἔγνων), refers to the immediate 
knowledge which the Son had in His earthly life of the Father moving in 
Him, and revealing Himself through Him. Comp. viii. 54,55. Not with- 
out reason does Jesus introduce His ἐγὼ δέ ce ἔγνων between the κόσμος and 
the disciples, because He wills that the disciples should be where He is 
(ver. 24), which, however, presupposes a relative relation of equality be- 
tween Him and them, as over against the world. — οὗτοι] Glancing at the 
disciples. — ὅτε ob με ἀπέστ. The specific element, the central point of the 
knowledge of God, of which the discourse treats ; δείκνυσιν ἐνταῦθα, μηδένα 





εἰδότα θεόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ μόνον τοὺς τὸν υἱὸν ἐπεγνωκότας, Chrysostom. Comp. vv. 
8, 238, xvi. 27, e¢ al. —Ver. 26. Whereby this ἔγνωσαν has been effected 
(comp. ver. 7), and will be completely effected (γνωρίσω, through the 
Paraclete : καὶ καί, both and also), that (purpose of the 
γνωρίσω) the love with which Thou hast loved me (comp. ver. 24) may be in 


1 Hence also the reading: εἰ καὶ ok. σ. οὐκ κόσμος tO γνωρίσω, ver. 26, in a parenthesis, 


ἔγνω, ἀλλ᾽ ἐγώ, «.7.A., Which is found not 
merely in Hippolytus, but also in the Con- 
Stithe Apso. 1: de 

2 Kiihner, II. p. 418; Hartung, Parlikel. 
I. p. 92 f.; Klotz, ad Devar. Ὁ. 741 f. 

3 Menex. Ὁ. 235 Εἰ (where καὶ ἄλλους Means 
also others, and Hryx. Ὁ. 393 E (where καὶ 
ἐλάχιστα is only also the least. 

4 As Soph. Anf#. 428. 

5 This interpretation is followed also by 
Hengstenberg. But Ewald places καὶ ὃ 


and then takes ἵνα ἡ ἀγάπη, x.T.A., still as 
the contents of déAw, ver. 24. How broken 
thus becomes the calm, clear flow of the 
prayer! According to Baeumlein, the 
parallel clauses would properly be καὶ ἐγὼ 
σὲ ἔγνων καὶ οὗτοι ἔγνωσαν ; but there is thus 
interpolated before the first clause a con- 
trasted clause, which properly should have 
μέν, So that then the main thought follows 
with éé¢. Alike arbitrary, but yet more 
contorted, is the arrangement of Godet. 


CHAP. XVIL., 25, 26. 475 
them, i.e. may rule in their hearts,’ and with this—for Christ, communicat- 
ing himself through the Spirit, is the supporter of the divine life in believers, * 
—TIin them. On ἀγάπην ἀγαπᾶν, see on Eph. ii. 4. So rich in promise and 
clevating with the simply grand “ and I in them,” dies away the word of 
prayer, and in the whole ministry and experience of the apostles was it ful- 
filled. As nothing could separate them from the love of God in Christ 
(Rom. viii. 39), Christ thus remained in them through the Spirit, and they 
have conquered far and wide through Him who loved them. 


Norr.—The originality of the high-priestly prayer stands upon the same foot- 
ing with that of the longer discourses of Jesus generally in the Evangelist 
John. The substance of the contents is original, but the reproduction and 
vivid remodelling, such as could not come forth from the Johannean individu- 
ality, with which the recollection had grown up, otherwise than with quite a 
Johannean stamp. Along with this, however, in reference to contents and 
form, considering the peculiarly profound impression which the prayer of this 
solemn moment must necessarily have made upon the spirit and memory of that 
very disciple, a superior degree of fidelity of recollection and power of render- 
ing must be assumed. How often may these last solemn words have stirred 
the soul of John! To this corresponds also the self-consciousness, as childlike 
as it is simple and clear in its elevation, the victorious rest and peace of this 
prayer, which is the noblest and purest pearl of devotion in the whole N. T. 
‘‘For plain and simple as it sounds, so deep, rich, and wide it is, that none 
can fathom it,’’ Luther. Spener never ventured to preach upon it, because he 
felt that its true understanding exceeded the ordinary measure of faith ; but 
he caused it to be read to him three times on the evening before his death, see 
his Lebensbeschr. by Canstein, p. 145 ff. The contrary view, that it is a later 
idealizing fiction of a dogmatic and metaphysical kind (Bretschneider, Strauss, 
Weisse, Baur, Scholten), is indeed a necessary link in the chain of controversy 
on the originality of the Johannean history generally, but all the more untena- 
ble, the more unattainable, the depth, tenderness, intensity, and loftiness here 
sustained from beginning to end, must have been for a later inventor. But to 
deny the inward truth and splendour of the prayer (see especially Weisse, 11. 
p. 294), is a matter evincing a critically corrupt taste and judgment. The con- 
jlict of soul in Gethsemane, so soon after this prayer which speaks of overcoming 
the world and of peace, is, considering the pure humanity of Jesus (which was 
not forced into stoical indifference), psychologically too conceivable, not, 
indeed, as a voluntary undergoing in his own person of all the terrors of 
death coming from a world’s sin (Hengstenberg), but rather from the change 
of feelings and dispositions in the contemplation of death, and of such a death, 
to be made to pass as an historical contradiction to chap. xvii. See on Matt., 
note after xxvi. 46. John himself relates nothing of the crisis of this final 
agony ; but thisis connected with the general character of his selection from the 


1 Comp. Rom. v. 5. Bengel aptly remarks : loved me.”’ But this does not suit the ex- 


“ἐμ cor ipsorum theatrum sit et palaestra 
hujus amoris,” namely, διὰ πνεύματος ἁγίου, 
Rom. 15. According to Hengstenberg 
(comp. also Weiss, p. 80), Jesus merely 
intends to say: ‘‘that Thou mayest love 
them with the love with which Thou hast 


pression ἐν αὐτοῖς 7, either in itself or in 
the parallel relation to κἀγὼ ἐν αὐτοῖς. An 
inward efficacious presence must be there- 
by intended. 

2 xiv. 20 ff.; Rom. viii. 10; Gal. ii. 20; 
Eph. iii. 17. 


476 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


evangelical material, and he might be determined in this matter particularly by 
the account already given of the similar fact, xii. 23 ff., which he only adduces, 
while the conflict in the garden was already a common property of scriptural tra- 
dition (comp. also Heb. v. 7), which he as little needed to repeat as the institution 
of the Lord’s Supper and many other things. That this final agony had not for 
John the importance and historic reality which it had for the Synoptics, is, 
considering the free selection which he has made out of the rich material of his 
recollection, a hasty conclusion.! The historic reality of the Gospel facts, if 
nothing essential is otherwise opposed to them, is not affected by the silence of 
John. 


Notes By AMERICAN EprTor. 


ἘΠ Vive 1.9: 


Meyer regards the prayer of Jesus for His glorification as extending from ver. 
1 to 5; Weiss, with Liicke, de Wette, and Ebrard, regards it as extending to 
ver. 8, thus including the backward glance over the completion of His earthly 
work, upon which the prayer for His glorification rests. 


LVIII. “ The hour.’’ Ver. 1. 


According to Meyer, the hour of His death (but as a transition to His Father). 
Weiss : not properly the hour of His death, but the hour upon which open the 
words now following, and in which His glorification finds its allotted place. 


LIX. ‘ Thee the only true God . . . Jesus Christ.” Ver. 4. 


Meyer takes these as predicative: ‘‘thee as the only true God, and Jesus as 
Christ.”” Weiss, more correctly, I think, as apposition (as Eng. Ver.). 


LX. ‘And all mine are thine, and thine are mine.” Ver. 10. 


This clause should, with Meyer, be placed in parenthesis ; it is an incidental 
expansion of the idea into universality. As it stands, the Eng. Ver. (including 
the Rev.) obscures or misrepresents the meaning of the following αὐτοῖς, which 
certainly refers only to the disciples.—Observe the remarkable τὰ σὰ ἐμά, all 
that is thine is mine—irreconcilable, it would seem, with anything but essential 
Deity. 


LXI. ““ And the glory which thou hast given me I have given them.” Ver. 22. 


Meyer refers this to ‘‘ the heavenly glory” given in promise and anticipation 
to all His people. Weiss thinks that the perf. δέδωκα, have given, precludes it 
from being applied to the πάντες of ver. 21, and that therefore its only proper 
reference, as Christ’s revelation of His glory in His own works of power cannot 
be well called a giving (διδόναι), is to that wonder-working power which He 
has bestowed upon His disciples. Meyer’s view seems right. 


1 In answer to Baur, in the Z7heol. Jahrb. 1854, Ὁ. 224. 


CHAP. XVIII. 41 


CHAPTER XVIII. 


Ver. 1. The Recepta τῶν κέδρων has the preponderance of testimony, Griesb. 
Scholz, Lachm., following A. 5. A. Verss. Hier. Ambr. have τοῦ κεδρών ; Tisch., 
following Ὁ. &. ἃ Cod. of It. Sah. Copt. : τοῦ κέδρου. The reading τοῦ κεδρών 
is to be preferred, since we cannot suppose that John somehow connected the 
name {1717p with κέδρος or κέδρον, as was done in 2 Sam. xv. 23 and 1 Kings xv. 
13, LXX. — Ver. 4. ἐξελθὼν εἶπεν] B. C.* D. Curss. Verss. Or, Syr. Chrys. Aug. : 
ἐξῆλθεν καὶ λέγει. So Lachm, and Tisch. Rightly ; the Recepta is an alteration 
after ver. 1, which was made, because what was intended by ἐξῆλθεν was not 
distinguished from that expressed by it in ver. 1. — Ver. 6. ὅτι 7 which, though 
deleted by Lachm. and Tisch., has very important witnesses for and against it ; 
yet how readily would it come to be omitted after ver. 5!—Ver. 10. ὠτίον] 
Tisch. : ὠτάριον, after B. C.* L. X. 8., which (comp, also on Mark xiv, 47) is 
the more to be preferred, that the better known ὠτίον is found in Matt. — Ver. 
11. After μάχαιρ. Elz. has oov., against decisive witnesses, from Matt. xxvi. 
52. — Ver. 13. αὐτόν] has against it witnesses of such importance, that Lachm. 
has bracketed, Tisch. deleted it. But, unnecessary in itself, how readily 
might it be passed over after the similar final sound of the preceding word ! — 
Ver. 14. ἀπολέσθαι] Lachm. Tisch. ; ἀποθανεῖν. The witnesses are very much 
divided. ἀποθῦ. is from xi. 50. — Ver. 15. ἄλλος] Elz. Griesb. Scholz, Tisch. : ὁ 
ἄλλος. The article is wantingin A. B. D. 8. Curss., but retains, notwithstand- 
ing, a great weight of testimony, and might readily come to be omitted, 
since it appeared to have no reference here. — Ver. 20. Instead of the first 
ἐλάλησα, λελάληκα (Liachm. Tisch.) is so decisively attested, that the Aor. 
appears to have been introduced in conformity with the following aorists. — 
The article before cuvay. is decidedly condemned by the evidence (against 
Elz).— Instead of the second πάντοτε, Griesb. Lachm. Tisch. have πάντες, 
which is to be preferred, on account of preponderant testimony, and because 
πάντοτε might readily be mechanically repeated from the preceding πάντοτε ; 
πάντοθεν (Elz.) rests on conjecture (Beza) and Curss. — Ver. 21. érepor. ; 
ἐπερώτ. The simple forms (Lachm. Tisch.) are preponderantly attested. The 
compound forms were readily introduced through the concurrence of the two 
E’s (uEEpor.), in recollection of ver. 7. — Ver. 22. Read with Lachm. Tisch., 
according to B, &. It. Vulg. Cyr. εἷς παρεστ. τῶν ὑπ. Various transpositions in 
the Codd. — Ver. 24. After ἀπέστ., Elz. Lachm. Tisch. have οὖν, which has im- 
portant witnesses for and against it. Since, however, other Codd. read dé, and 
several Verss. express καί, any particle is to be regarded asa later connective 
addition. — The same various connective particles are found inserted in Codd. 
and Verss., after ἠρνήσατο, ver. 25. — Ver. 28. πρωΐ] Elz. Scholz: πρωΐα, against 
decisive testimony. But how readily might the quite unnecessary ἵνα dis- 
appear !— Ver. 29. After Πιλάτος Lachm. and Tisch. have ἔξω (B. C.* L. X. &. 
Curss. Verss.), which other witnesses first place after αὐτούς. This different 
position, and the importance of the omitting witnesses, show it to be an inter- 


478 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

polation, with a view to greater definiteness of designation. — κατά] is deleted 
by Tisch., according to Β. ®.* alone. Being unnecessary, it was passed over, — 
Ver. 34. αὐτῷ after ἀπεκρ. in Elz. is decisively condemned by the witnesses.— 
Ver. 37. ἐγώ. Ἐγώ] The omission of one ἐγώ (Lachm. has bracketed the second, 
Tisch. has deleted the first) is not sufficiently justified by B. D. L. Y. &. 
Curss. Verss. Fathers, since the omission was so readily suggested in copying, 
if the weight of the repeated éy was not observed. 


Vv. 1, 2. Ἐξῆλθε] from Jerusalem, where the meal, xiii. 2, had been held. 
The ἄγωμεν ἐντεῦθεν, xvi. 31, was now first carried out ; see in loc.: πέραν τοῦ 
yeu. then expresses : whither He went ; see on vi. 1. — τοῦ Κεδρών] Genit. 
of apposition.’ It is a torrent dry in summer? (])17p, ie. niger, black 
stream), flowing eastward from the city through the valley of the same name. ὅ 
As to the name, comp. the very frequent Greek name of rivers, Μέλας." — 
κῆπος] According to Matt. xxvi. 36, a garden of the landed estate of Gethsem- 
ane. The owner must be conceived as being friendly to Jesus. — ὅτι πολλάκις, 
k.7.A.] points back to earlier festal visits, and is a more exact statement of 
detail, of which John has many in the history of the passion. We see from 
the contents that Jesus offered Himself with conscious freedom to the final 
crisis. Comp. ver. 4. — Typological references (Luthardt, after older exposi- 
tors : to David, who, when betrayed by Ahithophel, had gone the same 
way, 2 Sam. xv. 23; Lampe, Hengstenberg, following the Fathers: to 
Adam, who in the garden incurred the penalty of death) are without any 
indication in the text. 

Ver. 8. The σπεῖρα is the Roman cohort,’ designated by the article as the 
well-known band, namely, because serving as the garrison of the fort Antonia, 
distinguished by what follows from the company of officers of justice appoint- 
ed on the part of the Sanhedrim, and not to be explained of the Levitical 
temple-watch.® That Judas arrived with the whole σπεῖρα is, as being dispro- 
portionate to the immediate object (against Hengstenberg), not probable ; 
but a division, ordered for the present service, especially as the chiliarch him- 
self was there (ver. 12), represented the cohort." Of this co-operation of the 
Roman military, for which the Sanhedrim had made requisition, the Synop- 
tics say nothing, although Hengstenberg takes pains to find indications of 
it in their narrative. John’s account is more complete. — φανῶν x. Aaur.| with 
torches and lamps (the latter in lanterns ; Matt. xxv. 1 ff.).° Extreme precau- 


12 Pet. ii. 6, comp. πόλις ᾿Αθηνῶν and the ness of popular information. We have 


like, 

2 χείμαῤῥος, Hom. Ji. xi. 493; Soph. Ant. 
708; Plat. Legg. v. p. 736 A; Joseph. Anti. 
Vili. 1 5. 

3 See Robinson, II. p. 31 ff.; Ritter, Hrdk. 
XV. 1, p. 598 ff. 

4 Herod. vii. 58. 198; Strabo, villi. p. 386, 
et al. 

5 See Matt. xxvii. 27; Acts xxi. 81; Polyb. 
xi. 23, i. 6, xxiv. 3 ff. ; Valckenaer, Schol. I. 
p. 458 f. 

6 Michaelis, Kuinoel, Gurlitt, Zect. in 
Τὴ 7. Snec. VV. 1805, B. Crusius, Baeumlein. 

7 This is quite sufficient for the inexact- 


hence neither to understand a manipulus 
(i.e. the third part of the cohort), for which 
an appeal is erroneously made to Polyb. xi. 
23.1, nor, generally, a band, a detachment 
of soldiers (2 Mace. vii. 28, xii. 22; Judith 
xiv. 11). Not the latter, because it is Roman 
military that are spoken of ; not the former, 
because although Polybius elsewhere em- 
ploys σπεῖρα as equivalent to manipulus (see 
Schweighiuser, Ζῶ. Ὁ. 559), yet a whole 
maniple (some 200 men) would here be too 
many. 
8 Comp. Dion. H. xi. 40. 


CHAP. XVIII., 4-6. 479 


tion renders this preparation conceivable even at the time of full moon. The 
arms are, as a matter of course, carried by the soldiers, not by the ὑπηρέται, 
and are mentioned as helping to complete the picture. —The «ai’s are not 
accumulated (Luthardt), not one of them is unnecessary. 

Vv.-4, 5. This advance of Judas occasioned (οὖν) Jesus to come forth, 
since He knew all that was about to come upon Him, and at the same time was 
far removed from any intention of withdrawing Himself from His destiny, 
of which He was fully and clearly conscious. — ἔρχεσθαι, of destinies, happy 
(Matt. x. 13) and unhappy (Matt. xxiii. 35),’ in the classics more frequent- 
ly with the dative,’ than with éxi. — ἐξῆλθεν (see the critical notes) : from 
the garden, ver. 1, Nonnus : κῆπον ἐάσας. The context yields no other mean- 
ing, and ver. 26 is not opposed to it. Hence not : from the garden-house,* 
or from the depth of the garden,* or from the circle of disciples.® — εἱστήκει 
δὲ καὶ Iotdac, κ.τ..1] Tragic feature in the descriptive picture of this scene, 
without any further special purpose in view. Tholuck arbitrarily remarks : 
John wished to indicate the effrontery of Judas ; and Hengstenberg : he 
wished to guard against the false opinion that the ἐγώ εἰμι was intended to 
convey to the officers something unknown to them. This he could surely 
have expressed in few words. — The kiss of Judas (Matt. xxvi. 47 ff.), instead 
of which John gives the above personal statement (as Strauss indeed thinks: 
for the glorification of Jesus), is not thereby excluded, is too characteristic 
and too well attested to be ascribed to tradition, and cannot have followed 
(Ewald) the question of Jesus (ver. 4), but, inasmuch as the immediate effect 
of the ἐγώ εἰμε did not permit of the interruption of the kiss, must have pre- 
ceded, so that immediately on the coming forth of Jesus from the garden, 
Judas stepped forward, kissed Him, and then again fell back to the band. 
Accordingly, John, after the one factor of the betrayal, namely the /iss, had 
been already generally disseminated in tradition, brings into prominence 
the other also, the personal statement ; hence this latter is not to be ascribed 
merely to the Johannean Jesus (Hilgenfeld, Scholten). 

Ver. 6. They gave way,—drew back (see on vi. 66), and fell to the earth, 
(χαμαί = χαμᾶζε, very frequently in the classics also); this was regarded, 
first by Oeder,*® and recently by most expositors,’ as a natural consequence 
of terror and of sudden awe, in support of which reference is made to the 
(weaker) analogies from the history of M. Antonius,® of Marius,* and even of 
Coligny ; while Briickner conceives of the effect at least as ‘‘ scarcely purely 
human.” Lange, in like manner, deduces it from terror of conscience, 
and finds the miracle only in the fact that it was not unexpected by the Lord, 
and not undesigned by Him. But, presumptively, the very falling to the 
ground, and the designating those who fell generally and without exception, 
thus including with the rest the Roman soldiers, justifies the ancient com- 





1 Aesch. Pers. 436, 439; Ellendt, Lex. Soph. ® Miscell. sacr. p. 503 ff. 
I. p. 686 f. 7 Including Lticke, Tholuck, Olshausen, 
2 Thuc. viii. 96. 1. de Wette, B. Crusius, Ewald, Baeumlein. 
3 Rosenmiiller, Ewald. 5 Val. Max. viii. 9. 2. 
4 Tholuck, Maier, de Wette, Luthardt. 9 Velleius Paterc. ii. 19. 3. 


° Schweizer, Lange, Mengstenberg. 


4380 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


mentators, followed by Strauss (who, however, with Scholten, views the 
matter as unhistoricai), Ebrard, Maier, Luthardt, Hengstenberg, Godet, in 
regarding it as a miraculous result of the power of Christ (Nonnus : οἱστρηθέν- 
τες ἀτευχέϊ λαίλαπι φωνῆς). Christ wished, before His surrender, to make known 
His might over His foes, and thus show the voluntariness of His surrender. 
He could remain free, but He is willing to surrender Himself, because He 
knows His hour is come, xvii. 1. 

Vv. 8, 9. Jesus guarded against the seizure at the same time of the dis- 
ciples. That hands had already been laid on them,’ the text does not say. 
He should and would suffer alone. —iva πληρ. x.t.2.| Divinely-determined 
object of ἀπεκρίθη, in reference to the words εἰ οὖν, «.r.2. John discovers in 
the saying, xvii. 12 (the quoting of which, without verbal exactness, should 
be noted as an instance of the free mode of citation in the N. T.), a prophet- 
ic reference to the preservation of the disciples from being taken prisoners 
along with Him, in so far, that is, as the Lord, in virtue of this protection, 
brought none of them into destruction, namely, through the apostasy to which 
any captured with him would have been exposed. This prophetic reference 
(against Schweizer’s and Scholten’s severe judgment) is justified by the 
fact that Jesus, in xvii. 12, delivers a closing avowal of His acting on the 
disciples’ behalf ; consequently, that which is still further to be done on 
their behalf must be conformable to that declaration, and appear as the fulfil- 
ment, as the actual completion of what was therein expressed. 

Vv. 10, 11. Comp. Matt. xxvi. 51 ff., and parall. —oiv] In consequence 
of this danger, which he now saw for Jesus. On its position between diy. 
and Ilérp., comp.-xxi. 7.—Only John here names Peter, and also Malchus.? 
Personal considerations, which may have kept the names so far away from 
the earliest tradition, that they are not adduced even by Luke, could now 
no longer have influence. — δοῦλον} slave, therefore none of the officials of 
the court of justice, ver. 3, but also not the guide of the temple-watch 
(Ewald). The slave had accompanied the rest, and had pressed forward. 
— τὸ ὠτάριον] not purposely (Hengstenberg), but the blow which was aimed 
at the head missed. — Cast the sword into the sheath! certainly more original 
than the calmer and more circumstantial words in Matt.* In the classics, 
κολεός." ----τὸ ποτήρ.] Comp. Matt. xx. 22, xxvi. 39. The suffering of death 
which He must now, in accordance with God’s clearly recognized will and 
purpose (11. 14, 15, vi. 51), approach, is the cup to be drunk, which the 
Father has already given to Him (into His hand) dédwxe. — αὐτό, as in xv. 2. 

Vv. 12-14. Oiv] Since no further attempt at resistance dared be made. 
In the complete statement : the cohort and the tribune,° and the servants, any 
special design (Luthardt : the previous occurrence, ver. 6, had for its result 
that now all helped, in order to secure Him) is not to be supposed, since ἡ 
σπεῖρα, k.T.A., is the subject not merely of συνέλαβον and ἔδησαν, but also of 
ἀπήγαγον. Tholuck’s remark, however, is erroneous : that the soldiers had 


1 Bengel, B. Crusius, and several others. interpretations. 
2A name of frequent occurrence; see 3 On θήκη, sheath, see Poi. x. 144. 
Wetstein. In Phot. Bibl. cod. 78, a Sophist 4 Comp. Hom. Od. x. 883; κολεῷ μὲν ἄορ θέο. 


isso called. Hengstenberg gives artificial 5 ὃ χιλίαρχος THs σπείρης, Acts xxi. 31. 


CHAP: XVIIT., 15. 481 


now first again (?) united with the Jewish watch. — συνέλαβον, κ.τ.1.1 A 
non-essential variation from Matt. xxvi. 50, where the capture takes place 
before the attempt at defence made on Peter’s part. For ἔδησαν, see on Matt. 
xxvii. 2.—On Annas, see on Luke iii. 1, 2. To him, which circumstance 
the Synoptics pass over, Jesus was jirst (πρῶτον) brought, before He was con- 
ducted to the actual high priest, Caiaphas (ver. 24). An extra-judicial pre- 
liminary examination had first to be gone through. And Annas had been 
selected for this purpose because he was father-in-law of the actual high 
priest (ἣν yap πενθερός, x.7.A.) ; thus they believed it to be most certain that 
he would so act in advance’ as to serve the ends of his son-in-law, who then 
had to conduct the proper judicial process in the Sanhedrim, Ewald’s 
assumption,” that Annas was at that time invested with the office of superior 
judicial examiner (7 A 738), does not correspond to the fundamental 
statement of John, which merely adduces the relation of father-in-law ; and 
therefore, also, we are not to say with Wieseler and others (see also Lichten- 
stein, p. 418 f.), that Annas was president, Caiaphas vice-president of the 
Sanhedrin ; or that the former still passed as the proper and legitimate 
high priest (Lange) ; or even that John conceived of an annual exchange of 
office between Annas and Caiaphas.* Quite arbitrarily, further, do others 
suppose : the house of Annas lay near to the gate (Augustine, Grotius, and 
many), or: Jesus was led, as in triumph, first to Annas (Chrysostom, Theo- 
phylact, and several others). — Ver. 14 points back to xi. 50, on account 
of the prophetic nature of the saying, which had now come so near its fui- 
filment. Hence also the significant τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐκείνου is repeated. 

Ver. 15. ᾿Ηκολούθει] correlative to the ἀπήγαγον, x.t.4., ver. 18, and the 
imperfect is descriptive. —6 ἄλλ. μαθ.1] The other disciple known to the reader, 
whom Ido not name. Self-designation ; not a citizen of Jerusalem (Gro- 
tius), not Judas Iscariot (Heumann), not some unknown person (Augustine, 
Calovius, Calvin, Gurlitt). Only the first rendering corresponds to the 
article, and to John’s peculiar manner. <A tendency to elevate John above 
Peter is here as little to be found as in xx. 2, 3 (Weizsiicker would conclude 
from this passage that a scholar of John was the writer) ; it is a simple re- 
production of the contents of the history. — γνωστός] whence and how is unde- 
termined. Nonuus : ἰχθυβόλου rapa τέχνης ; Ewald : because he was related 
to the priestly stock (see Introd. ὃ 1) ; Hengstenberg : from earlier relig- 
_ ious necessities. γνωστός does not mean related. —76 ἀρχιερεῖ, and then τοῦ 
ἀρχιερέως, cannot, after ἀπήγ. abt. πρὸς *Avvay, ver. 13, and ἠκολούθει, K.7.A., 
ver. 15, refer to Caiaphas, but, as Ewald also assumes, though Baeumlein 
groundlessly disputes it, only to Annas, as the high priest (he had deen so, 
and still enjoyed the title, see,Luke iii. 2 ; Acts iv. 5), to whom Jesus was 
brought. The remark on the acting ἀρχιερ. Caiaphas (ὃς ἦν, vv. 18, 14) was 
only an intermediate observation, which the reference demanded by the course 
of the history of apyep. to Annas cannot alter. Accordingly, both the fol- 
lowing denial of Peter (vv. 16-18) and the examination (vv. 19-21) and 


1 Comp. Steinmeyer, Leidensgesch. Ὁ. 115f. 3 Scholten ; comp. on xi. 49. 
2 Gesch. Chr. p. 562. 


482 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

the maltreatment (vv. 22, 28), took place in the dwelling of Annas. Of 
the synoptic examination before Caiaphas, John gives no account, and only 
briefly indicates in ver. 24 that Jesus was sent away to Caiaphas ; a step 
which followed after the examination before Ainas, presupposing as well 
known the trial before Caiaphas, which took place after this sending away. 
On the second and third denials, which are likewise to be placed in the 
court of Annas, see on ver. 25. This exegetical result, according to which 
John does not give any account of the hearing in the presence of Caiaphas,‘ 
but indicates as the locality of the three denials the court of Annas (see on 
Matt., note after xxvi. 75), is opposed to the older and modern system of 
harmonizing,’ according to which, if one common court be not assigned to 
the dwellings of the two high priests (so again Hengstenberg in particular ; 
comp. on ver, 24), the leading away to Caiaphas is already presupposed in ver. 
15, and then ver. 24 is disposed of with forced arbitrariness, partly on critical, 
partly on exegetical grounds ; see on ver. 34. The above exegetical conclu- 
sion is confirmed even on harmonistic principles, namely, from the side of the 
examination, by the fact that vv. 19-21 present no resemblance at all to the 
Synoptic examination before Caiaphas, as also that there is no trace in John 
of judicial proceedings before the Sanhedrim. Further, we are not to con- 
clude, from the silence of the Synoptics as to the examination before Annas, 
that they knew nothing of it (Schweizer) ; but because it was no judicial 
examination, it might easily fall into the background in the circle of tra- 
dition followed by them. On the other side, the credibility of John (against 
Weisse) must turn the scale as well in favour of the historical character of 
the above examination as of the occurrence of the three denials in the court 
of Annas, without granting that the Synoptic and Johannean denials are 
to be counted together as so many different ones, beyond the number of 
three (Paulus). But when Baur takes the account of the examination in 
Annas’ presence to proceed from the design of strengthening the testimony 
of the unbelief of the Jews by the condemnatory judgment of the two high 
priests, and* of bringing into prominence the surrender of Jesus by the 


1 Considering that this examination was 
well known from the older Gospels, of 
«which he was fully aware, it was quite suf- 
ficient for him to 7ccall the recollection of it 
Simply by the observation inserted in ver. 
24—a proof of his independence of the 
Synoptics. Others have sought to explain 
the silence of John on the examination 
before Caiaphas differently, but in a more 
arbitrary manner, as 4.0. Schweizer: that 
after ver. 14 this examination appeared to 
the apostle as a mere formality not worth 
consideration. But as the judicial process 
proper, it was nevertheless the principal 
examination. According to Briickner, 
John has directed his principal aim to the 
denial of Peter and to the proceedings be- 
fore Pilate. But this needed not, neverthe- 
less, to have led him to be entirely silent on 
the examination before Caiaphas. Accord- 


ing to Schenkel, Jesus, according to the 
present Gospel, underwent no examination 
at all before Caiaphas. But why then does 
John relate that Jesus was led away to 
Caiaphas? According to Scholten, John 
has kept silence regarding the examination 
before the latter in order not to cause Jesus 
to make the confession that He was the 
(Jewish) Messiah, Matt. xxvi. 64. As if this 
would have required the omission of the 
whole history! And the confession of 
Jesus, Matt. xxvi. 64, is sublime enough 
even for John. 

2 Cyril, Erasmus, Luther, Beza, Calvin, 
Grotius, Wolf, Bengel, and many others, 
including Lticke, Tholuck, Klee, de Wette, 
Maier, Baeumlein ; also Brandes, Annas u. 
Pilat., Lemgo 1860. See in opposition, Weiss 
in the Lit. Bl. α΄. allg. K. Z. 1860, Nr. 39. 

3 Theol. Jahrb. 1854, Ὁ. 285. 


CHAP. XVIII., 16-21. 483 


Jewish authority into the hands of the Roman, as brought about by both 
high priests, this is opposed by the fact, setting aside the entirely inci- 
dental manner in which Caiaphas is mentioned, ver. 24, and the arbitrary 
character of such inventions generally, that John as little mentions a sen- 
tence delivered by Annas as by Caiaphas, which nevertheless suggested itself 
so naturally in ver. 24, and the place of which xi. 50 by no means supplies, 
as respects Caiaphas. 

Vv. 16-18. Peter, who had no acquaintance in the house, had not been 
admitted into the court (αὐλή, ver. 15), but stood, after John had gone in 
with the procession, owtside at the door ;* hence John obtains, by means of 
the portress (Joseph. Antt. vii. 2. 1; Acts xii. 13), permission to introduce 
him, The εἰσήγαγε refers to John ; by Erasmus, Grotius, Ewald, and several 
others, it is referred to the pertress, but in that way would give an unneces- 
sary change of subject. The portress at the gate within the court asks of 
Peter, when admitted : ‘‘ Thou art not also, (art thou) etc. ? The καί carries 
the presumption that Join, whom she had nevertheless also admitted for 
acquaintance’ sake, was a disciple of Jesus ; the negative question rests on 
the feeling that probably she ought not otherwise to have admitted him. 
[See Note LXII. p. 496.] —roi ἀνθρ. τούτου] contemptuously, not compassion- 
ately.» After the denial, Peter, whom, notwithstanding, his love to the 
Lord still detains at least in the open place, finds himself among the slaves 
(of Annas) and the officers of justice (the soldiers, ver. 8, appear to have 
gone with Jesus into the building as an escort), with whom he stands at the 
fire of coals in the court, and warms himself. Holding aloof, he would 
have been assailed. John, probably by help of his acquaintanceship, pressed 
with others into the interior of the house, not exactly into the audience- 
chamber. 

Vv. 19-21. Οὖν] Again connecting the narrative with vv. 13, 14, after the 
episode of Peter. —repi τ. μαθητ. ait. x. π. τ. διδαχ. αὐτοῦ] Annas* then put 
general questions, in keeping with a private hearing of the kind, but well 
planned, so as to connect something further according to the eventual reply. 
—Jesus, as far as possible, not to inculpate His disciples (vv. 8, 9), replies, 
in the first instance (and further questioning was broken off, ver. 22), only 
to the second point of the interrogation, and that by putting it aside as 
something entirely objectless, appealing to the publicity of His life. — ἐγὼ 
παρρησίᾳ, K.t.2.| 1, on my part, have frankly and freely (comp. vii. 4, xi. 54) 
spoken to the world ; παρρησ. is to be taken subjectively, without reserve, not : 
openly, which it does not mean, and which is contained only in τῷ κόσμῳ. 
The κόσμος is the whole public, as in vil. 4, xii. 19. —@v συναγ. x. ἐν τ. ἱερῷ] in 
synagogue (see on vi. 59) and in the temple. We appeals to His work of 
teaching not merely in Jerusalem, but as He has always carried it on, though 
He does not mean by πόντοτε to deny His public discourses in other places 


1 It was the street door of the court, the 3 Not Caiaphas. Hengstenberg imagines 
αὐλεία ϑύρα (see Dorvill, ad Char. p. 31, the situation : ‘‘ Annas presides, as it were 
Amst. ; Dissen, ad Pind. Nem. i. 19, p. 361). Ὁ), at the examination, but Caiaphas might 


2 Chrysostom, Theophylact, and several not hand over to him the properly judicial 
others. function.”’ So also Godet. 


484 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

(in the open air, etc.), but only to express that He never, in the course of 
His teaching, withdrew Himself from synagogues and from the temple. — 
ὅπου πάντες, K.t.A.] refers to the temple. — kai ἐν κρυπτῷ £2.42. οὐδέν] By which, 
of course, the private instructions given to His disciples (comp. also Matt. x. 
27) are not denied, since it is the ministry of the teacher of the people that is 
here in question ; and besides, those private instructions do not fall under 
the category of that which is secret. —ti we ἐρωτ.1 For what object dost thou 
ask me? μέ does not bear the emphasis ; otherwise ἐμέ would have been 
used. — The second τί, quid, depends on ἐρώτησον. --- ἐρώτ. τ. axyk.| ‘* Hoc 
jubet lex, a testibus incipi,” Grotius. —- οὗτοι] The ἀκηκοότες, not pointing to 
John and Peter (Ewald). 

Vv. 22, 23. ῥάπισμα] blow on the face, bor on the ear (so usually), or stroke 
with a rod (Beza, Bengel, Godet). [See Note LXIII. p. 497.] Comp. on Matt. 
ii. 67. The former, because the blow was wont to be the chastisement for an 
impudent speech (comp. Acts xxiii. 2), is the more probable, and δέρεις is 
not opposed to it (2 Cor. xi. 20). That which here one of the officers of 
justice, who stood in waiting (see the critical notes), takes upon himself for 
the honour of his master (‘‘ fortis percussor et mollis adulator,” Rupert.), 
can hardly be conceived as taking place in an orderly sitting of the San- 
hedrim before the acting high priest (in Acts xxiii. 2 it is done at the com- 
mand of. the latter), but rather at an extra-judicial sitting. — οὕτως] So un- 
becomingly.'— Ver. 23. Important for the ethical idea expressed in Matt. v. 
39.7 Comp. the note on Matt. v. 41. —apripyoov] bear witness. He must, 
in truth, have been an ear-witness. 

Ver. 24. By the incident vv. 22, 23, the conversation of Annas with Jesus 
was broken off, and the former now sent Him bound (as He was since ver. 12) 
to Caiaphas,—therefore now for the first time, not already before ver. 15. In 
order to place the scene of the denials in Caiaphas’ presence, it has been 
discovered, although John gives not the slightest indication of it, that 
Annas and Caiaphas inhabited one house with a court in common.* In order, 
also, to assign the hearing of 19-21 to Caiaphas, some have taken erdtical 
liberties, and placed ver. 24 after ver. 14 (so Cyril, who, however, also 
reads it, consequently, a second time in the present passage, which Beza 
admits),* or have moved it back so as to follow ver. 13 (a few unimportant 
critical witnesses, approved by Rinck); some also have employed ezegetical 
violence. Ver. 24, that is, was regarded either as a supplemental historical 
statement to prevent misunderstanding ;*° or the emphasis has been laid 


1 Fritzsche, ad Marc. p. 150 f.; Bremi, ad 
Lys. et Aesch. p. 124, 355) ; comp. on 1 Cor. 
Vv. 3. 

2 Luther: ‘‘ This thou shouldest therefore 
understand, that there is a great difference 
between these two; to turn the cheek to 
the one, and with words to rebuke him who 
strikes us. Christ must suffer, but never- 
theless the word is put in His mouth, that 
He should speak and rebuke what is wrong. 
Therefore, I must separate the mouth and 
the hand from one another.” 


3Euth. Zigabenus, Casaubon, Ebrard, 
Lange, Lichtenstein, Riggenbach, Hengsten- 
berg, Godet. 

4 Comp. Luther, who, after ver. 14, com- 
ments: ‘‘ Here should stand the 24th verse. 
It has been misplaced by the copyist in the 
turning over of the leaf, as frequently hap- 
pens.”’ 

5.50 Erasmus, Castalio, Calvin, Vatablus, 
Calovius, Cornelius ἃ Lapide, Jansen, and 
several others, including Liicke, Tholuck, 
Krabbe, de Wette, Maier, Baeumlein. 


CHAP. XVIII., 25-28. 485 


on δεδεμένον, to which word Grotius ascribed a force explanatory of the fol- 
lowing denial, but Bengel one explanatory of the previous maltreatment. 
These exegetical attempts coincide in this, that ἀπέστειλεν is understood in a 
pluperfect sense (miserat), and is regarded as supplying an omission." The 
aorist, in order to adduce this as a supplemental addition, would rather be : 
Annas sent Him. But when the Aor. actually stands, making a supplemental 
statement, the context itself incontestably shows it,? as in Matt. xiv. 3, 4 
(not Matt. xvi. 5, xxvi. 48, xxvii. 27, nor John i. 24, 28, vi. 59). Here, 
however, this is certainly not the case (see rather the progress of the history, 
vv. 13, 24, 28), and it is only a harmonistic purpose which has compelled the 
interpretation, which is least of all justified in the case of John. John had 
the pluperfect at command just as much as the aorist, and by the choice of the 
latter in the sense of the former he would, since the reader has nothing in 
the context to set him right, have expressed himself so as greatly to mis- 
lead, while, by the whole supplemental observations, he would have given to 
the narrative, which has flowed on from ver. 15 down to the present point, 
the stamp of the greatest clumsiness. The expedients of Grotius and Bengel 
are, however, the more inappropriate, the more manifest it is that δεδεμένον 
simply looks back to ver. 12, ἔδησαν αὐτόν. The sole historical sequence 
that is true to the words is given already by Chrysostom : εἶτα, μηδὲ οὑτὼς 
εὑρίσκοντές τι πλέον, πέμπουσιν αὐτὸν δεδεμένον πρὸς Καιάφαν. 

Vv. 25-27. When Jesus was sent to Caiaphas, Peter was still on the spot 
mentioned in ver. 18, standing and warming himself. There follow his 
second and third denials, which, therefore, according to the brief and accu- 
rate narrative of John, who relates the denials generally with more preci- 
sion, took place likewise in the court of Annas. The text gives no indica- 
tion that Peter followed Jesus into the house of Caiaphas.* For the agree- 
ment of Luke with John in the locality of the denials, but not in the more 
minute determination of time, see on Luke xxii. 54-62. — εἶπον] Those 
standing there with him, ver. 18.— The individual, ver. 26, assails him 
with his own eye-witness. — ἐγώ) I, for my part. 
The slave outside the garden (for, sce on ver. 4) has been able, over the fence 
or through the door of the garden, to see Peter in the garden with Jesus. 
When the blow with the sword was struck, he cannot (in the confusion of 
the seizure of Jesus) have had his eye upon him, otherwise he would have 
certainly reproached him with this δοί. -- ἀλέκτωρ] ὦ cock. See on Matt. 
xxvi. 74. The contrition of Peter, John does not here relate in his concise 
account ; but all the more thoughtfully and touchingly does this universal- 
ly known psychological fact receive historical expression in the appendix, 
chap. xxi.‘ Ἶ 

Ver. 28. Eic τὸ πραιτώριον] into the practorium, where the procurator dwelt, 


ἐν τῷ κήπῳ] 86. ὄντα. 





1 So also Brandes, Annas τι. Filat. p. 18 f., 3 Comp. Olshausen, Baur, Bleek. 
who adduces many unsuitable passages in 4 Which, indeed (see Scholten, p. 382), is 
proof. alleged to be a mistake of the appendix, 


2 The pluperfect usage of the aorist in the writer of which did not see through the 
relative clauses, Kiihner, II. p. 79; Winer, (anti-Petrine) tendency of the Gospel. 
p. 258 [E. T. p. 275], is not relevant here. 


486 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

whether it Was the palace of Herod (so usually), or, more probably, a building 
in the tower of Antonia (so Ewald). Comp. on Matt. xxvii. 27 ; Mark xv. 16. 
-- πρωΐ] ἦ.6. in the fourth watch of the night (see on Matt. xiv. 25), there- 
fore toward daybreak. Pilate might expect them so early, since he had in 
fact ordered the σπεῖρα, ver. 3, on duty. —airoi] They themselves did not 
go in, but caused Jesus only to be brought in by the soldiers, ver. ὃ. -- ἵνα 
μὴ μιανθῶσιν, ἀλλ᾽ iva day. τὸ πάσχα] Emphatic repetition of iva, comp. Rev. 
ix. 5.1. The entrance into the pagan house, not purified from the corrupt 
leaven, would have made them levitically impure (μεαΐνω, the solemn word 
of profanation),* and have thereby prevented them from eating the Passover 
on the legal day (they would have been bound, according to the analogy of 
Num. ix. 6 ff., to defer it till the 14th of the following month). [See Note 
LXIV. p. 497.] Since φαγεῖν τὸ πάσχα throughout the N. T.* denotes noth- 
ing else than to eat the paschal meal, as NO2T 528, 2 Chron. xxx.,18, comp. 
3 Esr. i. 6, 12, vii. 12, it is thus clear that on the day, in the early part of 
which Jesus was brought to the procurator, the paschal lamb had not yet 
been eaten, but was to be eaten, and that consequently Jesus was crucified on 
the day before the feast.’ This result of the Johannean account is undoubt- 
edly confirmed by xiii. 1, according to which πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς gives the author- 
itative standard for the whole history of the passion, and that in such wise 
that the Jewish Passover feast was necessarily still future when Jesus held 
His last meal with the disciples, with which latter, then, the seizure, con- 
demnation, and execution stood in unbroken connection ; further, by xiii. 
29, according to which the Johannean last supper cannot have been the 
paschal meal ; finally, by xix. 14 and 31 (see on those passages), while, more- 
over, the view that the murdered Jesus was the antitype of the slaughtered 
paschal lamb (xix. 36), is appropriate only to that day as the day of His 
death, on which the paschal lamb was slaughtered, ὁ.6. on the 14th Nisan.* 
Since, however, according alike to the Synoptics and to John (xix. 31), Jesus 
died on the Friday, after He had, on the evening preceding, held His last 
meal (John xiii.), there results the variation that, with the Synopties the 
feast begins on Thursday evening, and Jesus holds the actual Jewish paschal 
meal, but is crucified on the jirst feast-day (Friday) ; while with John 
the feast begins on Friday evening, the last supper of Jesus (Thursday even- 
ing) is an ordinary meal,’ and His death follows on the day before the feast 
(Friday). According to the Synoptics, the Friday of the death of Jesus was 
thus the 15th Nisan ; but according to John, the 14th Nisan. We can 
scarcely conceive a more indubitable result of exegesis, recognized also by 
Liicke, ed. 2 and 3, Neander, Krabbe, Theile, Sieffert, Usteri, Ideler, Bleek, 
de Wette, Briickner, Ebrard® (not in Olshausen, Zeidensgesch., p. 43 f.), 


1 Xen. Mem. i. 2. 48. 

2 Plat. Legg. ix. p. 868A; Tim. p. 69D; 
Soph. Anz#. 1031, LXX. in Schleusner, IIT. p. 
559. 

3 Matt. xxvi. 17; Mark xiv. 12, 14; Luke 
xxii. 11,15; comp. ἑτοιμάζειν τὸ πάσχα, Matt. 
=xxvi. 19; Mark xiv. 16: Luke xxii. 8; Ove 
70 wacxya, 1 Cor. v.73; Luke xxii. 7; Mark 


xiv. 12; see also Ex. xii. 21; 2 Chron. xxxy. 
13. 

4 Tertullian, adv. Jud. 8: “Passio perfec- 
ta est die azymorum, quo agnum occiderent 
ad vesperam a Mose fuerat praeceptum.” 

5 See Winer, Progr. ; δεῖπνον, de quo Joh. 
xiii., etc., Leips. 1847. 

S Krit. de Evang. Gesch., ed. 2. 


CHAP. XVIIL., 28. 487 
Ewald, Baur, Hilgenfeld, Hase, Weisse, Riickert,' Steitz, J. Miller, Koes- 
sing (Catholic),* Kahnis,* Pressensé, Keim, and several others. Neverthe- 
less, harmonistic attempts have been made as far as possible to prove the 
agreement, either of the Synoptics with John (so mostly the older harmo- 
nists) ;* recently, especially Movers,® Maier,® Weitzel, Isenberg,’ and several 
others), or of John with the Synoptics (so most later harmonists).° Attempts 
of the first kind break down at once before this consideration, that in the 
Synoptics the last meal is the regular ® and legal one of the 14th Nisan, with 
the Passover lamb, slaughtered of necessity on the se/f-same day between 
the two evenings in the forecourt,” but not a paschal meal anticipated by 
Jesus contrary to the law (abrogating, in fact, the legal appointment, see 
Weitzel), as Grotius, Hammond, Clericus, and several others thought, also 
Kahnis," Godet,” who appeals specially again to Matt. xxvi. 17, 18, 
Miircker,® who thinks the non-legal character of the meal is passed over in 
silence by the Synoptics. Those attempts, however, which identify John’s , 
account with that of the Synoptics, Lightfoot, p. 1121 ff., Reland, Bengel, 


1 Abendm. Ὁ. 28 ff. 

2 De Suprema Chr. coena, 1858, p. 57 ff. 

3 Dogm. I. p. 417. 

4 See Weitzel, Passahfeier, Ὁ. 305 f. 

& Zeitschrift 7. Phil. u. Kathol. Theol., 
1833, vii. Ὁ. 58 ff., viii. Ὁ. 62 ff. 

ὁ Aechth. a. Hv. Joh., 1854, p. 429 ff. 

7D. Todestag des Herrn, 1868, p. 31 ff. 

8 Chrysostom gives a choice between the 
two attempts at reconciliation. Hither 
John means by τὸ πάσχα: τὴν ἑορτὴν THY 
πᾶσαν :or, Christ anticipated the celebration 
onthe day kefore the Passover of the Jews, 
τηρῶν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ σφαγὴν τῇ παρασκευῇ, ON 
which the O. Τ΄. paschal meal was solem- 
nized. In this way Chrysostom already 
writes the programme for the whole of the 
later investigations on this point down to 
the present day. For the history of the 
controversy, see in Wichelhaus, Kommentar 
tiber ἃ. Leidensgesch. Ὁ. 191 ff. 

9 The view which became current at the 
time of the Reformation and afterwards 
among the older theologians, especially 
through Casaubon’s and Scaliger’s influ- 
ence, that the Jews had postponed the Pass- 
over for a day, was entirely baseless, but 
found all the more ready acceptance 
because there remained thereby time in full 
accordance with the law for the observance 
of the paschal meal on the part of Jesus. 
According to this view, which has again 
been recently supported by Philippi (Glau- 
densi. I. Ὁ. 266 f., ed. 2), the Jews, in order 
not to be bound for two days running to 
the strictness of the Sabbath observance, 
transferred the first feast-day, which at 
that time fell on the Friday, to the Sab- 
bath; whereas Christ abided faithfully by 
the legal term ; the synoptical account goes 


» 


by this legal determination, but the Johan- 
nean by the former arbitrary one. From 
ἔδει, Luke xxii. 7, no inference whatever can 
be drawn in favour of this harmonistic ex- 
pedient, which is without any historical 
support. Serno (d. Tug. d. letzten Passah- 
mahis, Berl, 1859) has sought, in a peculiar 
way, to confirm the correctness of both ac- 
counts by the doubling of the feast days 
during the diaspora. According to this, it 
may have come about that for the Galileans 
in Jerusalem that was the first day of the 
Passover, which for the Jerusalemites was 
but the day before the feast. In this way the 
twofold representation was stamped on the 
page of history. Against this it is decisive 
that the Galileans did not belong to the 
diaspora. See, moreover, Weiss, in the ‘Zit. 
Bi. d. allg. K. Z. 1860, Nr. 42; Wieseler and 
Reuter’s Rcpert. 1860, p. 182 ff.; Ewald, 
Jahrb. XT. p. 253 f. On the above doubling 
of the feast-days, see Ideler, Handbuch d. 
Chronol. 1. Ὁ. 513 ff. According to Isenberg, 
i.c., “many thousand strangers,” in order 
not to break in upon the Sabbath with the 
preparation for the Passover meal, held 
this meal already on the 18th Nisan. So 
also did Jesus, in order to institute the 
Lord’s Supper as the fulfilment of the Pass- 
over feast, and to die as the Antitype of 
the Passover lamb. The above supposi- 
tion, however, is unhistorical. A paschal 
lamb on the 13th Nisan is to the Jewish 
consciousness an impossibility. 

10 Gomp. Lightfoot, p. 470 f., 661. 

11 Abendm. Ὁ. 14, Krafft, p. 180. 

12 pn, 629 ff. 

18 Uebereinst. ad. Matth. und Joh. p. 20 ff. 

14 Bynaecus, de morte J. Ch. III. p. 18 ff, 


488 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

and several others ; latterly, especially Tholuck, Guericke, Olshausen, B. 
Crusius, Hengstenberg,’ Wiescler,* Luthardt, Wichelhaus, Hofmann,*® 
Lichtenstein and Friedlieb,* Lange, Riggenbach, von Gumpach, Répe,* 
Ebrard on Olshausen, Baeumlein, Langen,® are rendered void by the correct 
explanation of xiii. 1, 29, xix. 14, 31, and, in respect of the present passage, 
by the following observations : (a) τὸ πάσχα cannot be understood of the 
sacrificial food of the feast to the exclusion of the lamb, particularly not of 
the Chagigah (AV31}, the freewill passover offerings, consisting of small cattle 
and oxen, according to Deut. xvi. 2, on which sacrificial meals were held ; 
see Lightfoot), as is here assumed by the current harmonists,’ since rather 
by φαγεῖν is the Passover lamb constantly designated,*® also in Josephus and 
in the Talmud (n0dn 28), and consequently no reader could attach any 
other meaning to it ;° in Deut. xvi. 2, 3, however, NOD does not mean ‘‘ as 
a passover,” ’? but likewise nothing else than agnus paschalis, from which, 
then, 173) |8¥ are distinguished as other sacrifices and sacrificial animals 
(comp. vv. 6, 7), whereby with roy, ver. 3, we are referred back to the 
whole of the eating at the feast. 2 Chron. xxxv. 7—9 also (comp. rather vv. 
11 and 13) contributes as little to prove the assumed reference of πάσχα to 
the Passover sacrifices generally, as Ex. xii. 48 for the view that to eat the 
Passover signifies the celebration of the feast in general ; since, certainly, 
in the passage in question, the general ποιῆσαι τὸ 7.(prepare) is by no means 
equivalent to the special ἔδεται ἀπ’ aitov."' (0) The objection, that entering 
the Gentile house would only have produced pollution jor the same day 
(ar 330), 15 which might be removed by washing before evening, and there- 


1 Jn loc., and in the Hwang. K.-Zeit. 1838, 
Nr. 98 ff. 

2 Synopse, Ὁ. 383 ff., and 
Encyklop. XX1. p. 550 ff. 

3 Zeitschr. f. Prot .u. Kirche, 1853, p. 260 ff. 

4 Gesch. αἰ. Lebens J. Chr. Ὁ. 140 ff. 

5 D. Mahl. ἃ. Fusswaschens, Hamb. 1856. 

6 Letzte Lebenstage Jesu, 1864, p. 136. 

7 Although the eating of the Chagigah 
was not necessarily restricted to the 15th 
Nisan, but might take place well enough 
on any of the following Passover feast- 
days ; hence a religious obligation as regards 
the 15th Nisan by no means lay in the way 
of their entering the Gentile house, so that 
they might be able to eat the Chagigah. But 
the partaking of the paschal lamb was re- 
stricted toits definite day, the 14th Nisan. 

Ε Comp. generally Gesenius, Z/es. Il. p. 
1115. 

9 Paul also, in the Stud. τ. Arit. 1866, p. 
ΒΟΥ ff., and 1867, p. 535 ff., explains it 
of the eating of the Passover lamb, 
but thinks that they had not been able 
to accomplish the eating on the evening 
that preceded the πρωΐ, and now “at the 
first gray of morning” desired to make 
tp for that which was omitted in the 
urgency of their haste. What an irregular- 


in Herzog’s 


ity against the law (Lev. xxiii. 5, Deut. xvi. 
τς Saalschiitz,  R. p. 407 f.) and usage is 
thus imagined, without the slightest indi- 
cation in the text ! And the thought of such 
a completely exceptional early eating could 
not be entertained by the Jews, moreover, 
for this reason, that they must indeed stand 
by, and did stand by their delinquent, could 
not leave him as he was, and go thence, in 
order to’ eat the neglected Passover.— 
Aberle, in the 7%ib. Quartalschr. 1868, p. 5387 
ff., admits indeed the difference of John’s 
representation from that of the Synoptics, 
but thinks the Johannean day of death of 
Jesus appears through their account (in it- 
self correct), and that they intentionally 
expressed themselves in an ambiguous 
manner (incorrect). See against Aberle, 
Hilgenfeld in his Zeifschr. 1865, p. 94 ff. 

10 Hengstenberg, comp. Schultz on Deut. 
p. 471. 

112 Chron. xxx. 22, where the eating of 
the feast sacrifices generally (3171) is 
spoken of, proves nothing whatever for 
the special expression: ‘‘eat the Pass- 
over,” rather is distinguished from it. 

12 Judith xii. 7-9 proves nothing in this re- 
spect for our passage (against Hengsten- 
berg), where the evening bath of Judith 


CHAP, XVIII.; 28. 489 
fore before the beginning of the new day, so that the Jews would have still 
been able to eat the Passover lamb, which was not to be partaken of till 
evening,’ cannot be proved from Maimonides.’ In view, rather, of the great 
sacredness of the Passover feast (comp. xi. 55), this must be regarded 
as invalidated by the present passage (at all events in reference to the 
time of Jesus), irrespectively of the fact that such a pollution would 
have been a hindrance to the personal slaughtering of the lamb, and 
certainly by the hierarchs, 2 Chron. xxx. 17, 18. (ὁ On the whole of 
the inadmissible plea, which has been raised from the history of the Easter 
controversies against the fact, that John places the death of Jesus on the 
14th Nisan, see Introd. ὃ 2. (d) It has even been asserted, in order to make 
the account of John apply to the synoptic determination of time, that the 
time of the Passover meal was not the evening of the 14th Nisan at all, but 
the evening of the 13th Nisan (consequently the beginning of the 14th) ; so, 
after Frisch, recently Rauch,* who understands our φαγεῖν τ. πάσχα of the 
eating of the ἄζυμα. But the evening of the 14th (consequently the begin- 
ning of the 15th) stands so unassailably firm on the foundation of the law, 
according to Jewish tradition, and according to Josephus,’ that the above 
attempt is simply to be noted as a piece of history, as also that of Schneck- 
enburger,’® which is based on the error that xix. 14 is the παρασκευή for the 
Feast of Sheaves. (6) Had John conceived the last Supper to be the Passover 
meal, there would certainly not have been wanting in the farewell discourses 
significant references to the Passover ;° they are, however, entirely wanting, 
and, moreover, the general designation of the Supper itself, δείπνου γινομένου, 
xxli. 2 (comp. xii. 2), agrees therewith, to remove from the mind of the un- 
prejudiced reader the thought of the festival meal. —If, however, the differ- 
ence between John and the Synoptics is incapable of being adjusted, the 
question then arises, On which side historical accuracy lies? Those who dis- 
pute the authenticity of the Gospel could not be in doubt on this point. 
But it is otherwise from the standpoint of this authenticity, and that not of 
mediate, second-hand authenticity (assuming which, Weizsiicker gives the 
preference to the synoptic account), but of that which is immediate and 
apostolical. . If, that is to say, in the case of irreconcilable departures from 
the synoptic tradition, the first rank is in general, a priori, to be conceded to 
John, as the sole direct witness, whose Gospel has been preserved unaltered ; 
if the representation also by the Apostle Paul of Christ as the Passover Lamb 
applies only to the Johannean designation of the day of His death (see on 1 
Cor. v. 7) ; and if, along with this, Paul’s account of the institution of the 


falls at most (comp. Grotius) under the 
point of view of Mark vii. 4, where there is 
no question of any eating of a holy, festal 
character. 

1See especially Hengstenberg, Wieseler, 
and Wichelhaus, following Bynaeus and 
Lightfoot. 

2 Pesach. iii. 1, vi. 1. 

3 Stud. u. Krit. 1832, p. 537 ff. 

4 See de Wette in the Stud. u. Frit. 1834, 


4; Liicke, IT. p. 728 ff. 

5 Beitr. p. 4 ff. 

6 This circumstance is also decisive 
against the invention of an anticipated 
Passover. For precisely at a Passover 
feast of so exceptional a character the Pass- 
over ideas which furnished its motive 
would not have been kept at a distance by 
John, but would have been brought by him 
into the foreground. 


490 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Lord’s Supper does not run counter (in answer to Keim) to this Johannean 
date ; if, further, even the statement of the Judaism which was outside the 
church, that Jesus was executed vespera paschatis (NDS AY), ὁ.6. on the 
14th Nisan, supports the account of John,* where the fabulous element in the 
Talmudic narration of the circumstances attending the execution does not 
affect the simple date of time; if the conducting of a criminal trial* and 
execution on the first feast-day, even after the most recent attempts to show 
their admissibility,’ is at least highly improbable,* and is opposed by Acts 
xii. 31 ff., and in the case before us would be regarded as an exception from 
the rule,® in fact, imprudent and irreconcilable with the great danger which 
was well known to the Sanhedrim (Matt. xxvi. 5) ; if, generally, the 15th 
Nisan, with its Sabbatic character, and as the legal day of the festive 
gathering in the temple, is altogether unsuitable to all the undertakings, 
processions, and parades which were set on foot by the hierarchs and by the 
people on the day of Jesus’ death, as well as to the taking down from the 
cross and the burial ; if, on the other hand, the custom of setting at liberty 
a prisoner (ver. 39) most naturally corresponds to.the idea, and therewith to 
the day of the paschal lamb, to the idea and to the day of forgiveness ; if, 
finally, even in the Synoptics themselves, traces still exist of the true histori- 
cal relation, according to which the day of Jesus’ death must have been no 
first day of the feast, but a day of traffic and labour,® as, moreover, the 
opinion of the Sanhedrim, Matt. xxvi. 5, Mark xiv. 1 : μὴ ἐν τῇ ἑορτῇ ! corre- 
sponds to the Johannean account, and to the haste with which, according to 
the latter, the affair was despatched, actually still before the feast,—then 
all these points are so many reasons, the collective weight of which is 
decisive in favour of John,” without the further necessity of making an un- 
certain appeal to the present calendar of the feast, according to which the 
15th Nisan may not fall on a Friday,* and to the prohibition, Ex. xii. 22, 
against quitting house and town after the Passover meal.*— The question 
how the correct relation of time in the synoptic tradition could be altered by ὦ 
day, withdraws itself from any solution that is demonstrable from history. 
Most naturally, however, the institution of the Lord’s Supper suggests the 
point of connection, both by the references, which Jesus Himself in His dis- 


1 See Sanhedr. 6. 2 f., 43. 1, in Lightfoot, 
ad Act. i. 3. 

27This difficulty drives Hilgenfeld (Pas- 
chastr. ad. alten Kirche, Ὁ. 154, also in his 
Zeitschr. 1863, p. 838 ff.), after the precedent 
of Jost, Gesch. ἃ. Judenth. 1. p. 407 ff., to the 
desperate assumption that no actual crim. 
inal proceedings took place at all. Neither 
in Matt. xxvi. 3, nor xxvi. 57, and xxvii. 1, is 
an actual Synedrium intended, but only 
councils summoned by the high priest. 

3 See especially Wieseler, p. 361 ff. 

4 See Bleek, p. 139 ff. ; Ewald, Alterth. Ὁ. 
415. i 

5 Among the Greeks also, an execution 
ona feast day was regarded as a profana- 
tion and pollution, and was, if it exception- 


ally took place, as in the case of Phocion 
(Plutarch, Phoc. 37), a great scandal ; see 
Hermann, Gotlesd. Alterth. § 43. 12. 

6 Matt. xxvi. 59, 60; Mark xv. 21, 42, 46; 
Luke xxiii. 26, 54, 56. 

7 Here the appeal urged by Movers to 77. 
Sanhedr. f. 63. 1, is by no means required, 
according to which the members of the 
Sanhedrim might not eat anything on the 
day cn which they had pronounced a sen- 
tence of death. On this showing, they ab- 
solutely could hot have had the design of 
eating the Chagigah. 

8 See against his application to that peri- 
od, Wieseler, p. 437 f. 

9 See on Matt. xxvi. 30, and Wetstein on 
Mark xiv. 26. 


CHAP, XVZII., 29, 30: 491 
courses connected therewith gave to the Supper in its bearing on the Pass- 
over meal, by the idea of which He was moved (Luke xxii. 15), as also by 
the view of the Supper as the antitypical Passover meal, which view must 
necessarily have been developed from the apostolic apprehension of Christ 
as the Paschal Lamb (xix. 36 ; 1 Cor. v. 7), so far as He in the Supper had 
given Himself to be partaken of, Himself the perfected Passover Lamb, 
which He, simply by His death, was on the point of becoming. Thus the 
day of institution of the Supper became, in the antitypical mode of regard- 
ing it, an ideal 14th Nisan, and in the tradition, in virtue of the reflective 
operation of the idea upon it, gradually became an actual one, and conse- 
quently the preparation which was firmly established as the day of death, 
became, instead of the preparation of the Passover (14th Nisan) as John has 
again fixed it, the preparation of the Sabbath,’ this Sabbath, however, re- 
garded, not as the first day of the feast, as in John, consequently not as the 
15th Nisan, but as the second day of the feast (16th Nisan). — Nor is the 
deviation of John from the Synoptics to be made a reason for doubting the 
genuineness of the former. For it is wholly improbable that alate inventor, 
who nevertheless sought apostolic authority, would have run the risk of en- 
tering into conflict with the prevailing tradition in so extremely important 
a determination, and, in subservience to the idea of Christ as the perfected 
Passover Lamb,” to date back by a day the execution of Christ. Were the 
Johannean history, in so far substantially unhistorical, a production resulting 
from the idea of the Passover lamb, then certainly this idea would itself 
stand forth with far more of purpose and expression than it does (especially, 
for instance, in the farewell discourses), and would have been indicated, 
not merely on the occasion of the wound in the side, xix. 36, by one indivi- 
dual ; in that case one might believe oneself justified, with Weisse,* in laying 
to the charge of the writer of the Gospel that he had, in conformity with cer- 
tain presuppositions, in part put together for Himself the sequence of events 
in an accidental and arbitrary manner. 

Vv. 29, 30. In the prudent, concessive spirit of Roman policy towards the 
Jews in the matter of religion, Pilate * comes forth to them, and demands 


1 Moreover, the Passover meal, on the 
Friday evening, could by no means have 
been deranged by the dawning of the Sab- 
bath. For the slaying and roasting of the 
lamb took place before the dawn of the Sab- 
bath, and the pilgrims were wont to arrive 
early enough in Jerusalem (comp. xi. 55). 
The burning of the remains of the lamb was 
not, however, prevented by the Sabbath 
(Schoettgen, Hor. I. p. 121), and generally 
the rule held good: ‘‘ Si quis unum praecep- 
tum observat, ille ab observatione alterius 
praecepti liber est,’? Sohar, Devt. princ. f. 
107, c. 427. This also in answer to Isenberg, 
Z.c. Besides, the paschal lamb was a sac- 
rifice, the arrangements connected with 
which the Sabbath consequently did not 
preveut, even if the 14th Nisan itSelf was a 


Sabbath. 

2 See especially Baur, p. 272 ff., and in the 
Theol. Juhrb. 1854, p. 267 f.; Hilgenfeld, 
Paschu streit a. alten Δ. p. 221 ff. ; Schenkel, 
p. 362 f. ; Keim, Gesch. J. I. p. 182; Scholten, 
p. 282 ff. 

3 Mvangelienfrage, Ὁ. 180. 

4 The whole behaviour of Pilate in all the 
following proceedings is depicted with such 
psychological truth, that the opinion that 
his interest in Jesus was ascribed to him 
only by the evangelist (Strauss, Baur, 
Schenkel), can appear only as the conse- 
quence of presuppositions, which lie quite 


‘outside the history. Note particularly how 


just his suspicion against the Jews, owing to 
their personal behaviour, must have been 
from the first ; and how, on the other hand, 


492 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


first of all, in accordance with regular procedure, a definite accusation, although 
he knew it, ver. 33; ‘‘sed se scire dissimulabat,” Ruperti. But the hier- 
archical insolence, in its evil conscience, demands of him, contrary to all 
forms of legal procedure, to assume the delivering-up of the prisoner itself 
as a warrant of crime. Him who is not a misdoer, they reply, they would 
not have delivered up to the procurator. They had in truth themselves suffi- 
cient power to punish, although not extending to execution. If, therefore, 
the offence exceeds this power of theirs to punish, requiring a surrender 
to the procurator, this surrender is sufficient proof that the person is a crim- 
inal. The kind and manner of the crime (Tholuck : politico-criminal offence) 
is not yet defined by their words. The idea: ‘‘ one hand washes the other” 
(Lange), lies entirely remote. —xara τοῦ ἀνθρ. τούτου] is, further, uttered 
with indifference ; not, ‘‘ against such a pious and renowned a man,” Luther. 

Ver. 31. Since they bring forward no definite charge, Pilate refers them 
to their own tribunal (the Sanhedrim). As he, without such an accusation, 
from which must arise his competency to act, could take no other course than 
at once refer the matter to the regular Jewish authority, he also inewrred no 
danger in taking that course ; because if the κρίνειν, i.e. the judicial proced- 
ure against Jesus, should terminate in assigning the punishment of death, 
they must still come back to him, while it was at the same time a prudent 
course (φθόνον ὑξὺ νοήσας, Nonnus) ; because if they did not wish to withdraw 
with their business unfinished, they would, it might be presumed, be under 
the necessity of laying aside their insolence, and of still coming out with an 
accusation. If κρίνειν, which, according to this view, is by no means of 
doubtful signification (Hengstenberg), be understood as meaning to condemn, 
or even to execute (Liicke, de Wette, who, as already Calvin and several 
others, finds therein a sneer), which, however, it does not in itself denote, 
and which sense it cannot acquire by means of the following ἀποκτεῖναι, some- 
thing of a very anticipatory and relatively impertinent character is put in the 
procurator’s mouth. — ὑμεῖς] With emphasis. — The answer of the Jews rests 
on the thought that this κρίνειν was, on their part, already an accomplished 
fact, and led up to the sentence for execution, which they, however, were 
not competent to carry out. They therefore understood the κρίνειν not as 
equivalent to ἀποκτεῖναι, but regarded the latter as the established result of 
theformer. Any limitation, however, of ἡμῖν οὐκ ἔξεστιν, «.7.2. to the punish- 
ment of the cross,’ or to the feast day,” or to political crimes,* is imported into 
the words ; the Jews had, since the domination of the Romans (according 
to the Talmud, forty years before the destruction of Jerusalem‘), ‘lost the 
just vitae et necis generally ; they could, indeed, sentence to death, but the 
confirmation and execution belonged tothe superior Roman authority.” The 


owing to Jesus’ personal bearing, his sym- 1 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Zigabe-- 
pathy for Him must have developed andin- nus, Calovius, and others. 

creased, so that in the mind of the procu- 2 Semler and Kuinoel. 

rator strength of character and of con- 3 Krebs. 

science alone was wanting, to prevent him, 4 See Lightfoot, p. 455, 1133 ff. 

after perverted measures and concessions, 5 See generally Iken, Déss. II. p. 517 ff. 3 


from yielding ignominiously at last. See  Triedlieb, Archdoi. p. 96 f. 
also Steinmeyer, Leidensgesch. p. 143 ff. 


CHAP. XVIII., 32-34. 493 


stoning of Stephen, as also at a later period that of James, the Lord’s brother, ' 
was a tumultuary act.? 

Ver. 32. The aim ordained in the divine purpose, why the Jews, in con- 
sequence of having lost the right of life and death, were obliged to answer 
“( ἡμῖν οὐκ ἔξεστιν, K.T.2.” Otherwise, Jesus, as a false prophet and blasphem- 
er of God, would have been stoned (like Stephen, and comp. viii. 59, x. 31), 
but would not have been visited with the Roman punishment of crucifixion, 
namely, as one guilty of high treason, as He, with His pretensions as Mes- 
siah, could not but appear to be before the Roman courts ; and the word of 
Jesus, xii. 32, would have remained unfulfilled. 

Vv. 83, 34. Pilate does not, indeed, enter at present into further discus- 
sion with the Jews, but, because he quite perceived that they had set their 
minds on the punishment of death, he returns into the praetorium, into 
which Jesus, ver. 28, was led, and causes Him to be summoned before him, 
in order personally to examine him (taking a sufficiently inconsistent course), 
instead of simply persisting in his refusal on account of the want of a defi- 
nite ground of accusation, and waiting for some further step on the part of 
the Jews. His question : Thou art the king of the Jews? which has an air of 
contemptuous unbelief (he does not ask, for example, σὺ λέγεις, x.7.2., or the 
like), is explained, even without a κατηγορία on the part of the Jews, from 
the fact that the arrest, because made with the help of the σπεῖρα, ver. 3, 
could not have taken place without previous intimation to and approval by 
Pilate, who must therefore have been acquainted with its reason. We need 
not, therefore, with Ewald, assume the presentment of a written accusation, 
or, as is ordinarily done, infer that the Jews, even after ver. 31, came for- 
ward with the κατηγορία. This agrees with Luke xxiii. 2, but is not indi- 
cated by a single word in John, who could not have passed over, as a matter 
of course, so essential a point, which would yet have required but the briefest 
allusion. By his counter-question, ver, 34, Jesus does not desire, as Ols- 
hausen, Neander, Godet, Ewald, and several others suppose, to gather the 
more exact sense of the question,—whether, namely, it is intended in a Jew- 
ish and theocratic or in a Roman and political sense (for such a separation 
of the ideas concerning the Messiah was neither to be presumed in Pilate, 
nor to be suggested by this question of Jesus),—but He simply claims the 
right to know the author of the accusation contained in the words of Pilate ; 
to know whether Pilate put to Him the above question at his own instance, 
and without foreign prompting, orat the instigation of others. That the latter 
was the case, He indeed knew ; the ἄλλοι stood, in fact, before the door ; 
but Pilate should speak out and set forth clearly the status causae. It was 
this which Jesus could demand, and with the intrepidity of innocence did 
demand, without exactly intending to evoke a movement of conscience (Heng- 
stenberg), which He could not at this point expect in the cold man of the 
world ; or to call his attention to the suspicious source of the accusation (Lu- 
thardt, Tholuck, Briickner), to which the wholly impartial ἄλλοι is not ap- 
propriate. 


1 Josephus, Anff. xx. 9. 1). 2 Comp. also Keil, Archdol. 11. p. 259. 


494 THE GOSPEL OF JOEN. 


Vy. 35, 36. The answer of the procurator, irritated and haughty, gives in 
μήτε. . . εἰμι an indirect denial of the first question, and with this an affirma- 
tion of the second. — μήτε ἐγὼ Ἰουδαῖός εἰμι] Ey with proud emphasis : you 
do not surely suppose that J, I your procurator, am a Jew? How should 7 
of myself think of trying thee as a Jew, and as king of the Jews ? The empha- 
sis of ἐγώ Nonnus denotes by : μὴ yap ᾿Ιουδαῖος κἀγὼ πέλον ; The opposite of 
this : Thine own nation (τὸ ἔθνος τὸ σόν), and especially (kai) the high priests, 
have delivered thee to me ; what hast thou done? No further ceremony ! 
— Jesus now confesses His kingship,’ but, in the first instance, only negatively 
(positively : ver. 87) : ‘‘The kingdom which is mine springs not (like other 
kingdoms) from this world (which endures only until the establishment of 
my kingdom); if the kingdom which is mine proceeded from this world, the 
servants whom 7 (οἱ ἐμοῦ) have would assuredly fight that I should not be 
delivered (as was done, xix. 16) to the Jews (the hierarchical opposition) ; 
but as it is (since they do not fight for me), my kingdom is not from thence” 
(ἐντεῦθεν = ἐκ τοῦ κόσμ. τούτου). ---- Note in this Demonstratio ad oculos the 
solemn repetition of ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου τ. and of ἡ βασιλεία ἡ ἐμῇ, as well as that 
ἐντεῖιθεν, from here, hence, is expressed deictically, as a vivid opposition to that 
which is coelitus, and, finally, that in ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου τούτου, not τούτου, which 
might also have been omitted, but κόσμου bears the emphasis. The ὑπηρέται 
οἱ ἐμοί are not the servants whom He would have in the case supposed,” but 
He has His servants, they are His disciples and adherents (not the angels, as 
Luthardt thinks), xii. 26 ; 1 Cor. iv. 1; 2 Cor. vi. 4, xi. 23 ; 1 Tim. iv. 6; 
but these also not from this world (xvii. 16); they also do not fight, ete. 
[See Note LXV. p. 501.] Note how also the designation of His own by 
ὑπηρέται expresses his kingly consciousness. 

Ver. 37. A βασιλεία Jesus had actually ascribed to Himself in ver. 36, 
which Pilate certainly did not expect ; hence he asks, in surprise and not 
without a flash of haughty scorn : Nonne igitur rex tu es? since thou, that 
is, speakest of thy βασιλεία." [See Note LXVI. p. 501.]) The sentence is 
an inference, but asking (és it not then true, that thou art a king 5) whether 
the questioned person agrees. — ὅτε] Confirmation of the assertion expressed 
by σὺ λέγεις (comp. Matt. xxvi. 25). — ἐγώ] Corresponding to the contempt- 
uously emphasized σύ at the end of Pilate’s question, emphasized with 
noble self-consciousness, and still more emphatically brought into promi- 
nence by the ἐγώ, which immediately begins the next sentence (‘‘ potens ana- 
diplosis,” Bengel); the repetition of εἰς τοῦτο twice also adds weight. — 
γεγένν. and ἐλήλ. εἰς τ. κόσμ.1 with Grotius, Liicke, and de Wette, designate 
as the birth and the official appearance ; a separation which is not justified 
by the Johannean ἔρχεσθαι εἰς τ. κόσμ., in which the birth is substantially in- 
cluded (iii. 17, ix. 89, xi. 27, xii. 47, xvi. 28, i. 9), and which here renew- 
edly describes it in relation to its specific higher nature, as the entrance of 


1This confession must, according to several others. 


Schenkel, have probably been spoken on 3 On οὐκοῦν, not elsewhere found in the 
another occasion. Groundless supposition. WN. T.,see Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. Hac. 111. Ὁ. 
Comp. 1 Tim. vi. 13, and Huther in Joc. 517 ff. ; Baeumlein, Partik. p. 198. 


2 Liicke, Tholuck, Hengstenberg, and 


CHAP. XVIII, 38. 495 


the sent of God into the world, so that the divine ἀποστέλλειν εἰς τὸν κόσμον (iil. 
17, x. 36, xvii. 18) is correlative.’ The coming into the world is related to 
the conception of being born, as the leaving of the world (xvi. 28) and going 
to the Father to the conception of dying. —iva μαρτυρ. τῇ ἀληθ.) He was to 
bear testimony on behalf of the divine truth, for He had seen and heard it 
with God. Comp. iii. 11, 32, 1. 17, 18. --- ὁ ὧν ἐκ τ. ἀληθ.] Genetic desig- 
nation (comp. on Gal. iii. 7) of the adherents of His kingdom ; their origin 
is the divine truth, 1.6. their entire spiritual nature is so constituted, that 
divine truth exercises its formative influence upon them. ‘These are the 
souls drawn by the Father (vi. 44 ff.), and given to Christ as His own. 
Comp. viii. 47. Bengel correctly observes : ‘‘ Esse ex veritate praecedit, 
audire sequitur.” — ἀκούει pov τ. φωνῆς] heareth my voice, i.e. (otherwise, Xil. 
47), he gives ear to that which I speak, follows my call, command, etc. 
With this Jesus has declared Himself regarding His kingdom, to the effect 
partly that He is a king, and with what definition He is so, partly as to his 
subjects. He has thus completely answered the question, and has in no way, 
as Hengstenberg thinks, omitted to answer it as too difficult for Pilate’s 
comprehension, and expressed Himself instead concerning His prophetic 
ofiice. The πᾶς ὁ dv, «.7.A. marks an essential characteristic of His kingdom ; 
and any special purpose of the language, with reference to Pilate (an appeal 
to his religious consciousness, Chrysostom, Olshausen, Neander ; an expla- 
nation of the fewness of Christ’s adherents, Calvin ; a reminder for Pilate, 
how he would have to lay hold upon salvation), lies remote from the sense, 
equally remote with an appeal ‘‘acaecitate Pilati ad captum jidelium” 
(Bengel), or from the judge to the man (Hengstenberg). 

Ver. 88. Pilate, now fully convinced that he has before him an innocent 
and harmless enthusiast, asks, with that air of contemptuous depreciation 
which belongs to the material understanding in regard to the abstract and 
supersensuous sphere, What is truth? A non ens, a phantom, he thus con- 
ceives it to be, with which He would found a kingdom ; and weary of the 
matter, and abruptly breaking it off, he gocs straightway forth to the Jews, 
and declares to them that he finds no guilt in Jesus,’ from which definite 
declaration we see that by the above question he does not mean at all to 
designate the matter merely as not coming within his jurisdiction (Stein- 
meyer). Something of good-nature lies in this conduct, but it is the weak 
and shallow good-nature of the man of the world who is indifferent towards 
higher things ; nothing of the disconsolate tone of the searcher for truth 
(Olshausen). Against the view of Chrysostom, Theodorus Heracl., Euth. 
Zigabenus, Aretius, and several others, however, that Pilate had actually 
become desirous to be acquainted with the truth (Nonnus even thinks : καὶ 


1 Calovius aptly says : Christ was so born, away of Jesus to Herodes Antipas. See on 
“ ut quum antea fuerit apud patrem, in tem- Luke, note after xxiii. 12. But how could 
pore nascendo in mundum venerit, a patre the fourth evangelist have omitted this epi- 
in mundum missus.’’ Contrary to the words sode, had he been a Gentile Christian, and 
and the contex is Scholten’s view, that Cesigned to concentrate the guilt of the 
yeyevy. denotes the premundane procession death of Jesus as much as possible on the 
from God. “"’Tovéator? This in answer to Baur and 

2 Tiere we are to think of the cending Sthenkel. 


a 


496 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Πιλάτος θάμβησεν) ; it is decisive that he immediately turns his back and goes 
out. — Whence did John learn of this conversation of Pilate with Jesus ? He can 
hardly have been himself an ear-witness of it.’ But whether we assume 
that Pilate communicated it to his own circles and that hence it reached 
John, or that some actual ear-witness reported it to John, the matter creates 
no difficulty (against Scholten). In no case have we the right to ascribe the 
account merely to the invention of John (Strauss), and with Baur, for ex- 
ample, to find in the declarations of Pilate that he ‘‘ finds no guilt in Jesus,” 
only the aim of the evangelist to roll the guilt as far as possible off from Pilate 
upon the Jews, which purpose also the question, What is truth? is in- 
tended to serve, into which Baur foists the sense : how can one make a 
crime out of the truth ? 

Vy. 39, 40. Instead of steadfastly protecting the innocence of Jesus, he 
seeks, unwisely enough, in order not to be unpopular, a circuitous way, by 
which he practically surrenders the innocent one. — iva, «.r.A.] A custom 
exists amongst you: I am to release to you, etc. On the thing itself, see 
on Matt. xxvii. 15. — ἐν τῷ πάσχα] Pilate could thus express himself as well 
on the 14th (against Hengstenberg), as on the 15th Nisan, but the releasing 
itself corresponds most naturally to the sacred significance of the 14th. 
Comp. on ver. 28. Moreover, it is in itself more probable that the state- 
ment of the time of this customary release as one that was legally stationary 
is expressed also in the strict sense of τὸ πάσχα (Lev. xxiii. 5 ; Num. xxviii. 
16). — βούλεσθε... ἀπολύσω] Do you wish that I release? Deliberative con- 
junctive. Comp. on Matt. xiii. 28. --- τὸν βασιλ. τ. ’Iovd.] Unwise and 
scornful bitterness. Hengstenberg imagines a serious view of the Messianic 
idea to which certainly Pilate was wholly unequal. — πάλιν] presupposes a 
general clamour already raised in vv. 30 and 31.— Βαραββ.} See on Matt. 
xxvii. 16. — 7 δὲ ὁ B. λῃστής) Tragical addition. The designation by 
λῃστής does not exclude the statement in Mark xv. 7; Luke xxiii. 19." Ac- 
cording to Matt. xxvii. 17, Pilate offered a choice between Barabbas and 
Jesus ; Mark and Luke agree with John. 


Norrs py AMERICAN EDITOR. 


LXII. ‘ Art thou also one of the disciples ?” ete. Ver. 17. 


‘«The negative question,’’ says Meyer, ‘‘rests on the feeling that probably she 
ought not otherwise to have admitted him.” It is difficult to see how the 
negative form of the question could express any such idea. It seems to be 
simply the expression of the portress’ modesty, at least of manner, in putting 
in a negative form what she believed to be the fact. She believed Peter to be 
one of Jesus’ disciples, but instead of saying, ‘‘ Art thou not one?” she said, 
‘«Thou art not one, art thou?’ (See John iy. 29.) 


1 So Steinmeyer, Leidensgesch. Ὁ. 143. 8 λῃσταὶ φονεύουσι, Soph. O. 1. 719. 
3 Kiihner, Il. § 464. 


NOTES. 497 


LXITI. Ῥάπισμα. Ver. 22. 


Blow on the face with the hand, or stroke with a rod. So the Revised Version 
gives the two alternative readings in the text and the margin. Mr. Frederick 
Field (in his Otium Norvicense) seems to show satisfactorily that its meaning 
in later Greek is confined to a blow with the hand. He cites Phrynichus, who for- 
bids the use of ῥάπισμα for a blow on the cheek with the open hand as not Attic, 
showing that it was so used in his time. Field quotes many passages for 
ῥαπίζω and ῥάπισμα (Isa. i. 6 ; Hos. xi. 5 ; Matt. v. 39; Jos. Ant, vii. 15, 4, comp. 
with 1 Kings xxii. 24). Ῥαπίζω having come to be used for strike with the palm, 
instead of strike with a rod (ῥά βδίζω)͵ gradually lost that earlier signification, 
and came to have only its later meaning. 


LXIV. ‘ That they might eat the Passover.’’ Ver. 28. 


Meyer and Weiss hold confidently (with many others) the opinion that John 
contradicts the Synoptists as to the time of the Lord’s last supper with His 
disciples. The Synoptical Gospels, it is universally agreed, place the last 
supper on the evening of the 14th Nisan, the regular time of the paschal meal, 
and make the crucifixion to occur on Friday, the 15th Nisan, the first day of 
the Passover festival. John, they maintain, on the other hand, places the last 
supper on the 13th, anticipating by a day the regular Passover celebration, and 
places the crucifixion still on Friday, but on the 14th, the day preceding 
the Passover. Affirming this contradiction, Meyer affirms likewise the su- 
perior credibility of John, and pronounces the Synoptists in error. It is 
indeed inconceivable that John should have been mistaken on so capital a point 
as to whether our Lord’s last meal with His disciples coincided with or ante- 
dated the regular paschal feast, and the date which he unquestionably gives, it 
should seem, must be accepted. But it is equally inconceivable that the other 
Evangelists, one an Apostle and like John present at the supper, the other 
two, companions and friends of the Apostles, and thoroughly versed in the 
Gospel history, could have been mistaken on this point, and united in con- 
necting a miracle (which His instructions to the disciples, one of them John 
himself, regarding the place of the feast clearly involved) with an event that 
did not occur on the evening they assign to it, and that evening the most sacred 
in the Jewish calendar. A mistake on this point shakes the whole fabric of 
their historical credibility. As between any two ordinary evenings, a difference 
of recollection (apart from inspiration) would be easily enough supposable. 
But as between the evening of the Passover festival and any preceding evening 
(no matter how near), a mistake is wholly inexplicable. With the Synoptists 
the accompanying circumstances are given in minute detail. The disciples come 
to Jesus and volunteer the question (Matt. xxvi. 17) where he will have them 
make the preparations for the Passover. He sends Peter and John with 
minute instructions, involving miraculous prevision; and when they are 
assembled at the appointed time and place he says, ‘‘ With desire have I desired 
to eat this Passover with you before I suffer (Luke).’’ And yet this was not the 
Passover at all! The miracle, if it occurred, is misplaced, and the Lord’s 
weighty and tender words were either not at all or mistakenly uttered! We 
cannot set aside such a narrative without the most irrefragable evidence. Do 
we have such evidence in our Gospel? So maintain Meyer and not a few 


498 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


others ; but to very many the counter evidence seems wholly insufficient. Ad- 
mitting that our Gospel of itself seems to intimate an evening before the paschal 
meal, yet when brought into comparison with these full and clear statements 
of the other Gospels, have we reason to suppose that it is intended to contradict 
them? | 

The intimations mainly relied on are four. One of them, the πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς 
of xiii. 1, we have already considered. It is certainly too vague to be regarded 
as decisive, and if unsupported would probably never have been relied upon by 
any one for the point which it is adduced to sustain. It would seem almost cer- 
tain that when John came to the account of the last supper, if he did not mean 
merely to supplement the Synoptical record—if he meant to fix a date which 
both ran counter to the unanimous testimony of that record, and, in so doing, 
changed the very character of the meal, showing it to be no Passover supper at 
all—he would not in the first place pass in utter silence the Synoptical account, 
as if taking for granted its correctness, and then give his counter date under 
the vague phrase πρὸ tio ἑορτῆς, Which might connect itself with εἰδώς, denoting 
the time of His becoming aware of His approaching departure, or might be 
taken as nearly equivalent to προεόρτιον, marking rather the initial part of the 
feast, and which in any case marks no definite period beforeit. Its terms would 
be fulfilled even if the foot-washing were a ceremony prior and introductory to the 
paschal feast, rather than an integral part of it. At all events this vague phrase, 
we may safely say, is not the only direct means which the Evangelist would 
employ for correcting an important error pervading all the Synoptics, and run- 
ning like an intricate thread through all their various narratives, so that if they 
erred they, we must say, erred deliberately—an error affecting alike the date and 
the character of the feast, and requiring a more effectual extirpation than this 
mere πρὸ τῆς ἑορτῆς. 

2. But it is said, xiii. 29, that when Judas γοηῦ out from the supper the 
disciples thought that Jesus had said to him, ‘‘ Buy things which we have need 
of for the Passover,” or that he might give something to the poor; and thisit 
is supposed on the ground that the Passover had not yet been slain, and the 
preparations were yet to be made. But if this was on the evening of the day 
preceding the Passover meal, then there was no such haste required. There 
were yet twenty-four hours before the paschal meal, during which the pur- 
chases might be made, and there would be no need of sending one of the band 
out from this sacred occasion for such a service. Besides, the idea that Judas 
might have gone out for Passover purchases was with the disciples a mere un- 
certain conjecture : he might have gone out simply to give something to the 
poor. But if this was the evening of the paschal celebration, then for some 
of the numerous provisions of the following day (as for the chagigah), some 
haste might be required, at all events enough to originate such a conjecture 
on the part of the disciples. On the whole, this scene appears quite as com- 
patible—probably considerably more compatible—with the occurrence of the 
meal on the Passover evening than on the evening preceding. 

3. But another argument is drawn from the name given to the crucifixion 
day of παρασκευὴ τοῦ πάσχα (xix. 14), the preparation of the Passover, from which 
it is inferred that it was not the first day of the Passover, but the day before it. 
But as on the Passover, as on the other festivals, the. preparation of food was 
allowed, there was no occasion of a day of preparation for it, and if there was 
one it would not be likely to occupy more than a small part of the day. On 


NOTES. 499 


the other hand, the law strictly forbidding the kindling of fire and all prepara- 
tion of food on the weekly Sabbath, the preceding Friday was naturally, and 
indeed almost necessarily, devoted in part to preparation for it, and hence at 
last went by the name of ‘‘ the preparation.” Thus Matt. xxvii. 62 the Sabbath 
is spoken of as ‘‘the morrow which follows upon the preparation (μετὰ τὴν 
παρασκευῆν) ;’ and so in John it is repeatedly (xix. 31, 42) called the ““ prepa- 
ration,’’ and ‘‘ the preparation of the Jews,” evidently not with reference to 
the Passover, but to the coming Sabbath. There is therefore no good reason 
for taking it in ver. 14 in any different sense. It was the regular ‘prepara- 
tion” day, but as occurring during the Passover, and thus having a double 
sacredness, John calls it the Preparation'of the Passover, or the ‘‘ Passover- 
preparation,” such being a very easy and familiar use of the gen. in Greek. 
There seems to be no necessity for supposing this a day of ‘‘ double prep- 
aration,” but its occurring in the Passover gave it peculiar significance, just 
as the following Sabbath (Saturday) was a great or high day (xix. 3), not because 
it was the first day of the Passover, but because it was the Sabbath in the 
Passover, or the Passover Sabbath, and hence doubly consecrated. The fact, 
then, of this Sabbath beinga ‘great day’’ does not, as has been alleged, 
prove it to have been the first day of the Passover. The last day of the feast 
of the Tabernacles is called, ‘‘ that great day” (vii. 37), though having in itself 
nothing specially sacred. 

4. But the passage most relied upon to prove John’s difference from the 
other Evangelists on this point is xviii. 18. ‘*The priests did not enter 
the Praetorium that they might not be defiled, but might eat the Passover.”’ 
This certainly looks at first view as if the paschal supper was yet to be eaten, 
and as if therefore the Lord’s supper of the preceding evening must have an- 
ticipated the regular Passover. Indeed it seems doubtful if, but for this pas- 
sage, any serious suspicion of a discrepancy between John and the Synoptics 
would ever have arisen. Yet it seems remarkable that the only passage on 
which the correction of so important an error was to rest, and by which it 
could really have been suggested, should have come in in a way so purely in- 
cidental. To explain it without involving the alleged discrepancy, we may 
adopt either one of two ways. We may either take φαγεῖν τὸ πάσχα in the gen- 
eral sense of celebrating the Passover—a meaning which it has not elsewhere 
in the N. T. (being used exclusively of eating the paschal supper)—but which 
there is no special reason why it may not have, and which once at least its cor- 
responding Heb. term has 2 Chron, xxx. 22 (‘‘for seven days they ate the Pass- 
over’), while τὸ πάσχα often denotes the entire Passover festival ; or, retaining 
the stricter meaning of φαγεῖν, it may refer to the feast of chagigah, eaten espe- 
cially during the first day of the Passover, and from which the priests there- 
fore would not exclude themselves by the pollution of entering the Gentile’s 
house. This explanatidn is the more probable as this defilement was of a na- 
ture that would have terminated with the day, and they would therefore have 
been able at evening to partake the paschal supper, if this were the day before 
the Passover. Some scholars have preferred the explanation, that the priests, 
wholly absorbed on the preceding evening and night in the seizure and trial of 
Jesus, had foregone the paschal supper at the regular time, and were now look- 
ing forward to a later celebration of it. ‘This explanation seems by no means 
impossible, but I think either of the others to be preferred as simpler. 

It has been urged also that such a public act as the trial, condemnation, and 


500 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


execution of Jesus would not have been performed on a festival day, or upon the 
Sabbath. To this we may reply: 1. that the execution took place under Ro- 
man authority, and with the whole affair the Roman power was mixed ; 2. that 
we are but very imperfectly acquainted with the extent of the licenses or re- 
strictions connected with festival days, and many things were permitted on 
them which were not allowed on the Sabbath ; 3. that in the Jew’s hatred of 
Jesus they might easily deem themselves justified, and even doing God service, 
in transcending ordinary usages for the sake of destroying so heinous an of- 
fender, and that as matter of fact they did repeatedly endeavour to seize upon 
Him on festival days, as, at John xii. 32, 37, this was done by the assembled 
Sanhedrim ; and on another occasion (Matt. xxvi. 3-5) the objection was not any 
scruples of conscience, but the fear of an uproar among the people. But the 
most decisive reply of all is that the Synoptists, about whose date of the eruci- 
fixion there is no doubt, donot hesitate to connect all these public acts with that 
day. They must assuredly have been competent judges as to the usages of 
their time. 

I shall not dwell upon the intimations of ecclesiastical tradition in connec- 
tion with the later celebration of the Lord’s supper, but merely remark 
that they furnish nothing unfavourable to the view here advocated. It 
remains but to say a word in regard to Meyer’s explanation of the way 
in which the strange discrepancy originated. It was forsooth so strongly 
impressed upon the minds of the church that the last supper ought to 
have been held upon the Passover evening, that at length it came to be be- 
lieved that it was so held, and it passed, in the Synoptic Gospels, from the 
sphere of imagination into the sphere of history! Nothing, it would seem, 
could be well conceived more preposterous ; and if a chain of logic is not 
stronger than its weakest link, it surely willnot take long for the whole chain 
to fall to pieces. The Evangelists, or their authorities, came to imagine that 
the last supper occurred on the Passover evening, and in harmony with this to 
which this belongs invented the whole series of circumstances which were to ac- 
company it. They make the disciples come voluntarily to Jesus (Matt. xxvi. 17) 
and say, ‘‘ Where wilt thou that we prepare the Passover?’ They make the 
Lord, in reply, send Peter and John (Luke xxii. 8), saying, ‘‘ Go and prepare for 
us the Passover, that we may eat.’’. They make the Lord exercise His divine 
prescience in giving the directions. They make Him utter the intensity of 
desire with which He had desired to eat this Passover with them (Luke xxii. 15). 
And the whole of this was an illusion ! 

One word finally on the anticlimax of the Jewish people’s sacrificing (in the 
ordering of Providence) the real antitypal paschal lamb, and then sitting 
down on the evening after to partake of that typical meal whose significance 
and whose office had now been done away forever. In the Synoptical account 
it seems much more naturally ordered—-the typical sacrifice on the preceding 
evening, and on the next day the efficacious sacrifice which forever supersedes it. 


LxIVa. ‘‘ Jf my kingdom were of this world, then would my servants contend... 
but as it is, my kingdom is not of this world.” Ver. 36. 


Meyer and Weiss, with many, understand ‘‘my seryants’’ as those whom 
Jesus actually has, not as those whom He would have in the case supposed. 
But in the supposed case the conditions of the problem would be essentially differ- 


NOTES. 501 


ent, and the servants whom he would then have would not be the outwardly in- 
significant following that now wait on the spiritual Monarch, and whom it 
seems absurd to conceive of as arraying themselves against his powerful worldly 
enemies. I think, therefore, the other view more probable, and the statement a 
general one, that were he ἃ secular monarch he would employ secular means of 
defending himself, and vindicating his claims. True, the Greek verb employed, 
ἀγωνίζομαι, contend, struggle, is somewhat more favonrable to Meyer’s view than 
that of our version, fight (as if it were μάχομαι). His small band of followers 
might more easily be conceived as struggling for their Master, than making a 
strictly armed resistance. ’Aywvifoua isa much more general word, and is often 
used where there is strictly no fighting in the case. Thus, 2 Tim.i.7, ‘I have 
fought the good fight,” implies no proper fighting at all. It is contending in 
the games, striving with competitors for a prize, not fighting with enemies for 
conquest or victory. 


LXV. Nov dé, ‘* But as it (since they do not fight for me) my kingdom is not of this 
world.’ Ver. 36. 


Meyer (and after him Weiss) inverts the reasoning involved in the viv δέ, It 
is not, ‘‘If my kingdom were of this world my servants would contend ; but 
they do not contend, and therefore my kingdom is not,” etc. It is rather, “1 
my kingdom were of this world, my servants would contend ; but now, but as it 
is, it is not of this world (and therefore they do not contend).” Such is the 
uniform use of this viv dé both in the New Test. and in the classics (in the 
latter more generally in the form of νυνὶ δέ, in the N. T. almost invariably νῦν 
dé). Thus John xv. 22: “If I had not come and spoken to them, they had not 
had sin ; but as it is (I have come and spoken to them, and therefore) they have 
no cloak for their sin.” See John iv, 41 ; 1 Cor. xii. 19 ; Luke xix. 42. 


LXVI. ‘‘ Art thou a king?” Ver. 37. 


Erroneously, I think, Meyer and Weiss agree in rendering ‘ Art thou not, 
therefore, a king?’ which would require οὔκουν, not οὐκοῦν. The latter, I think, 
with Winer and Buttmann can here be rendered only, ‘Art thou, therefore, aking 2”’ 
The negative force seems to have dropped out from οὐκοῦν, from its having been 
first used in an affirmation (it is not, therefore), and then as a question, in which 
what was before denied categorically (it is not, therefore) is denied interroga- 
tively (is it, therefore? No). The meaning “ Art thou not thena king ?’’ seems 
an unnatural reply to a declaration of Jesus in which He had virtually affirmed 
His kingship. Pilate in surprise naturally asks, ‘‘ Art thou then a king?” and 
this is the regularly established use of οὐκοῦν (with accent on οὖν) in distinction 
from οὔκουν, with accent on οὐκ. 


502 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


CHAPTER XIX. 


Ver. 3. καὶ ἔλεγον] B. L. U. X. A, Π. Νὰ. Curss., most Verss. Cyr. Nom. Aug. : 
καὶ ἤρχοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ ἔλεγον. Rightly adopted by Lachm. and Tisch. The 
Recepta originated in a mechanical way, just as readily through an erroneous 
transition from the first αὐτόν to the second, as through the apparently un- 
necessary, indeed unsuitable, character which jpy. mp. uit. might possess.— 
ἐδίδουν] Lachm. and Tisch. : ἐδίδοσαν. But see on xv. 22,— Ver. 4, Elz. 
Scholz: ἐξῆλθεν οὖν. Lachm.: καὶ ἐξῆλθεν. The witnesses are very much 
divided, but there is preponderant testimony in favour of καὶ ἐξῆλθ. (A. B. K. L. 
X. II. Curss. Syr. Aeth. Cyr.). Nevertheless, considering the frequency of such 
insertions, the omission of the particle (Griesb. Tisch.) is sufficiently justified 
by D. T. 8. Curss. Verss. — ἐν abr. od, ait, εὑρ.1 Very many variations, amongst 
which the simple air, oiy ebp. would, with Tisch., be preferable, if it were not 
that it has only &.* in its favour. — Ver. 6. αὐτόν] is omitted after the second 
oravp. in Elz. Tisch., but has the preponderance of testimony in its favour, for 
amongst the Uncials only B. L. omit it. Nevertheless, the addition was so 
easily suggested of itself, and through Luke xxiii, 21, Mark xv. 13, John xix. 15, 
that it is to be regarded as a supplement. — Ver. 7. ἡμῶν] is wanting in B. D. 
L. A. δὲ, Vulg. It. Or. Hil. Aug. Deleted by Lachm. and Tisch. But how 
easily might its omission have been caused, partly by the preceding syllable 
MON, partly by its being apparently superfluous !— Ver, 10. After λέγει, Elz. 
Lachm. have οὖν, which, indeed, is wanting only in, A. 8. Curss. Syr. Perss. 
Copt. Arm, Slav. Cyr. (deleted by Tisch.) ; considering, however, the appro- 
priateness of the connection which it expresses, it would hardly have been 
omitted had it been genuine. The copyists can scarcely have felt that there 
was anything cumbrous (in answer to Liicke, de Wette) in the expression. — Ver. 
11. εἶχες] A. D. L. X. Y. A. Π. 8. Curss. : ἔχεις. Defended by Buttmann in the 
Stud. u. Krit. 1858, p. 485 ff., adopted by Tisch. An old copyist’s mistake, 
which is supported by none of the Verss. except Copt., and by none of the 
Fathers, which, however, crept in readily enough after the shortly preceding 
ἔχω. --- Ver. 12. ἔκραζον] Lachm. Tisch. : éxpadyatov, according to important 
witnesses, indeed, but derived from vv. 6, 18, 40, whence B. Τὸ. Curss. have 
directly repeated éxpavyacav. — Ver. 13. τοῦτον τὸν λόγον] The genit. plur., and 
that either τούτων τῶν λόγων, or, more strongly still, τῶν λόγων τούτων, is so 
decisively attested, that the latter, with Lachm. and Tisch., is to be adopted. 
The Recepta is derived from ver. 8. — Ver. 14. Instead of δέ after dpa, Lachm. 
and Tisch. have ἦν, on decisive testimony ; dé is a stylistic correction. — ἕκτη] 
D. L. X. A. &8.** Curss. Chronic. alex. (the latter appealing to the ἀκριβῆ 
ἀντίγραφα, nay, even to the ἰδιόχειρον of John!) Nonn. Sev. ant. (appealing to 
Euseb.) Ammon. Theophyl. : τρίτη. An old harmonistic alteration in conformity 
with Mark xy. 25 (comp. Matt. xxvii. 45 ; Mark xv. 33 ; Luke xxiii. 44), — Vv. 16, 
17. Instead of ἤγαγον, Elz. has ἀπήγαγον, against decisive testimony. But B. L. 
xX. Curss. Codd. N. Copt. Cyr. entirely omit καὶ ἤγαγον. So Lachm. and Tisch. 


CHAP. XIx., 1-5. 503 
But if the continuation had here been supplied from the parallel passages, not 
ἤγαγον, but ἀπήγαγον (comp. Matt. xxvii. 31; Luke xxiii. 26), would have the pre- 
ponderance of testimony. Kai ἤγαγον, however, might easily have disappeared 
in the course of transcription, owing to a transition having been at once made 
from the first καί to the second, — τὸν σταυρ. αὑτοῦ] Lachm. : αὐτῷ τ. στ. (B. X.); 
Tisch. : ἑαυτῷ τ. στ. (L. δὲ. Or.). The latter, in favour of which D. also testifies 
with ἑαυτοῦ, is to be preferred. The reflexive pronoun was frequently neglected. 
The Recepta is an alteration in conformity with the most current mode of ex- 
pression. — Ver. 20. The order of the words βρ., Ῥωμ., ‘EAA. (so Tisch., 
according to B. L. X. δὲ, Curss. Copt. Sah. Aeth. Cyr.) has probability, con- 
sidering the standpoint of Pilate, in its favour. — Vv. 26, 27. Instead of doy, 
we should, in conformity with important testimony, read both times with 
Lachm, and Tisch. ide, frequent in John (he has ἰδού only in iv. 35, xvi. 32, and 
from the LXX. xii. 15), though we are not to assume any difference of meaning 
between the two forms. — Ver. 29. οὖν] is wanting in A, B. L. X. Codd. It., 
whilst a few other witnesses (including δὲ.) have dé. Rightly deleted by 
Lachm, Tisch, —oi δὲ πλήσ. σπόγγ. ὀξ kai] Lachm. : σπόγγ. οὖν μεστὸν τοῦ ὄξους, 
according to B. L. X. &. Curss. Verss. Cyr. Hilar. So also Tisch., but without 
τοῦ, Which X. δὲ, do not contain. The Recepta is shaped in conformity with 
Matt. xxvii. 48, Mark xv. 36, where οἱ δέ was readily suggested as an insertion 
on account of the change of persons. — Ver. 31. Instead of ἐκείνου, Elz. has 
ἐκείνη, against decisive testimony. — Ver. 35. καὶ ὑμεῖς] Elz. has merely ὑμεῖς. 
But καί is so strongly attested, and might be so readily omitted as being with- 
out reference, that it must be preserved. — Ver. 40. ἐν ὀθον. The mere ὀθον. 
(Elz. Lachm.) is very strongly attested (B. K. L. X. Y. II. &.), but the super- 
fluous év might readily be passed over, comp. xii. 44, especially as the pre- 
ponderance of parallel passages presents the mere dative. 


Vv. 1--3. Οὖν] After the miscarriage of this attempt at deliverance, Pilate 
will at least make the further trial whether the compassion of the Jews may 
not be awakened. Hence he causes to be inflicted on Jesus the scowrging, 
to which in any case, if He were to be crucified, He must be subjected ; 
and hopes, in the folly of his moral vacillation, by means of such maltreat- 
ment, although inflicted without sentence and legality, to satisfy the Jews, 
and avert something worse. Comp. on Matt. xxvii. 26. With a like pur- 
pose in view, he also gives Him up to the contumelious treatment of the 
soldiers, who deck Him out as king (xviii. 39) with a crown of thorns (see 
on Matt. xxvii. 29) and a purple mantle (comp. on Matt. xxvii. 28 ; Mark 
xv. 17). --- ἔλαβεν] shows the simple style of the narrative.—«. ἦρχ. rp. 
ait.] See the critical notes. It is a pictorial trait. He stands arrayed 
before them ; they go up to Him and do obeisance to Him !— ῥαπίσματα] As 
in xviii. 22. Codd. of It. add in faciem. 

Vv. 4, 5. Πάλιν] For, according to xviii. 40, Pilate has returned into the 
praetorium, and has caused Jesus to be scourged, ver. 1. The scourging 
was certainly carried out so that the Jews could see it. The prisoner, 
scourged and arrayed in the caricature of a king, he causes to be led forth 
with him. —tyiv] Vobis ; what follows gives the more exact explanation 
of this reference. — iva γνῶτε, x.7.4.] For had he found Him guilty, he would 
certainly not make the repeated attempt, implied in this leading forth and 


504 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


presentation of Jesus to them, to change the mind of the Jews, but would 
dispose of the matter by ordering execution. — Ver. 5. ἐξῆλθεν... ἱμάτιον 
is not a parenthesis, but the narrative, according to which Jesus comes forth 
in the train of Pilate, proceeds without interruption, in such a manner, how- 
ever, that with λέγει (Pilate) the subject suddenly changes.! — φορῶν) not 
φέρων ; for the kingly attire is now to the close of the proceedings His per- 
manent garb.°— The short significant ecce homo! behold the man, whose 
case we are treating ! has its eloquent commentary in the entire manifesta- 
tion of suffering in which the ill-treated and derided one was set forth. 
This suffering form cannot be the usurper ofa throne ! The words are gen- 
tly and compassionately spoken, and ought to excite compassion ;* in ver. 
14 he first says with bitterness : ide ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑμῶν. 

Vv. 6-8. Of the presence of the people (who perhaps kept silence, Liicke 
thinks ; comp. Luthardt, according to whom the high priests desired to 
forestall any possible expressions of compassion on the part of the people) 
the text says nothing ; the ᾿Ιουδαῖοι, xviii. 31, 38, were pre-eminently the 
ἀρχιερεῖς οἵ the present passage. — ὅτε οὖν εἶδον] The spectacle, instead of 
calming their bitterness, goads them on, — λάβετε αὐτὸν ὑμεῖς, κιτ.λ.} A para- 
doz, amounting to a peevish and irritated refusal, since the Jews did not 
possess the right of execution, and crucifixion was certainly not a Jewish cap- 
ital punishment. Crucify him yourselves, if you will have him crucified ! 
—Now, however, they introduce the authority of their law, according to 
which Jesus (as being a blasphemer, namely, of God, Lev. xxiv. 16 ; Matt. 
xxvi. 63, 64) must die. They thus prudently give to their demand another 
legal basis, to be respected by the procurator in conformity with Roman 
policy, and to the accusation the corresponding religious sanction. An 
admission, however, that their political suspicion of Jesus had only been a 
pretext (Steinmeyer), is not contained in this ; it is only another turn given 
to the charge. — ἡμεῖς] With haughty emphasis, opposed to the preceding 
éy®... αἰτίαν. On ὅτι υἱόν, x.7.4., comp. v. 18, x. 33. — μᾶλλον ἐφοβ.] His 
fear only became the greater (μᾶλλ., see v. 18), namely, of suffering Jesus to 
be executed. To the previous fear of conscience was now, in truth, added 
the fear of the vengeance of a God, namely, of Jehovah, the God of the Jews, 
in case the assertion mentioned should turn out to be true. He explained 
to himself the υἱὸς θεοῦ after the analogy of pagan heroes, like the cen- 
turion, Matt. xxvii. 54. That he was moved by the idea of the unity of 
God (Hengstenberg) has nothing to support it ; nay, viewed in the light 
of the wanton words, xviii. 38, very improbable. 

Vv. 9, 10. He therefore took Jesus again away with him into the praeto- 
rium for a private audience. — πόθεν] asks after His origin, but not in the 
sense of the place of birth (Paulus), but in the sense occasioned by υἱὸν θεοῖ;, 
ver. 7, in order to obtain a declaration from Jesus on this point, whether He 
were of human or divine origin. Comp. on viii. 14 ; Matt. xxi. 25. — ἀπόκρ. 
οὐκ ἔδωκ. αὐτῷ Both this observation, as well as the peculiarity of Pilate’s 


1 See Heindorf, ad Plat. Futhyd. p. 275 B; 2 Lobeck, ad Phryn. p. 585. 
Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. ii. 1. 8. 3 Comp. already Chrysostom. 


CHAP, xix. at: 505 
question, betraying a certain timidity, πόθεν εἶ σὺ (how entirely different is 
his question, xviii. 33 ; while here he shrinks from asking directly), has the 
stamp of originality. Jesus is silent ; for what He would have had to say 
would only have been misunderstood by Pilate, or not understood at all 
(xvii. 25 ; Matt. vii. 6). Moreover, He had already in truth sufficiently in- 
dicated His heavenly origin, xviii. 36, 37, had Pilate only possessed suscep- 
tibility for the truth. But as it was, he was unworthy of further discussion, 
and in the silence of Jesus are seen precisely the self-assurance and majesty 
of the Son of God. Luthardt explains it from the assumption that Jesus will 
not give Pilate occasion to release Him from motives of fear, and thereby to 
interfere with the will of God. But on that supposition He must also have 
withheld the great and bold words, ver. 11. A resolute opposition on the 
part of the sceptical man of the world to the desire of the Jews, Jesus as- 
suredly neither hoped nor feared. — Ver. 10. Kai φοβεῖται καὶ φοβεῖ, Euth. 
Zigabenus. — ἐμοὶ ov λαλεῖς :] ἐμοί bears the emphasis of mortified power, 
which then also attempts alike to terrify and to entice. To mention at jirst 
the σταυρῶσαί σε, and then, not before, the ἀπολῦσαί σε, corresponded to the 
state of the procedure. But A. B. E. δὰ. Lachm. Tisch. have the converse 
order, which would meanwhile more readily suggest itself to the mechanical 
copyist. The repeated ἐξουσ. ἔχω is weighty. 

Ver. 11. With a clear and holy defiance, to defend against this assertion 
of personal power at least the supremacy of His Father, Jesus now speaks 
His last word to Pilate. He points the latter, with his ἐξουσία which he 
has thus asserted in his σταυρῶσαί σε, to the supreme authority which 
has invested him with that ἐξουσία, but at the same time, with conciliatory 
mildness, deduces from it a standard to diminish the guilt of the judge. 
The saying breathes truth and grace. — οὐκ εἶχες] Thou wouldst not have. 
‘‘Indicativus imperfecti sine ἄν ΤΠ. 1. in firmissima asseveratione longe est 
aptissimus.” ? — δεδομένον] Namely, the ἐξουσιάζειν κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ." Not: the defi- 
nite act of condemnation (Steinmeyer). — ἄνωθεν] i.e. from God, 111. 8, 31. 
This even the heathen could understand. Had Jesus said ἐκ τοῦ πατρός μου, 
lie would not have understood it. Pilate stands before Jesus with the 
ἐξουσία to destroy Him ; but he has this power from God, and he would not 
possess it if God had not appointed him for the fulfilment of His destiny 
concerning Jesus. For this reason, however (διὰ τοῦτο), that is, because he 
here acts not in independent self-determination, but as the divinely-ordained 


1 Buttmann, on account of the absence 
of av, would interpret the reading εἶχες 
as follows: “ Thou hadst, i.e. when thou 
didst receive the accusation against me... 
no power over me, unless it was given to 
thee by God for that purpose.’ See Stud. 
μ. Krit. 1858, p. 501. But irrespective of the 
dragging in, in this forced manner, of this 
exacter definition of time in εἶχες, it is in 
truth precisely the undoubted possession 
of the ἐξονσία which forms the presupposi- 
tion of the διὰ τοῦτο κιτιλ. that follows. 
With the reading ἔχεις, which Buttmann 


prefers, he explains: ‘‘ thou hast no power 
over me, if it had not been given thee from 
above,” p. 494. But why in that case 
should the pluperf. jv δεδομένον stand ὃ 
Instead of ἦν, ἐστί must have been used, in 
conformity with the sense. 

2 Kiihner, ad Xen. Anab. vii. 6. 21. See 
also Stallbaum, ad Plat. Sympos. Ὁ. 190 C; 
Bremi, ad Lys. Hac. IV. p. 438 ff. ; Winer, 
p. 286 [E. T. p. 305]. 

3 See Kiihner, Π. sec. 421; Bernhardy, 
p. 335. 


506 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
organ of the procedure which is pending against Him, he is not indeed free 
from sin, since he condemns Jesus contrary to his own conviction of His in- 
nocence ; but greater is the guilt of him who delivered Jesus into Pilate’s 
hands, since that divinely-bestowed ἐξουσία is wanting to the latter. The 
logical connection of the διὰ τοῦτο rests on the fact that the παραδιδούς μ σοι 
is the high priest, to whom, consequently, no power is given by God over Him, 
the Messiah, who in truth is higher than the high priest ; to Pilate, on the 
other hand, the Roman potentate, this power is lent, because, as bearer of 
the highest magisterial authority, he derives his warrant from God (comp. 
2om. xiii. 1), to decide concerning every one who is brought before his 
court, and theréfore also concerning the Messiah, who has been accused and 
delivered up asa pretender to acrown. This power Pilate possessed simply 
as a Roman potentate ; hence this point of view does not confuse the matter 
(Luthardt), but makes it clear. As δεδομ. is not to be transmuted into the 
notion of permission (Chrysostom), so also there is nothing to be found in 
διὰ τοῦτο Which is not yielded by the immediate context. Hence we are not 
to understand with Huth. Zigabenus (comp. Theophylact) : διότι ἐξουσίαν 
ἔχεις καὶ οὐκ ἀπολύεις με, SO that the lesser degree of guilt rests on the weak- 
ness and timidity of Pilate (comp. Luther) ; nor with Grotius :’ because thou 
canst not know so well as the Jews (to whom 6 rapad. is referred) who I am; 
nor with Lampe : because the Jews have received no such power from God, 
have rather asswmed it to themselves (Luthardt) ; but solely in harmony 
with the context : because thou hast the disposal of me, not from thy proper 
sovereignty, but from having been divinely empowered thereto. — ὁ παραδιδούς] 
he who delivers me up to thee ; the affair is still in actu, those who deliver Him 
up stand without ; hence the pres. The expression itself, however, cannot, ~ 
as elsewhere in John,? denote Judas, who here lies entirely remote from 
the comparison, especially since co: is used with it, nor (with most inter- 
preters) be understood collectively of the Jews. It is rather the chief of the 
Jews, the high priest Caiaphas, who is meant,* who ought to have recognized 
the Messiah, and not to have assumed to himself any power over Him. — 
μείζονα] compares the sin of the παραδιδούς with that ef Pilate, not with itself 
so as to designate its guilt as aggravated by the misuse of the ἐξουσία of 
Pilate.* The guilt which belonged to the παραδιδούς in and by himself, was 
in truth not aggravated by the delivering over into the hands of the regular 
magistracy, which was rather the orderly mode of procedure.® 

Ver. 12. Ex τούτου] Not: from this time forward (so usually) ; for ἐζήτει, 


1 Comp. Bengel, Baeumlein, and already 
Ruperti. 

2XVill, 2, Xi. 2) Mi. 21, xi. 4, ‘vi. 64, 71; 
comp. Mark xiv. 21. 

3 So also Bengel, and now Ewald; comp. 
Luthardt, Baumgarten, p. 888, Hengst. 

4 Calvin, Wetstein, Godet, also Baur. 
Baur in the Theol. Jahrb. 1854, p. 283: 
“Since thou hast in my case the magiste- 
rial power over life and death, those who 
surrender me to thee, incur by their action, 
in itself immoral, all the greater guilt, if 


they abuse the magisterial authority given 
to thee for their own objects. 

5 According to Steinmeyer, p. 156, Jesus 
would say: ‘‘Thy power, on the other 
hand, to release me, is already as good as 
wrested from thee on the part of the 
παραδιδ. μέ cor; but on that very account 
thy sin is the 1655.) But this interpretation 
of διὰ τοῦτο is in truth altogether untextual, 
as the entire conception to which it would 
refer is foreign to the connexion. 


CHAP. XIX:,/ 13. 507 
k.T.A., 18 ἃ payticular act, which is immediately answered by the Jews with 
loud outcries ; but: on this ground, as vi. 66, occasioned by this speech of 
Jesus.’ — ἐζήτει, x.7.2., he sought to release Him.” In what this attempt, 
which, though made, yet remained unaccomplished (hence imperf.), may 
more definitely have consisted, John does not say, and therefore it was, 
probably, only in his making renewed representations. That which is usu- 
ally supplied, as though μᾶλλον, as in v. 18, were expressed therewith : he 
sought still more, he sought most earnestly (‘‘ previously he appears to John 
rather to have played with the matter,” Liicke), and the like, is capriciously 
imported, as also the rendering : now he demanded peremptorily, etc. (Stein- 
meyer). — With ἐὰν τοῦτον, «.7.A., the Jews cunningly enough again return 
to and fasten upon the political side of the accusation, ὡς ob παροπτέον τῷ 
Πιλάτῳ διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος φόβον, Euth. Zigabenus. How greatly must 
he, who in so many features of his administration had anything but clean 
hands,* have desired to avoid an accusation before Tiberius, so suspicious 
and jealous of his authority !*— φίλος τοῦ Kaic.] Not in the titular sense of 
anicus Caesaris, as high officials bore this title,> in which, however, the 
sense of confidant (counsellor) of Caesar exists ; but faithful to the emperor, 
friendly to him, and devoted to his interests. — He who makes himself a 
king, by the fact, that is, of declaring himself to be such (comp. x. 33), 
thereby declares himself (ἀντιλέγει) against the emperor. Accordingly, ἀντι- 
λέγει has not the more general meaning : he opposes ;* but the emphasis lies 
upon the correlates βασιλέα and Καίσαρι. 

Ver. 13. These speeches penetrate the mind of Pilate, dismayed at the 
thought of Rome and the emperor. He will now, formally and solemnly, 
deliver the final sentence, which must be done, not in the praetorium, but 
outside in the open air : ὃ he therefore causes Jesus to be brought out, and seats 
himself, taking his place on the judicial seat, at the place which is called Li- 
thostroton,but in Hebrew, Gabbatha. — ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος] Modal defining of ἐκάθ. 
εἰς τόπον. --- Since τόπος here denotes a definite and distinguished place, the 
article is as little required as with πόλις, ἀγρός, and the like in such cases.° 
—The place where the tribunal stood, before the praetorium in Jerusalem, 
bore the Gree&X name, derived from its Mosaic floor,’ of Λιθόστρωτον, 1.6. 
stone-strown, but in the Aramaic dialect that of 8D3i, arising from its 
elevated position ; two different names, therefore, derived from different 
properties" of the same place. The place is mentioned neither in Josephus 
nor in the Rabbins, The name Ta, is not to be derived from 1}!23, hill 


1 So also Luthardt and Lange. 

2x. 80; Luke y. 18, xiii. 24, xix. 3; Acts 
XXVii. 30, e¢ al. 

3 Josephus, Anét. xviii. 8. 1ff. ; Philo, de 
legat. a@ Caj. p. 1033. 

4 Suetonius, 7%b. 58; Tacitus, An. iii. 38. 
Comp. Hausrath, Christi. Zeitgesch, I. p. 
312 ff. 

5 See Wetstein; Grimm on 1 Macc. ii. 18. 

6 Xen. Ana. iii. 2. 5. 

7 Grotius, de Wette, Maier. 


8 See Josephus, Bell. ti. 9. 3, 11. 14. 8. 

9Comp. Matt. xxvii. 33; Kiihner, II. 
p. 129. 

10 See Wetstein and Krebs, p. 158 f. 

11 Ewald attempts to refer Ta8Bada also 
back to the signification of λιϑόστρωτον by 
assuming a root Yj, but in the significa- 
tion of 520 (Aram. : insert). Too bold an 
hypothesis. In the LXX. λιϑοστρ. (Cant. 
iii, 10; 2 Chron. vii. 3; Esth. i. Ὁ corre- 
sponds to the Hebr. As. 


508 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


(Hengstenberg), against which would be the double β,᾽ but from 13, ridge, 
hump.? 
Ver. 14. Day and hour of the decisive moment, after which the narrative 
then proceeds with καὶ λέγει, k.7.4., Without the necessity of placing ἦν δὲ 
. ἕκτη ina parenthesis (rather, with Lachm. and Tisch., between two 
points). — παρασκ. τοῦ πάσχα] That the παρασκευή may not be understood of 
the weekly one, referable to the Sabbath,® but may be referred to the Pass- 
over feast-day, of which it was the preparation-day, John expressly subjoins 
τοῦ πάσχα. It was certainly a Mriday, consequently also a preparation-day 
before the Sabbath ; but it is not this reference which is here to be remarked, 
but the reference to the paschal feast beginning on the evening of the day, 
the first feast day of which fell, according to John, on the Sabbath. The 
expression corresponds to the Heb. NODT 3), not indeed verbally (for 
παρασκευή = 8DAN)), but as to the thing. Those expositors who do not rec- 
ognize the deviation of John from the Synoptics in respect of the day of 
Jesus’ death (see on xviii. 28), explain it as: the Friday in the Passover week.* 
But it isin the later ecclesiastical language that παρασκ. first denotes direct- 
ly Friday,° as frequently also in the Constitt. ap., and that in virtue of the 
reference to be therewith supplied to the Sabbath ; which, however, cannot 
be here supplied, since another genitival reference is expressly given. An 
appeal is erroneously made to the analogy of Ignat. Phil. 13. interpol., 
where it is said that one should not fast on the Sunday or Sabbath, πλὴν ἑνὸς 
σαββάτου τοῦ πάσχα ; for (1) σάββατον in and of itself is a complete designation 
of a day ; (2) σάββ. τοῦ πάσχα here denotes by no means the Sabbath in the 
Easter-tide, but the Sabbath of the Haster-day, i.e. the Saturday which pre- 
cedes Easter-day, Easter-Saturday. And the more decidedly is this harmon- 
istic and forced solution to be rejected, since the remaining statements of 
time in John place the death of Jesus before the first feast-day ; °:and since 
John, if he had had the first feast-day before himas the day of death, would 
not have designated the latter (subtle evasions in Hengstenberg), with such 
a want of distinctness and definiteness, as ‘‘the Friday in Passover” (which 
in truth might have also been any other of the seven feast-days), especially 
here, where he proceeds with a precision that states even the λον}. Against 
Schneckenburger, Beitr. p. 1 ff., who, by referring rapack. to the feast of 
harvest, likewise brings out the 15th Nisan as the day of death, but makes 
it a Wednesday, see Wieseler, p. 388 f. —éxry] According to the Jewish 
reckoning of hours, therefore twelve o’clock at noon,—again a deviation 
from the Synoptics, according to whom (see Mark xv. 25, with which also 
Matt. xxvii. 45, Luke xxiii. 44 agree) Jesus is crucified as early as nine o'clock 
in the morning, which variation in fixing so important a date includes much 


1 Comp. TaBata, Josephus, Andé. v. 1. 29, Wichelhaus, p. 209 f., and Hengstenberg in 


vi. 4. 2. loc., also Riggenbach. 

2 See generally Fritzsche, Verdiensie Tho- 5 See Suicer, 7hesaur. 
luck’s, Ὁ. 102; Tholuck, Beir. p. 119 ff. 6 See on xiii. 1, xviii. 28. 

3 Vy. 31, 42; Luke xxiii.54; Mark xv. 42; 7 Comp. further Bleek, Beitr. p. 114 f.; 
Matt. xxvii. 62; Josephus, Antz. xvi. 6. 2, Riickert, Abendm. p. 31 ff.; Hilgenfeld, 
et al. Paschastr. p. 149 f., and in his Zeitschr, 1867, 


4See especially Wieseler, p. 336 f.; p. 190. 


CHAP. XIx., 14. 509 
too large a space of time to allow us to resolve it into a mere indefinite- 
ness in the statement of the hour, and, with Godet, following Lange, to say 
lightly : ‘‘the apostles had no watch in hand,” especially as according to 
Matt. and Luke the darkening of the earth is expressly ascribed to the sixth 
hour. Since, however, with Hofmann,’ with whom Lichtenstein agrees, we 
cannot divide the words : ἦν dé παρασκευῆ, τοῦ πάσχα Opa jv ὡς ἕκτη, but it was 
preparation-day, it was about the siath hour of the paschal feast (reckoned, 
namely, from midnight forwards), which forced and artificial explanation 
would absolutely set aside παρασκευή, in spite of τοῦ πάσχα therewith expressed, 
and would yield an unexampled mode of computation of hours, namely, of 
the feast, not of the day (against i. 40, iv. 6, 52) ; since, further, the reading in 
our present passage is, both externally and internally, certain, and the already 
ancient assumption of a copyist’s mistake? is purely arbitrary ; since, further, 
as generally in John (comp. oni. 40, iv. 6, 52), the assumption is groundless, ° 
that he is reckoning according to the Roman enumeration of hours ;* since, 
finally, the guarter of a day beginning with this hour cannot be made out of 
the third hour of Mark,® and just as little (HIengstenberg, comp. Godet) can 
the sixth hour of John (comp. iv. 6) be taken into consideration only as the 
teme of day in question ; °—the variation must be left as it is, and the pref- 
erence must be given to the disciple who stood under the cross. Nor is the 
Johannean statement of the hour in itself improbable, since the various pro- 
ceedings in and near the praetorium, in which also the sending to Herod, 
(Luke xxiii. 7 ff., is to be included (see on xviii. 38), may probably have 
extended from πρωΐ, xviii. 28, until noon (in answer to Briickner) ; while 
the execution, on the adjacent place of execution, quickly followed the ju- 
dicial sentence, and without any intermediate occurrence, and the death of 
Jesus must have taken place unusually early, not to take into account the 
space which ὡσεί leaves open.’ For the way, however, in which even this 
statement of time is deduced from the representation of the paschal lamb as 


1JIn the Zeitschr. 7. Prot. u. Kirche, 1853, 
Oct. p. 260 ff., and Schrifibew. II. 2, p. 204 f. 

2 Eusebius, Beza, ed. 5, Bengel; accord- 
ing to Ammonius, Severinus, τινὲς in Theo- 
phylact, Petavius: an interchange of the 
numeral signs y and ¢. 

3In fact, it is precisely in the present 
passage that the inadmissibility of the 
Roman enumeration of hours in shown. 
For if Jesus was brought πρωΐ, xviii. 28, to 
the praetorium, it is impossible that after 
all the transactions which here took place, 
including the scourging, mocking, and also 
the sending to Herod (who questioned Him 
ἐν λόγοις ἱκανοῖς, Luke xxiii. 9, and derided 
Hiim), the case can have been matured for 
sentence as early as six o’clock in the 
morning, that is, at the end of about two, 
or at most three hours. 

4 Rettig, Tholuck, Olshausen, Krabbe, 
Hug, Maier, Ewald, Isenberg ; substantially 
so Wieseler, p. 414, who calls to his aid the 


first feast-day, Ex. xii. 29, which begins 
precisely at midnight. 

5 Calvin, Grotius, Jansen, Wetstein, and 
others, comp. Krafft, p. 147; see in opposi- 
tion, Mark xv. 33, 34. 

6 On this theory Hengstenberg forms the 
certainly very simple example: the com- 
bination of the statements of Mark and 
John yields the result, that the sentence of 
condemnation and the leading away falls 
in the middle, between the third and sixth 
hour, therefore avout 10.30 o’clock. Were 
this correct, the statements of both evange- 
lists would be incorrect, and we should 
avoid Scylla to fall into Charybdis.—Godet 
only renews the idle subterfuge that in 
Mark xv. 25 the crucifixion is reckoned 
Srom the scourging forwards. 

7 Comp. Marcus Gnost. in Irenaeus, Zaer. 
i. 14.6: τὴν ἕκτην ὥραν, ἐν ἣ προσηλώϑη τῷ 
ξύλῳ, 


510 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


an attempt to bring out the DIN 03, Ex. xii. 6 ; Lev. xxiii. 5; Num. 
ix. 3), see, in Weisse, Hvangelienfrage, p. 131. —ide ὁ βασιλ. ὑμῶν 1] Pilate is 
indeed determined, on ascending his judicial seat, to overcome his senti- 
ment of right ; but, notwithstanding, in this decisive moment, with his 
moral weakness between the twofold fear of the Son of God and of the 
Caesar, he still, before actually yielding, makes the bitter remark against 
the Jews : see, there is your king! imprudently, ineffectually, but at least 
satisfying in some degree the irony of the situation, into the stress of which 
he sees himself brought. 

Vv. 15, 16. The bitterness is still further embittered. To the impetuous 
clamour which demands crucifixion, the question of Pilate : your kingshall 
I crucify ? is only the feeble echo of ide ὁ Bac. ὑμ., Whereupon, with the 
decisive οὐκ ἔχομεν βασιλέα, x.7.2.,—ecisive, though treacherously denying 
the claim of the Hierarchy,—the again awakened fear of the emperor at 
last completely disarms the procurator, so that now thus (τότε οὖν) comes 
out the tragic and ignominious result of his judicial action.’— αὐτοῖς] to 
the chief priests, ver. 15. ΤῸ these Jesus was given over, and that as a matter 
of fact, not merely by the sentence of itself (Hengstenberg), that He might 
be crucified under their direction by Roman soldiers.2 Comp. viii. 28 ; 
Acts 11. 23, 111. 15. παρέδ. does not signify to yield to their desire (Grotius, 
B. Crusius, Baeumlein).—On crucifixion in general, see on Matt. xxvii. 35. 

Vv. 17, 18. The subject of παρέλαβον, which is correlative to παρέδωκεν, 
ver. 16, and of ἤγαγον, is necessarily, according to ver. 16, the ἀρχιερεῖς, not 
the soldiers (de Wette, B. Crusius, Hengstenberg, Baeumlein, and older ex- 
positors). The former are the persons * who act, which does not exclude 
the service and co-operation of the soldiers (ver. 23). — βαστ. ἑαυτῷ τὸν σταυρ. 
(see critical notes) : bearing for Himself the cross.t See on Matt. xxvi. 32. 
and Charit. iv. 2; and on Golgotha, on Matt. xxvii. 88. --- ἐντεῦθ. x. ἐντεῦθ.] 
Comp. LXX. Dan. xii. 5.6 On the thing itself, comp. Luke xxiii. 33. 
John gives peculiar prominence to the circumstance, adding further, μέσον 
δὲ 7. Ino. Whether, and how far, the Jews thus acted intentionally, is un- 
determined. Perhaps they scornfully assign to their ‘‘ king” the place of 
honour! That Pilate desired thereby to deride them, in allusion to 1 Kings 
xxii. 19 (B. Crusius, Briickner, Lange), we are not to suppose, since the 
subject of ἐσταύρ. is the Jews, under whose direction the crucifixion of the 
principal person takes place, and, at the same time, the two subordinate 
persons are put to death along with Him. Pilate first appears, ver. 19. 
Of special divine conceptions in the intermediate position assigned to the 
cross of Christ (see Steinmeyer, p. 176), John gives no indication. 

Vv. 19, 20. Ἔγραψε] Not a supplemental statement: he had written (de 


1 Χριστὸν ἑκὼν ἀέκων ἀδίκῳ παρέδωκεν ὀλέϑρῳ, who here gives only a compendious account, 
Nonnus. has passed over as a subordinate circum- 
2 Ver. 23, comp. Matt. xxvii. 26, 27. stance, not, as Scholten thinks, in con- 
3 By which also the fact is confirmed that formity with the idea that the Son of God 
John had not in his mind the first feast- needed no human help. 
day, which certainly possessed the author- 5 ἔνϑεν καὶ évdev, Herod. iy. 175; Soph. 
ity of the Sabbath. Ai. 725; Xen. Cyr. vi. 8, 3; 1 Macc. vi. 38, 
4 The assistance of Simon in this, John, ix. 45 ; 8 Mace. ii. 22, not Rev. xxii. 2. 


OHAP. XIX., 21-24. 511 


Wette, Tholuck), but : he wrote (caused to be written), while the crucifixion 
took place without ; and when it had taken place, he caused the τίτλος 
(solemn Roman expression for a public inscription, particularly for the tab- 
lets, naming the criminal and his offence, see Lipsius, de eruce, p. 101, and 
Wetstein), to be placed on the cross. He himself was not present at the 
crucifixion, Mark xv. 43, 44.—6 βασιλ. τῶν "Iovd.] Consistent bitterness in 
the designation of Jesus. Ver. 20. τῶν ᾿Τουδαίων] of the hierarchic party. — * 
ἐγγὺς ἦν, «.7.A.] See on Matt. xxvii. 33. — καὶ ἦν yeypayp., x.t.A.] No longer 
dependent on ὅτι, since τῶν ’Iovdaiwv, ver. 20, unlike ver. 19, is not to be 
taken in ageneral sense. It rather attaches to the first point, which explains 
the proposal of the ἀρχιερεῖς, ver. 21, to Pilate (τοῦτον... ᾽Τουδαίων, ver. 20), 
a second circumstance assigning its reason, namely: it (that which ran on 
the τίτλος) was written in three languages, so that it could be read by every- 
body, including foreigners. For an inscription, even in four, languages, on 
the tomb of Gordian, see in Jul. Capitolin. 24. 

Vv. 21, 22. The Jewish opponents of Christ have, with hiceaehe tact, 
deciphered the resentful bitterness in the τίτλος, hence the chief priests 
among them suggest to Pilate, etc. The expression οἱ ἀρχίερ. τ. ’Iovd. does 
not stand in contrast to the βασιλεὺς τ. ’Iovd. (Hengstenberg, Godet), but 
the high clerws of the opposition desired not to see the ancient sacred des- 
ignation of Messiah profaned.— μὴ ypade] The writing, because still capable 
of being altered, is conceived as not yet concluded. — ὃ γέγραφα, γέγραφα] 
Formal way of designating that with what is written the matter is unalter- 
ably to rest. Analogous formulae from the Rabbins, see in Lightfoot. 
Comp. also 1 Macc. xili. 38 ; ὅσα ἑστήκαμεν. . . ἕστηκε. Now, too late, he 
who was previously so weak in character stands firm. In this subordinate 
point at least he will have his own opinion, and not expose his weakness. 

Vv. 23, 24. Οὖν] again connects the history, after the intermediate narra- 
tive respecting the superscription, with ver. 18. — ἐσταύρωσαν] For they 
were the evecutioners of the crucifixion. —ra ἱμάτ. αὐτοῦ] His garments, with 
the exception, however, of the χιτών, which is afterwards specially men- 
tioned, the shirt-like under-garment. The account of John is more exact 
and complete than that of the Synoptics (Matt. xxvii. 35 ; Mark xv. 24 ; 
Luke xxiii. 34). — τέσσαρα] There. were accordingly four soldiers, the ordi- 
nary τετράδιον στρα τιωτῶν (Acts xii. 4). — ἐκ τῶν ἄνωθεν ὑφαντὸς dv ὕλου] From 
the top (where the button-hole was, ἀπ’ αὐχένος, Nonnus) woven quite through, 
throughout, so that thus the garment was a single texture, woven from 
above entirely throughout, without seam, similar to the priestly vestment 
in Joseph. Anté. 111. 7. 4.1— wa ἡ γραφή, x.7.2.] This casting of lots for the 
χιτών, after the division of the ἱμάτια, was not an accidental occurrence, but 
was in connection with the divine determination for the fulfilment of Scrip*- 
ure, which says, etc. The passage is Ps. xxii. 19, closely following the 
LXX. The suffering of the theocratic sufferer, in this psalm, is the pro- 
phetic type of the suffering of the Messiah. ‘‘ They have divided my gar- 


1See Braun. de vestitu Hebr. Ὁ. 342 ff. ; 1; Plut. Mor. p. 695f.; Bernhardy, p. 235; 
Rosenmiiller, Morgenl. V. p. 273 f. On the also δι᾿ ὅλων, Plat. Soph. Ὁ. 253 C, 
adverbial δι᾿ ὅλου, comp. Asclep. 16; Nicand. 


512 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
ments with one another (ἑαυτ. = ἀλλήλους, comp. Luke xxii. 17), and cast 
lots over my raiment,” —this complaint of the Psalmist, who sees himself as 
being already subjected to the death of a criminal, and the division of his 
garments among his executioners therewith connected, has found its Mes- 
sianic fulfilment in the corresponding treatment of Christ, in so far as lots 
have also been cast over (is raiment (in reality, over His under-garment). 
“In this fulfilment the χιτών was that portion of His clothing on which the 
ἐπὶ τὸν ἱματισμόν μου ἔβαλον κλῆρον was historically carried out ; but we are 
not, for this reason, to say that John took τὸν ἱματισμόν as equivalent to τ. 
χιτῶνα (Liicke, de Wette.) — oi μὲν οὖν στρατ. τ. ἐποί] Simple (reminding one 
of Herod., Xen., and others) concluding formula for this scene of the sol- 
diers’ proceedings. On μὲν οὖν, see on Luke ili. 18. --- ταῦτα] That related 
in vv. 23, 24. <A secret allusion,’ in these closing words (Hengstenberg, 
Godet), is arbitrarily forced upon them. 

Vv. 25-27. Another narrative, selected by John, and peculiar to him, as 
elevated and striking in its contents as it is simple and tender in form, and 
all the more unjustly relegated to the inventions made (Strauss, Baur, 
Schenkel) in the interest of John, although in the Synoptics (Matt. xxvii. 
56; Mark xv. 40) the women mentioned stand at ὦ distance, which stand- 
ing at a distance is to be placed after the present scene, not before, as Liicke 
and Olshausen, in opposition to the synoptical account, are of opinion, — 
ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ. Μαγδαληνή}] Are only three women here named (usual 
opinion), so that Μαρία ἡ τοῦ Κλωπᾶ is in apposition to ἡ ἀδελφή, K.T.a. 5 OF 
are there four,* so that Μαρία ἡ τοῦ Κλωπᾶ is to be taken by itself, and the 
women are brought forward in two pairs? The Syr. already interpreted in 
the latter mode, and hence inserted ἃ καί before Μαρία (as also Acth. and 
Pers.) ; so also have Lachm. (ed. min., not in the large edition) and Tisch. 
interpunctuated (without acomma after Κλωπᾶ). As it is highly improba- 
ble of itself, and established by no instance, that two sisters bore the same 
name,—as, further, it is in keeping with the peculiarity of John not to 
mention his own name, if he also does not mention his mother,* or even his 
brother James, by name (see on 1. 42), and as, according to Matt. xxvii. 56, 
Mark xv. 40, Salome was also among the above-named women, Wieseler’s 
view, which is absolutely not opposed by any well-founded doubts,* is to 





that consequently a hesitation might not 
exist in reference to naming him, as there 
did in the case of the mother, founded on 
a delicate and more spiritual considera- 


1 Hengstenberg: ‘‘ But the occupation 
itself stands under a secret direction, and 
sacred irony passes over irony to the side of 
profane irony.” Were Scholten coincides 


with Hengstenberg, supplying : ‘‘ who knew 
nothing of the O. T. etc.” 

2 Wieseler in the Stud. u. Krit. 1840, p. 
648 ff., Liicke, Lange, Ewald, Laurent, Vewt. 
Stud. p. 170 f. 

3 Tie does, indeed, name in xxi. 2 his 
father. But the latter appears so without 
participation in the evangelical history, 
that he might appear to John’s mind in his 
Christian relation, especially in the late 
period of the composition of the appendix, 
chap. xxi., more foreign and remote, and 


tion. — Scholten changes the mother into 
an allegorical person, in whom the Church 
is represented, to care for which was to be 
incumbent on John, not on Peter. So sub- 
stantially also Spiith in Hilgenfeld, Zei/schr. 
1868, p. 187. 

4 Insufficient objections in  Luthardt, 
Briickner, Baeumlein, Weizsiicker, and 
others. According to Euth. Zigabenus, 
Ebrard, Hengstenberg, and several others, 
ἀδελφή would signify stster-in-law. 


CHAP. KER, 20; 515 
be deemed not ‘‘a mere learned refinement” (Hengstenberg), but correct, so 
that thus the unnamed ἡ ἀδελφὴ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ is Salome, the mother of 
John. — ἡ τοῦ Κλωπᾶ] The wife of Klopas, according to Matt. xxvii. 56, Mark 
xy. 40, Luke xxiv. 10, mother of the younger James, hence Alopas is to be 
taken as Alphaeus, ‘D597, Matt. x. 8. According to Ewald, on the other 
hand, the mother of Kleopas, Luke xxiv. 18, and according to Beza: the wife 
of this Kleopas. — Maydad.] See on Matt. xxvii. 56. — That Jesus enjoins 
on John to care for Mary, although the latter had several sons of her own, 
is not sufficiently explained by the unbelief of the brothers (vii. 5), for His 
speedy triumph over this (Acts i. 14) could not be hidden from Him (ii. 24, 
25) ; but it presupposes the certainty in His mind that generally to no 
other’s hand could this dear legacy’ be so well entrusted. That Mary had 
no other sons (see in opposition to this vii. 3, and on Matt. i. 25) is, indeed, 
still inferred by Hengstenberg. For γύναι, comp. on 1]. 4. —The words to 
the disciple, behold thy mother, meet no stumbling-block in the fact that he 
had his own actual mother, nay, that she herself was also present (see on 
ver. 25), but leave his relation to the latter untouched, and form with the 
ide ὁ υἱός cov a parallelism, which expresses the filial care and protection 
which Mary, on the one hand, was to expect from John ; which John, on 
the other hand, was to exercise towards Mary. — καὶ am’ ἐκείνης τῆς ὥρας, K.T.A. | 
Not to be regarded as a parenthesis ; to be taken with strict literality, that 
John forthwith, after Jesus had accomplished His end upon the cross, en- 
tered on his charge. Whether and where he possessed a property of his own 
is matter of conjecture. If he received Mary into his dwelling, into his fam- 
ily circle, formed by Salome, and perhaps by his brother, εἰς τὰ ida (comp. 
xvi. 32), is the correct expression. Ewald well remarks on such traits of 
individual significance in the Gospel of John: ‘‘it was for him at a late 
period of life a sweet reward to call up reminiscences of all that was most 
vivid, but for the readers it is also, without his will, a token that only he 
could have written all this.” If, indeed, the designation of the disciple 
beloved by Jesus as a se/f-designation were a vanity (Scholten), nay, an arro- 
gant and scornful self-eraltation (Weisse), then it could not have been he 
who wrote all this. But the consciousness of pre-eminent love on the part 
of the Lord, true, clear, and still glowing with all intensity and strength, 
in the heart of the old man, is inconceivable without the deepest humility, 
and this humility, which has long since ceased to have anything in common 
with the feeling evinced in Mark x. 35 ff., Luke ix. 54, has precisely in that 
most simple of all expressions, ὃν ἠγάπα, its most correspondent expression 
and its necessary and sacred justification, which is as little to be passed over 
in silence, or to be denied, as is the consciousness of Paul, 1 Cor. xv. 10. 
Ver, 28, Μετὰ τοῦτο] Not indefinitely later, but after this scene with Mary 


tie that hitherto existed; by ¢hés death 
Jesus departed out of every naturally-con- 


1 This noblest blossom of dying piety is 
violently removed into a sphere foreign to 


it, if it is transported into dogmatic ground, 
as Steinmeyer, p. 200, does. According to 
him, the death of the Atoner for all men, 
as such, has completely cut asunder the 


ditioned individual fellowship, and like 
Melchizedek must also appear as ἀμήτωρ. 
Of such a meaning, John gives not the 
slightest indication. 


514 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

and John. — εἰδώς, «.7.4.] as He was aware (xiii. 1) that his death was 
already at hand, that with this all was now accomplished for fulfilling the 
predictions of Scripture regarding His earthly work, He now still desires, at 
this gaol of accomplishment, a refreshment, and says: J thirst. Accord- 
ingly, ἵνα ted. ἡ γραφή is to be referred to πάντα ἤδη τετέλ.} And this, 
because πάντα ἤδη τετέλ. allows no fulfilment of Scripture still remaining 
behind, and thus excludes the connection of iva ter. ἡ yp. with λέγει ; because 
τελειώθη is selected.simply for the sake of its reference to τετέλ. (it is the πλή- 
ρωσις of Scripture, to which now nothing more is wanting) ; and because John 
never makes the clause of purpose, ‘‘ that the Scripture might be fulfilled,” 
precede the clause of fulfilment, and even where a single definite fact is the 
fulfilling element, always actually adduces the passage of Scripture in 
question (xvii. -12 is a retrospective indication of a passage already before 
adduced). We must abandon, therefore, the ordinary interpretation,? which 
refers ἵνα τελ., «.7.4. to λέγει" διψῶ, as containing the scriptural ground of 
the thirst, to which Jesus gave expression, and of the drinking of the vinegar 
which was given to Him, and finds in Ps. lxix. 22 the passage intended ; 
where, moreover, the vinegar is the gift of scorn and malice, while here 
simply the quenching of thirst immediately before death is in question, with 
no ulterior purpose. — πάντα ἤδη τετέλ.] τουτέστιν ὃτι οὐδὲν λείπει TH οἰκονομίᾳ, 
Chrysostom ; ἡδη (already) points to the very early occurrence of His death 
(Nonnus : θοῶς). 

Vv. 29, 30. *Execro] as in ii. 6. The vessel was in readiness for the 
purpose of quenching the thirst of those crucified (who had always to suffer 
much therefrom), with sponge and stalk of hyssop, which were to serve for 
handing it up. — ὄξους] vinegar, i.e. small sour wine (from the skins of 
grapes already pressed), which served as a drink for labourers and soldiers. * 
Of the bitter stupefying drink, which Jesus had disdained to receive,* John 
saysnothing. On the drink tendered to him, Luke xxiii. 36, see in loc. — 
The subject of σπόγγον, x.7.2. is not named ; yct there can be no doubt about 
who are meant, the soldiers. — ὑσσώπῳ More exactly than in Matt. xxvii. 48, 
and since the hyssop grows stalks from 1 to 1} feet high,® such an one was 
fully sufficient to reach to the mouth of Jesus on the not lofty ° cross.” — 
αὐτοῦ τῷ στόματι] to His mouth. That the stalk was precisely of hyssop, is 
accidental ; as hyssop of scorning, in opposition to the hyssop of reconcilia- 
tion, Ps. li. (Hengstenberg), it is not to be thought of, since the tender of 
the drink in the present passage is certainly not an act of scorn. Moreover, 


3 Wetstein on Matt. xxvii. 34; Hermann, 
Privatalterth. § 26. 10. 


1 Cyril (?), Bengel, Michaelis, Semler, 
Thalem,, van Hengel (Annot. p. 62 ff.), 


Paulus, Tholuck, Hofmann, (Weissag. u.2rf. 
11. p. 146. On the other hand, Hofmann, in 
the Schriftbew. II. 1, p. 314, has altered his 
views, and connects ἵνα ted. ἡ yp. with 
λέγει), Luthardt, Lange, Baeumlein, Schol- 
ten, Steinmeyer. 

2 Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. Ziga- 
benus, Ruperti, and many others, including 
Liicke, de Wette, Briickner, Strauss, B. Cru- 
sius, Baur, Ewald, Wengstenberg, Godet. 


4 Matt. xxvii. 34, 835; Mark xv. 23, 24. 

5 Bochart, Hieroz. I. 2. 50; Celsius, Hiero- 
bot. I. Ὁ. 407 f. 

6 Salmasius, de cruce, p. 284. , 

7 Least of all with a dogmatic background, 
although Steinmeyer assumes that διψῶ isa 
request to His enemies, and thereby illustrates 
the Jove, which completed the act of atone- 
ment. This request, he thinks, only the 
dying Mediator could have made. 


CHAP: XIX) 31. 515 


it is precisely such non-essential special statements as these which have 
flowed from the most vivid recollection of an eye-witness. —reréAcoraz] 
Quite as in ver. 28, to be referred to the work of Jesus. Comp. xvii. 4. It 
is by Him brought to completion with this act of the last death-suffering. 
Further, Bengel aptly remarks: ‘‘ hoc verbum in corde Jesu erat, ver. 28, 
nunc ore profertur.” — rapéd. τὸ πν.} Le gave over (to God) His spirit, char- 
acteristic designation of dying, in conformity with that which dying was in 
Jesus’ case. It is the actual surrender of Ilis self-conscious Ego on the 
decease of the body ; the verbal surrender, Luke xxiii. 46,’ appears, since 
John has, instead of it, the simply grand concluding word τετέλεσται, to 
belong to the enlarging representations of tradition, but would, after the 
bowing of the head, be no longer suitable, and hence have to be assumed 
as following τετέλεσται. --- Note further, that the εἶναι εἰς τ. κόλπον τοῦ πατρός 
of i. 18 did not now take place, but through and after the ascension 
πε et 

Ver. 31. οὖν] Therefore, since Jesus was already dead. Their object was 
already attained ; so now the Sabbath also should still have its rights. 
‘* Magnifici honoratores Dei, cum in conscientia mala reposuissent sanguinent 
justi,” Ruperti. —iva μὴ μείνῃ, κιτ.λ.}1 Contrary to the Roman custom, of 
leaving the corpse to putrefy on the cross (comp. on Matt. xxvii. 58), on the 
part of the Jews, the injunction has to be applied respecting the removal of 
the hanged person, Deut. xxi. 22, 23,7 especially in the present case where 
with sunset the Sabbath began, and this a great Sabbath, and therewith a 
wish was expressed to see the crucified ones removed and interred in the 
interval before the beginning of the holy day. — παρασκευή] Because it was 
the day of preparation, namely, τοῦ σαββάτου, for the Sabbath. This refer- 
ence of παρασκ. necessarily follows from ἐν τῷ σαββάτῳ. But the parenthesis 
ἦν yap μεγάλη, x.t.2. indicates why they wished not to have the Sabbath, 
especially on that occasion, desecrated by the bodies remaining on the cross ; 
because great, i.e. pre-eminently holy (comp. vil. 37; Isa. i. 18), was the 
day of that Sabbath, because, that is, it was (not merely generally a Sab- 
bath in the Passover feast time, but) at the same time the jirst day of Pass- 
over the 15th Nisan. It was thus a Sabbath with twofold authority, since the 
first feast-day also had the character of a Sabbath (Lev. xxiii. 7-15). With 
a Quartodeciman usage of speech (Hilgenfeld) the designation of the Sab- 
bath in the present passage has nothing to do.* As the second feast-day, 
however, which is the day that results from the attempts at harmonizing (see 
on xviii. 28), it could only be termed μεγάλη, for the reason that on this day, 
i.e. the 16th Nisan, the feast of Sheaves took place, Lev. xxiii. 10 ff. (see 
especially Wieseler, p. 385 f., 344). But how could John have presupposed, 
in his readers, without any indication, a reference to this? These could 
explain to themselves the μεγαλότης of that Sabbath only from vey. 14, from 


rs 
fy 


1 Οὗ the seven words on the cross, only 43, 46), and John likewise three (xix. 26, 2 
Matt. xxvii. 46, according to Schenkel’s too 28, 30). 
rash conclusion, is to be considered as alto- 2 Comp. Joseph. Bell. iv. 5. 2. 
gether beyond doubt. Mark also has only 3 See Steitz in the Jahrb. 7. Deutsche Theol. 
this one (xy. 34), Luke has three (xxiii. 34, 1861, p. 118 ff. 


516 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

the fact, namely, that the παρασκενὴ τοῦ σαββάτου of which John speaks was 
at the same time, according to ver. 14, παρασκενὴ τοῦ πάσχα. ---ἵνα κατεαγῶσιν 
x.t.4.] For two were, indeed, still living, and also with respect to Jesus 
they had at least no certainty that He was actually dead. On the apparent 
contradiction with Mark xv. 44, 866 on ver. 38. The crushing of the legs with 
clubs (erucifragium, σκελοκοπία) Was to accelerate death (as John also mani- 
festly views it, comp. ver. 33), and that in a barbarous manner, in order 
to take nothing from the severity of the punishment.’ It also appears as 
a punishment by itself.? The addition of a finishing blow, by which (there- 
fore not by the crucifragium in itself) death was brought about, cannot be 
shown, least of all, from ver. 34, against Michaelis, Semler, Kuinoel, Hug.* 

Vv. 52, 33. To assume, on account of Mark xv. 39 (comp. Matt. xxvil. 
54), that these soldiers were others (sent out by Pilate) than those who had 
crucified Jesus,‘ is indicated by nothing in the text, where rather οἱ orpa- 
τιῶται are those already known. The ἦλθον is only pictorial, and the centurion 
does not come into consideration with John. — Since they came to Jesus 
last, we must suppose that two each began on the two sides of the three 
crosses. 

Ver. 34. The soldiers, when they saw, etc. The death of Jesus, in keep- 
ing with their attitude of indifference in the matter, had therefore been 
unobserved by them (in answer to Hengstenberg); they now omitted the 
leg-breaking in His case, as aimless in the case of one already dead. But 
one pierced Him with a lance in the side, Wherefore ? Not in order to ascer- 
tain whether He was actually dead ; for, according to the context, the thrust 
took the place of breaking the legs. Hence it must be assumed, according 
to the analogy of the latter, that the object of the thrust was to make quite 
sure of the death of Jesus, i.e. in case He should not yet be altogether dead, 
to put Him completely to death. —airod τ. πλευράν] His side. Which? is 
not clear ; but the /eft, if he who dealt the thrust stood before the cross, was 
was most naturally at hand. —?vvée] Neither the word itself (since νύσσειν 
ordinarily denotes violent thrusting or stabbing ; especially frequent in 
Homer,’ nor the person of the rude soldier, nor the weapon (lance, belong- 
ing to the heavy armour, Eph. vi. 11), nor the purpose of the thrust, nor 
the palpable nature of the opening of the wound, to be assumed, according 
to xx. 27, nor ἐξεκέντησαν, ver. 37, admit the interpretation, which is implied 
in the interest of an apparent death, of a superficial scratch (Paulus) —aiyua 
x. ὕδωρ] is, considering the difference and significance of the two substances, 
certainly not to be taken asa hendiadys (‘‘a reddish lymph, Paulus ὅ). 
6 To this conclusion Hofmann also (Weis- 


1 See Lactantius, Jnstit. div. iv. 26; 


Lipsius, de cruce, ii. 14. 

2 Suetonius, Aug. 67; Seneca, de ira, iii. 
32; and see generally Wetstein, also Lipsius, 
ad Plaut. Asin. ii. 4. 68. 

3 On the aorist form with syllabic aug- 
ment from κατάγνυμι, see Winer, p. 68 [Εἰ. T. 
p. 70]. 

4 Storr, Kuinoel, Olshausen, Maier, Lange. 

5 See Duncan, ed. Rost, p. 796. 


sag. u. Erfiill. ΤΙ. p. 148 f.) again involun- 
tarily returned, understanding wndecom- 
posed, still flowing blood, as a sign that the 
body of Jesus was exempt from corruption. 
See, in opposition, also Luthardt. But Hof- 
mann, in his Schriftbew. I. 1, p. 490, has re- 
nounced the above interpretation, and now 
has represented the matter thus : the bleed- 
ing away of the dead one had been so com- 


CHAP. XIX., 34. 517 


Whether the blood and water issued forth contemporancously or after one 
another, does not appear from the words. In the natural’ mode of regard- 
ing this twofold issue, it is thought either (1) that Jesus was not yet dead, 
but simply died in consequence of the thrust, which pierced the pericardium 
with its watery lymph, and at the same time the chamber of the heart, from 
which the blood welled,* to which, however, the mode of viewing it of 
the entire apostolical church is opposed, which was certain, and has the 
personal testimonies of Christ Himself to the fact, that in His crucifixion itself 
the putting to death wasaccomplished. Or (2) it is assumed that the blood 
had been decomposed in the corpse (Hase, Krabbe, and several others), so 
that serum, bloody water, and placenta, clots of blood, separately issued 
forth ; which separate outflow, however, of the constituent parts of blood 
cannot, in the case of a fresh body that had been healthy, be anatomically 
established. Or (9) the heart is considered, just as the Gruners suppose, as 
having been pierced through, though the death of Jesus is assumed to have 
already previously taken place,* as also Ewald,* the death of Jesus was a 
sudden breaking of the heart), holds to be most probable. Not substantially 
different is the view of the English physician William Stroud,® comp. Tho- 
luck, who, besides the cavity of the heart, brings into consideration also 
the two bags of the diaphragm, with the fact of their fluidity in corpses. 
This mode of regarding the matter renders unnecessary the entirely arbitrary 
theory of Ebrard, p. 563 ff., of exvtravasations and sugillations which the 
thrust occasioned,* and would be quite satisfactory if John had desired to 
give an account generally of a natural, physiological effect of the lance- 


thrust. 


plete, that at last not blood, but water 
flowed, and this was to the apostle a proof 
that Jesus’ corpse remained exempt from 
corruption, which begins with the decom- 
position of the blood. Comp. also Baum- 
garten, p. 423 f., and Godet. But so physio- 
logical an observation and conclusion is 
not to be adopted without some more 
precise indication; and of the complete 
bleeding away on which, finally, water 
flowed, the text says nothing, but speaks 
simply and solely of blood and water, which 
issued forth. 

1 Jn a natural way, but in a higher sense, 
Lange, II. p. 1614 f., explains the phe- 
nomenon from the process of change 
through which the body of Christ was pass- 
ing. A precarious expedient, in which not 
only is the possibility of a clear representa- 
tion wanting, but also the essential and 
necessary point of the reality of the death, 
as of the condition of separation from the 
body, is endangered, and instead of the 
death, the beginning of another modality of 
corporeal /ife is conceived; while, generally 
also, the process of this assumed change 
must have been passed through in a very 


But apart from the fact that he adduces nothing which would 


material way. Besides, the bedy of the 
Risen One had not yet been transformed 
(He still eats, still drinks, ete.), though 
altered and become more spiritual, but the 
transformation first begins at the ascension 
(comp. 1 Cor. xv. 51-53). A possible prepa- 
ration for this transformation from the 
moment of death onwards is beyond the 
scope of any more exact representation, 
and very precipitate is the conclusion that 
this preparation must also have announced 
itself by some sign in the wounded body. 

2So the two physicians Gruner in the 
Commentat. de Jesu Chr. morte vera non simu- 
lata, etc., Halle 1805. 

3 Beza, Calvin, Grotius, Wetstein, and 
several others. 

4 Gesch. Chr. Ὁ. 584. 

5 A Treatise on the physical cause of the 
deathof Christ, London 1847. 

6 They originated, he thinks, through 
the distension of the muscles, and from 
them the water issued ; but in penetrating 
deeper the lance also touched places of 
fluid blood. — But in this way not αἷμα καὶ 
ὕδωρ, but ὕδωρ καὶ αἷμα would have issued 
forth. 


518 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

allow us to think in idwp not of actual water, but of lymph (iyép), he desires 
to set forth the phenomenon manifestly as something entirely unexpected 
(note also the eidic), extraordinary, marvellous. Only thus is his solemn 
asseveration in ver. 385, and the power of conviction for the Messiahship of 
Jesus, which he finds in the truth of the ἐξῆλθεν, «.7.4., to be comprehended. 
To him it was not a subsidiary circumstance,’ which convinced the soldier who 
gave the thrust of the death of the Crucified One, but a miraculous σημεῖον, 
which further set forth that the corpse was that of the divine Messiah,’ of 
whose specific calling and work, blood and water are the speaking symbols, 
in so far, that is, as He has by blood brought the redemptive work to com- 
pletion, and by means of water (i.e. by means of the birth from above, which 
takes place through baptism, iii. 5) has appropriated it; a significance which 
Tholuck also esteems probable in the mind of the Evangelist. Comp. also 
Steinmeyer, who, however, ascribes to the water only the subordinate pur- 
pose, to place the blood under the point of view of the definite (purifying) 
operation. Luther: ‘‘ our redemption lies hidden in the miraculous work.” 
Comp. 1 John vy. 6, where, however, τὸ ὕδωρ, agreeably to the standard of 
the historical point of view (ἐλθών) stands first.» We must abide by this 
exegetical conclusion * (comp. Hengstenberg on ver. 37), and must renounce 
the demonstration of natural connection not less than in other miraculous 
phenomena of the evangelical history.° The jigurative interpretation or 
explaining away of the fact itself (Baur, p. 217 ff.: by reference to vil. 38, 
89: it is the representation, contemplated in a spiritual manner by the 
writer, of the idea that with the death of Jesus there immediately begins 
the tulness of spiritual life, which was to proceed from Him on behalf of 
the world) is only possible on the assumption that neither John nor He gave 
an historical account, as further Baur (see p. 272 ff.), whom Scholten follows, 
refers the entire narrative of the omission to break the legs, and of the side- 
thrust, simply to the dogmatic purpose of representing Jesus as the true 
Paschal lamb, and thereby the turning-point at which the O. T. economy of 


1 Ebrard, comp. Liicke on ver. 35, and 
Baeumlein. 

2 τρανῶς διδάσκον, ὅτι ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον ὃ νυγείς, 
Euth. Zigabenus. 

3 See also Weiss, Lehrbegr. p. 255. 

4¥Fathers and artists have decked it out 
in monstrous colours, ¢.g. Nonnus, διδύμαις 
λιβάδεσσιν, first blood, then θέσκελον ὕδωρ 
flowed ; Prudentius. Znchir. 42: both sides 
were pierced; from ove blood, from the 
other water flowed. Seealso Thilo, ad Cod. 
Apoer. Ὁ. 587 f. In the two substances the 
two sacraments were symbolically seen, as 
Augustine, Chrysostom, and many others ; 
Tertullian, Euth. Zigabenus, and several 
others saw therein the baptism of water 
and the baptism of blood. Comp. Cornelius 
ἃ Lapide in loc. Baptism and the Lord’s 
Supper bave also recently been found set 
forth in several ways in water and blood. 


See particularly Weisse, IT. p. 326 f. In this 
way historic truth is of course given up. 
Hilgenfeld, Hvang. p. 317: “Τὴ redemp- 
tive death is the condition of the Christian 
sacrament generally, which here in its two- 
fold form figuratively flows forth from the 
body of the crucified One.”’ This, he thinks, 
naturally suggested itself to John, since ac- 
cording to his representation Jesus was the 
true paschal sacrifice, the recognition of 
which in the Gentile world is brought into 
view by the lance-thrust of the Roman 
soldier. Other arbitrary explanations in 
Strauss. 

5 The symbolic signification in regard to 
the true expiatio, and the true davacrum, is 
also assumed by Calvin ; but he disputes the 
supernatural element in the fact : ‘‘ naturale 
enim est, dum coagulatur sanguis, omisso 
rubore fieri aguae similem.”” 


CHAP. X1X.,; 35. 519 


religion ceased to exist, and the new began, the essence of which is con- 
templated in the outflowing blood and water.’ 

Ver, 35. After μαρτυρία a comma only should be placed, and nothing 
should be put within a parenthesis, neither καὶ ἀληθινὴ... λέγει (van 
Hengel), nor x. ἀληθινὴ... oidev (Schulz), since the discourse progresses 
simply and without interruption by xai.—é éwpax.] placed first with 
great emphasis ; the correlate κἀκεῖνος has subsequently the like emphasis. 
116 who has seen it, not heard only from others, but himself has been an 
eye-witness, has testified it (herewith, ver. 34), namely, this outflow of 
blood and water. his was indeed the apparently so incredible thing, not 
also the omission of the leg-breaking. In the third person, in which 
John here speaks of himself while passing over His name, commentators 
have found betrayed the difference of the writer and the witness.2 Yet 
this is simply a misapprehension, discountenanced by the κἀκεῖνος οἶδεν, «.7.2., 
of the circumstantially solemn style that corresponds to the extraordinary 
importance which John attributes to the phenomenon. The ἐκεῖνος, that is to 
say, is the speaking subject himself presented objectively, identical therefore 
with the ἑωρακώς, which clearly appears from the context by the pres. λέγει, 
and the final clause iva x. iu. miot., especially also by the correlation of καὶ 
ὑμεῖς with the subject. Comp. on ix. 87. Hence we are by no means to 
assume that the secretary of the apostle speaks of him by ἐκεῖνος as of a third 
person,* but the apostle himself presents himself objectively as the ille. like a 
third person ; he may at the same time have employed another as amanuensis 
(which does not follow even from chap. xxi.)or not ; comp. xxi. 24. — ἀληθινή] 
placed with emphasis at the head of the clause (αὐτοῦ has then the next em- 
phasis) ; not, however, equivalent to ἀληθής, as is usually assumed, contrary 
to the constant usage of John (and the attribute of ἀλήθεια follows subse- 
quently), but : a genuine testimony is his witness, which corresponds in reality 
to the idea of a zaprypia—namely, for the very reason that he himself has 
seen what he testifies. Comp. on viii. 16.— iva] Neither to be taken as 
dependent on ὁ éwp. μεμαρτ. (Liicke), nor as independently : ‘and therefore 
should,” etc. (de Wette), but, as the position of the words requires, stating 
the purpose of λέγει : he knows that he says the truth—says that you also 
(his readers) may believe, as he himself has believed through that miraculous 
appearance, namely, on Jesus the Son of God. As frequently in John (comp. 
on ii. 11), πιστεύειν 15. also here not the entrance into faith, but a higher and 
stronger degree of faith, which one experiences, the πιστεύειν in anew and 
exalted potency. Comp. xxi. 31. Others, as Baeumlein, still have incor- 
rectly referred zor. merely to what was last mentioned as object, whereby 
in truth the comparison with John himself, which lies in καὶ ὑμεῖς, would 
not be at all appropriate, because John has seen (not merely believed) what 
took place. The solemn absolute πιστεύειν, with its destination of purpose, 
makes the assumption of special designs, which have been ascribed to John 
in his testimony of the outflow of blood and water, appear unwarranted, 


1See in opposition to Baur: Grimm in 2 Weisse, Schweizer, Késtlin, Hilgenfeld, 
the Stud. w. Writ. 1847, p. 181 ff., and 1849, p. Tobler, Weizsicker. 
285 ff. x 3’ Ewald, Jahrb, 10, p. 88. 


520 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN, 


namely, that he desired to prove the actual death of Jesus, especially in 
opposition to docetic error.* Doubts of a naturalistic and docetic kind might 
rather have derived support than been precluded by the enigmatic outflow, 
which excited the derision of Celsus, in Or. ii. 86. The Valentinians main- 
tained : ἐξεκέντησαν dé τὸ φαινόμενον, ὃ ἦν σὰρξ τοῦ ψυχικοῦ. ὃ 

Vv. 90, 37. Not without scriptural ground doI say : ἵνα x. ὑμεῖς πιστεύσητε; 
Sor that is accomplished, which I have just testified, vv. 388, 54, concerning the 
lance-thrust, which took the place of the omitted leg-breaking, in the con- 
nection of the divine determination for the fulfilment of the scriptural saying 
(γραφή as in xiii. 18) : a bone of Him shall not be broken (Ex. xii. 46 ; Num. 
ix. 12). To John as to Paul (1 Cor. v. 7) Christ is the antitype of the pas- 
chal lamb intended in the historical sense of that passage, in which Baur 
and Hilgenfeld of course find the formative factor of the history. Ps. 
xxxiv. 21 (Grotius, Briickner), because the passage speaks of the protection 
of life, cannot here be thought of.-—The second passage of Scripture, to which, 
moreover, the reader himself is left to supply the same telic connection, 
which was previously expressed by iva ἡ yp. wAnp., contains the O. T. pre- 
diction of the lance-thrust which has been narrated, so far as it concerned 
precisely the Messiah: they will look on Him whom they have pierced,—an ex- 
pression of the future, repentant, believing recognition of and longing for 
Him who previously was so hostilely murdered. The subject of the two 
verbs is the Jews (not the Gentiles), whose work the entire crucifixion gen- 
erally (comp. Acts ii. 23, 36), and thus indirectly the ἐκκέντησις also is. The 
passage is Zech. xii. 10, where the language is used of a martyr, who at a 
later time is repentantly mourned for. The citationis freely made from the 
original (so also Rev. i. 7), not from the LXX., who take 11? improperly : 
κατωρχήσαντο, have insulted.® John also follows the reading 178,° which 
Ewald also prefers. —eic¢ ὅν] Attraction = εἰς ἐκεῖνον ov, comp. vi. 29. To 
make εἰς ὅν dependent on ἐξεκέντ 7 corresponds neither to the original, nor 
to the Greek construction, according to which not ἐκκεντεῖν εἰς teva, but ἐκκ. 
τινα is said.® It always denotes pierce, stab. So also here. Jesus was not 
indeed killed by the lance-thrust, but this thrust formed, as its conclusion, 


1 Beza, Grotius, and many others. Stud. κι. Krit. 1849, Ὁ. 104, that the passage 
2 Hammond, Paulus, Olshausen, Ammo- of Zech. has a Johannean element for the 
nius, Maier, and several others. idea of the Messiah, because God identifies 
3 Hre ex Theod. 62. Himself with the Messiah, applies only to 


4 Asregards its essential substance quite the reading ὌΝ, which further Hofmann, 
undestroyed, not like a profane dish of Weissaqg. u. Erf. ΤΙ. p. 152 f., has sought, in a 
roast meat with bones broken in pieces, very tortuous way, to unite with the fol- 
was the paschal lamb to be prepared as a lowing accus. wR Ds; he is followed by 


sacrifice to God (Ewald, Alterth. Ὁ. 467f.; Luthardt: *t They will longingly look up to 


Knobel on Levy. i. 7). Any peculiar sym- me, after Him (i.e. expect, entreat of me 
dolical destination in this prescription (Bihr Fim) whom they,” ete. 


and Keil: to set forth the unity of those 7 Luther, after the Vulgate: “they will 
who eat) cannot be established, not even see into whom they have pierced; Baur: 
bya retrospective conclusion from 1Cor. ‘that they have, namely, pierced into Him 
Kylie from whose side blood and water flowed.” 

5 Aquinas, Theodotus, and Symmachus 8 Rey. i. 7; Judg. ix. 54; 1 Chron. x. 4; 
have also ἐξεκέντησαν, and rightly. Isa. xiv. 19; 2 Macc. xii. 6; Polyb. v. 56. 12; 


6 Not ὧς ; Umbreit’s observation in the xy. 33. 4, xxv. &. Ὧν 


GHAP; XIxX.; 38,:39. 521 


a part of the whole act of putting to death, and formed, therefore, the Mes- 
sianic fulfilment of the prophetic word.’ The LXX. have ἐπιβλέψονται πρός. 
The time of the fulfilment of this prophetic ὄψονται, «.7.4., is, as also in the 
original, that of the beginning of repentance and conversion ; comp. Vili. 28, 
xii. 32 ; not the day of judgment,* to which ὄψονται, with the mere accus., as 
in Rev. i. 7, not with εἰς, would be appropriate. — A word of Scripture, 
speaking specially of the outflow of blood and water, does not, indeed, stand 
at the command of John ; but if the facts themselves, with which this out- 
flow was connected, namely, the negative one of the non-breaking of the legs 
(ver. 36), and the positive one of the lance-thrust (ver. 37), are predicted, 
so also in the miraculous σημεῖον, by which the thrust was accompanied, is 
justly, and on the ground of Scripture (yap, ver. 36), to be found a special 
awakening of faith (ver. 35).—Schweizer, without reason, considers vv. 35- 
37 as spurious. 

Vy. 38, 39. Μετὰ ταῦτα] Vv. 32-34. The request of Joseph of Arima- 
thaea (see on Matt. xxvii. 57), that he might take away (apy) the corpse, 
does not conflict with ver. 81. For let it be noted that the expression in 
ver. 31 is passive, not stating the subject who takes away. The Jews, who 
make the request, presume that it would be the soldiers. Pilate had granted 
the request in ver. 31, and had charged the soldiers with its execution, con- 
sequently with the breaking of the legs, andremoval. The breaking of the 
leg they have in fact executed on the two who were crucified with Him, 
and omit it in the case of Jesus ; and as Joseph requests from the procurator 
that he may take away the body of Jesus, and obtains permission, the order 
for removal given to the soldiers was now recalled in reference to Jesus, and 
they had to remove only the other two. It is, however, very conceivable 
that Joseph had still time, after vv. 32, 34, for his request, since the soldiers 
after the crucifragium must certainly await the complete decease of. the 
shattered bodies, because it was permitted to remove only bodies actually 
dead from the cross. Thus there is neither here, and in ver. 31, a contra- 
diction with Mark xv. 44 (Strauss); nor does μετὰ ταῦτα form, as de Wette 
finds, ‘‘a great and hitherto unnoticed difficulty ;” nor are we, with Liicke, 
to understand ἄρῃ and ἦρε of the fetching away of the bodies (which the 
soldiers had removed), which involves a groundless departure from the sense 
given in ver. 31, and an unauthorized variation, from Luke xxiii. 58 ; 
Mark xv. 46. -- - τὸ πρῶτον] The jirst time,* 111. 2. Comp. x. 40. It does 
not exactly presuppose a subsequent still more frequent coming (in vii. 50 
also there is only a retrospective reference to what is related in chap. iii.), 
but may also be said simply with reference to the present public coming to 
the dead person, so that only the death of Jesus had overcome the previous 
fear of men on the part of Nicodemus. Myrrh-resin and aloe-wood, these 
fragrant materials (Ps. xlv. 9) were placed ina pulverized condition be- 
tween the bandages (ver. 40); but the surprising quantity (comp. Xil. 8) is 


1 On ὁράω εἰς, look upon, in the sense of Kiihner, ad Xen. Mem. iv. 2. 2. 
regard, desire, hope, etc., comp. Xen. Cy7. 2EKuth. Zigabenus, Grotius, and several 
iy. 1.20; Soph. #/. 913; Stanley, ad Aesch. others, comp. already Barnab. 7. 
Sept. 109. Just so ἀποβλέπειν εἰς Or πρός: 3 [Rather, αὐ the first.— K.] 


Dea THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


here explained from the fact that extraordinary reverence in its sorrowful 
excitement does not easily satisfy itself ; we may also assume that a portion 
of the spices was designed for the couch of the body in the grave, 2 Chron. 
xvi. 14. 

Vv. 40-42. Ἔν ὀθονίοις] In bandages, so that He was enveloped therein.’ — 
καθὼς ἔθος, x.7.A.] The custom of the Egyptians,’ ¢.g., was different ; amongst 
them the practice was to take out the brain- and the intestines, or at least 
to deposit the body in nitre for seventy days. —év τῷ τόπῳ] in the district, 
in the place. On ἐτέθη, used of the interment of bodies, comp. Stallbaum, 
ad Plat. Rep. p. 469 B.—The garden with the new grave, which as yet 
had been used for no other burial (and thereby worthy of the Messiah, 
comp. Luke xxiii. 53, xix. 30; Mark xi. 2), must have belonged to a pro- 
prietor, who permitted, or himself put it to this use. According to Matt. 
xxvii. 60, it belonged to Joseph himself ; but see in loc. — διὰ τὴν παρασκ.] 
Thus, on account of the haste, which the nearness of the commencing Sab- 
bath enjoined. Retrospect of ver. 31. — On the relation of the Johannean 
account of the ἐνταφιασμός of Jesus to Matt. xxvii. 59, and parallel * passages, 
see on Matt. 


Notre spy American EpirTor. 


LXVIa. ‘ For this reason, he who delivereth thee to me hath greater sin.” Ver. 11. 


Not “ the greater sin’ (as in the Rec. Ver.), which suggests, though it does 
not require, a comparison of the person’s sin not with that of another, but with 
his own under other circumstances. Here the former is the only right idea. 
The sin of the Jewish priest Jesus declares to be greater than that of 
Pilate ;—for the one who delivers Him up is here not Judas, but the high 
priest, Caiaphas. Meyer explains the difference in their guilt on the ground 
that while the Roman is an officer of government, one of the divinely ordained 
powers that be, to whom therefore it properly falls to sit in judgment upon 
Jesus, whom he knows merely as a common man, the high-priest, though also 
divinely ordained, has no rightful authority over Jesus, who, as Messiah, is his 
superior. This seems far-fetched and unsatisfactory. Rather, I think, Jesus 
recognizing Pilate as a duly authorized, and so to speak divinely commissioned 
magistrate, and thus standing on a level with the Jewish high-priest, and both 
being persons who would properly have cognizance of his case, the difference 
lies in the manner in which they execute their respective functions. In this the 
advantage lies decidedly with the Roman. He acts but passively and reluctantly 
in the matter. Hesimply receives for trial one whom the Jewish ruler has deliv- 
eredoverto him. His conduct, though criminal, is far less criminal than that of 
the hierarchical zealot who has taken the initiative, who has thrown into unwill- 
ing hands, and given over for trial and condemnation, one whom he knew, or 
ought to know, to be innocent of crime. 


1 Plato, Legg. ix. p. 882 B; Pol. viii. p. 567 the apostolical origin of our Gospel, Nico- 


Ὁ; Judith xvi. 8. demus is identical with Joseph of Arima- 
2 Herod. ii. 86 ff. thaea, and the ἐνταφιασμός in the present 
3 According to Krenkel, in Hilgenfeld, passage is unhistorical. 


Zeitschr. 1865, p. 438 ff., implying a denial of 


CHAP) XX 5 Los 523 


CHAPTER XX. 


Ver. 11. τῷ μνημείῳ instead of the Recepia τὸ μνημεῖον, is decisively attested. 
— ἔξω] stands in B. O. X. A. 8.** 1, 33, Verss. Fathers before κλαίουσα, but is 
wanting in A, 8.* Verss. Lachm. It is to be placed before κλαίουσα ; so also 
Tisch. Being unnecessary in itself, it came to be readily passed over, consid- 
ering the like final vowel of τῷ μνημείῳ ἔξω, and partially again restored in the 
wrong place. — Ver. 14. ταῦτα] Elz. : καὶ ταῦτα, against decisive witnesses (of 
which L. has ταῦτα dé). — Ver. 16. ‘Efpaiori] is wanting in Elz., and bracketed 
by Lachm., but so strongly attested, that it was far more probably passed over 
as superfluous and self-intelligible, than added to the text. — Ver. 17. μου] after 
the first πατέρα is wanting in Β. D. δὲ, Codd. It. Or. (twice as against thrice) 
Chrys. Epiph. Deleted by Tisch., bracketed by Lachm. Was more readily 
added from the surrounding context than omitted, hence the omitting wit- 
nesses are strong enough for its deletion. — Ver. 18. ἀπαγγέλλουσα] Lachm. and 
Tisch. : ayyéAdovoa, according to A. B. J. X. &. Codd. It. Since other impor- 
tant witnesses have ἀναγγέλλ., and copyists were not conversant with the simple 
form (it is not elsewhere found in the N. T.), ἀγγέλλ. is to be preferred. — Ver. 
19. συνηγμένοι] after wa. is by Lachm. and Tisch. deleted, on decisive testimo- 
nies. A more exactly defining gloss. — Ver. 21. ὁ ’Ijcovc]is omitted by Tisch., 
and, considering the frequency of the addition on sufficient testimonies, justly, 
— Ver. 23. ἀφίενται] Lachm. : ἀφέωνται. The weight of testimony is very much 
divided ; ἀφέωνται, however, was the more readily introduced for the sake of 
uniformity with κεκράτ., the more familiar it was to copyists from the Synop- 
tics. — Ver. 25. Instead of the second τύπον, Lachm. and Tisch. have τόπον. So 
A. J. Curss. Vulg. Codd. It. Syr. Pers. Or. Hil. Ambr. Aug. Correctly ; τύπον 
was mechanically repeated, while the design of the different words was 
left unnoticed. —Vv. 28, 29. Before arexp., Elz. has καί: before Owude: 
ὁ: and before πεπίστ., Θωμᾶ. Merely additions contrary to decisive witnesses, 
as also αὐτοῦ also after μαθητ., ver. 30, is, on important testimonies, to be, with 
Lachm. and Tisch., deleted. 


Vy. 1, 2. On the designation of the first day of the week by μία τῶν σαββ., 
as well as on the irreconcilable deviation of John,’ who (‘‘ for brevity’s sake !” 
Hengstenberg, indeed, thinks) makes only Mary Magdalene go to the grave, 
from the Synoptics, see on Matt. xxviii.1. Of a hastening beforehand on the 
part of Mary, in advance of the remaining women (Luthardt, Lange, Ewald), 
there is no trace in the text. But when Luthardt even is of opinion that 
John, from the point of view of placing over against the consummation of 


1 In no section of the evangelical history ment of the differences between John and 
have harmonists, with their artificial mo- the Synoptics, as also between the latter 
saic work, been compelled to expend more amongst themselves, is impossible, but the 
labour, and with less success, than in the grand fact itself and the chief traits of the 
section on the resurrection. The adjust- history stand all the more firmly. 


524 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Jesus Himself the perfecting of the disciples’ faith, could not well have 
mentioned the other women (why not ?), this would be a very doubtful com- 
pliment to the historical truth of the apostle ; and equally doubtful, if he 
left other women without mention only for the reason that he heard the jirst in- 
telligence from the mouth of the Magdalene (Tholuck). The reason, borrowed 
from οἴδαμεν, for the supposed plurality of the women is abundantly out- 
weighed by oida, ver. 18. — σκοτίας ἔτι οὔσης] Consequently not after sunrise, 
Mark xvi. 2. Seezuloc. ‘‘ Ostenditur mulieris sedulitas,” Grotius. — εἰς τ. 
pon. | to the grave ; comp. xi. 81, 388. — ἐκ τοῦ prnu.| The stone had jilled the 
opening of the grave outwards. — καὶ πρὸς, x.7.2.] From the repetition of πρός, 
Lengel infers : ‘‘non una fuisse utrumque discipulum.” ’— ὃν ἐφίλει) Comp. 
xi, 8, of Lazarus. Elsewhere of John : ὃν ἠγάπα, xix. 26, xxi. 7, 20. With 
ἐφίλει the recollection speaks with more feeling. -- οἴδαμεν] The plur. does 
not presuppose that Mary had gone not alone to the grave, which is opposed 
to the account of John, but in her excitement she includes also the disciples, 
with whom she was speaking, and generally those also who stood nearer to the 
Crucified One, along with herself, although they as yet knew nothing of the 
removal itself. She speaks with a certain self-forgetfulness, from the con- 
sciousness of fellowship, in opposition to the parties to whom she attributes the 
ἦραν. Note, further, how the possibility of His having arisen remains as yet 
entirely remote from hermind. Not a word of any angelic communication,? 
etc., which some, of course, seek prudently to cover by an intention on 
John’s part to be concise (see especially Hengstenberg). — The harmonists, 
who make Mary to have only hastened on before the rest of the women, must 
lead them to Peter and John by another way than that which she followed, 
But surely it would have been most natural for her, in the first instance, to 
run to meet her companions who were following her, with the marvellous 
news, which, however, with Ewald, who makes the plur. οἴδαμεν indicate 
this, could only be read between the lines. 

Vv. 3, 4. Note the alternation of aorists and pictorial imperfects ; comp. 
iv. 30. —Luke xxiv. 12 mentions only Peter ; but comp. also Luke xxiv. 
23. See in loc. The more rapid running of John, and then, again, the 
greater boldness of Peter, vv. 5, 6, are individual traits so characteristically 
original, that here (comp. on xviii. 15) it is highly inappropriate to charge 
the writer with an intention to place John before Peter (Strauss), or 
with the endeavour at least not to allow John, as opposed to Peter, to 
stand in the background (Baur).* — τάχιον τοῦ Π.] Love impelled both, and 
gave wings to their steps ; but the youthful John ran more quickly forwards * 
than Peter, whose consciousness of guilt (Lampe, Luthardt), especially after 
lis bitter repentance, hardly restrained his running, as little as it withheld 
him, ver. 6, from stepping before John. Euth. Zigabenus is simply cor- 


rect Σ ὡς ἀκμαιότερος τὸν τόνον τοῦ σώματος. 


1 But comp. ver. 8, and see, generally, 4 ff., xxiv. 23. 


Buttmann, Neut. Gr. Ὁ. 293 f. [E. T. p. 340 3 This also in answer to Spith in Hilgen- 
ff.]; comp. also Kithner, ad Xen. Mem. i. 2. feld, Zettsch7, 1868, p. 189 f. 
52, ἐν Ὅν 3. 4 rpoedp., comp. Xen. Anabd. ἵν. 7. 10. 


2 


Matt. xxviii. 2; Mark xvi. 5; Luke xxiv. 


CHAR OS. Woe LO: δῦ 


Vv. 5-8. John is withheld by natural terror (not dread of pollution, as 
Wetstein, Ammon, and several others think) from going in at once ; the 
bolder and older Peter, however, goes in, and then, encouraged by his ex- 
ample and presence, John also enters. — Note how earnestly the fourth 
+ospel also states the fact of the empty grave, whichis by no means veiled in 
the darkness of a twilight investigation, and of the reports of the women 
(Weizsiicker). — βλέπει, he sees ; on the other hand, ver. 6, θεωρεῖ, he contem- 
plates.‘—ra ὀθόνια] The handkerchief (ver. 7) must consequently have so 
lain, that it did not meet the eye of John, when he, standing before the 
grave, bent down (παρακύψας), 1.6. bowed his head forward through the low 
entrance in order to see within.” Observe, further, that τὰ ὀθόν. here in ver. 
6 is placed first (otherwise in ver. 5) in contrast with τὸ covdapiov. — τὸ σουδάρ.] 
xi. 44 ; Luke xix. 20. — χωρίς] used adverbially (separatim) only here in the 
N. T.; very frequent in the Greek writers. — εἰς ἕνα τόπον] belongs to ἐντε- 
τυλιγμ. : wrapped up* in one place apart, so that it was not, therefore, lying 
along with the bandages, but apart in a particular place, and was not spread 
out, but folded together. In so orderly a manner, not in precipitate confu- 
sion, did that take place which had been here done. In ἕνα is implied that 
the ὀθόνια and the handkerchief occupied two places. How thoroughly does 
this whole pictorial representation, comp. with Luke xxiv. 12, reveal the 
eye-witness !— εἶδε] Namely, the state of matters in the grave just related. 
— ἐπίστευσεν] that Jesus was risen. Comp. ver. 25. This, the grand object 
of the history, taken as a matter of course, and, from these unmistakable 
indicia, now bringing conviction to the disciples, and see ver. 9. Hence 
neither generally : he believed on Jesus as the Christ, as in xix. 35,‘ nor 
merely : he believed that which Mary, ver. 2, had said.’ The articles left be- 
hind in the grave and laid aside, as related, in so orderly a manner, testified, 
in truth, precisely against a removal of the corpse.* The singular only satis- 
fies the never-to-be-forgotten personal experience of that moment, but does 
not exclude the contemporaneous faith of Peter also (in answer to Hilgen- 
feld and others), as is, moreover, unmistakable from the following plur. 
ἤδεισαν, although even Hengstenberg makes Peter, in conformity with Luke 
xxiv. 12, remain standing only in amazement (in which Godet also substan- 
tially follows him), but of which John says never a word. 

Vv. 9, 10. Τάρ] Had they already possessed this understanding of Script- 
ure at that time, the inspection made in the empty grave would not have 
been needed, that there might be faith in the accomplishment of the resur- 
rection. —érz] εἰς ἐκεῖνο, ὅτι. See on ii. 18, ix. 17, xi. 51, xvi. 9. -- --δεῖ] 
Divine necessity. Comp. Luke xxiv. 26, 44, ix. 22. This knowledge of 
Scripture (comp. 1 Cor. xv. 4) first arose in their minds by means of the 
Risen One Himself,’ and subsequently in completeness through the outpour- 





1 See Tittmann, Synon. Ὁ. 111 f., 120 f. Clarius, Grotius, Bengel, Ebrard, Baeum- 
ΣΟ SRT Ve los ΒΡ ὐχπὶ. 959. Χῆν eas lein, and several others, following Augus- 
Lucian, Paras. 42, ef al., Aristoph., Theocr., tine and Theophylact. 
Plutarch, ete. δ See Chrysostom, Euth. Zigabenus, Non- 
3 Aristoph. Plut. 692; Nub. 983. nus. 
4 Hengstenberg, Godet. T Luke xxiv. 27, 46 ff.; Acts i. 3. 


5 Erasmus, Luther, Aretius, Jansen, 


526 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


ing of the Spirit (Acts ii. 24 ff.). Moreover, the personal previous declara- 
tions of Christ concerning His resurrection first became clear to them ex 
eventu (11. 21, 22); hence they are not indeed to be called in question, but 
they (comp. x. 17, 18) cannot have been so definitive in their purport as in 
the Synoptics (see on Matt. xvi. 21). —oiv] Since they had now convinced 
themselves of the fact of the resurrection, they must now await further 
events. —xpoc¢ ἑαυτούς) home, πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτῶν καταγωγήν, Euth, Zigabenus. 
Comp. Luke xxiv. 12 and Kypke thereon, also Wetstein on the present pas- 
sage. 

Vv. 11-18. Mary has followed to the grave the two disciples who ran 
before, but does not again meet them, (they must have gone back another 
way), and now stands weeping at the grave, and that without, for she dares 
not go further. Yet she bends down in the midst of her weeping, involun- 
tarily impelled by her grief, forward into the grave (see on ver. 5), and be- 
holds two angels, etc. On the question of these : τί κλαίεις, AMmonius cor- 
rectly observes : ἐρωτῶσι dé, οὐχ ἵνα μάθωσι, ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα παύσηται. --- Appearances 
of angels, whom Schleiermacher indeed was here able to regard as persons 
commissioned by Joseph of Arimathaea,’ are certainly, according to Script- 
ure, not to be relegated into the mere subjective sphere ; but they communicate 
with and render themselves visible and audible simply and solely to him 
for whom they are real, while they are not perceptible by others (comp. 
xii. 29); wherefore we are not even to ask where the angels may have been 
in the grave during the presence of Peter and John (Griesbach thought : 
in the side passages of the grave). --- ἐν λευκοῖς] Neut.: in white. That 
ἱμάτια are meant is a matter of course.* Clothed in white, the pure heavenly 
appearances, in keeping with their nature of light, represent themselves to 
mortal gaze.*— ὅτε ἦραν) Because they, etc. As yet the deep feeling of 
grief allows no place for any other thought. Of a message from angels, 
already received before this, there is no trace in John. The refrain of her 
deeply sorrowful feeling : they have taken away my Lord, etc., as in ver. 2, 
was still unaltered and the same.—On the nwmber and position of these 
angels the text offers no indications, which, accordingly, only run out into 
arbitrary invention and fancy, as e.g. in Luthardt : there were two in an- 
tithesis to the two jointly-crucified ones ; they had seated themselves 
because they had no occasion to contend ; seated themselves at the head 
and at the feet, because the body from head to feet was under the protection 
of the Father and His servants. 

Vv. 14, 15. Her conversation with the angels is interrupted, as she turns 
round and—sees Jesus standing by, but unrecognized by her. — ἐστράφη εἰς 
τ. ὀπίσω] Whether accidentally only, or as seeking after her Lord, or 
because she heard the rustle of some one present, is not clear. Unauthor- 
ized, however, is the view of the scene adopted by Chrysostom, Theophy- 
lact, and Euth. Zigabenus, that the angels, on the sudden appearance of 
Jesus, had expressed their astonishment by their mien and gestures, by 


1 ΤΟ Jp. 471. stein in loc. 
*See Winer, p. 550 [E. T. p. 591]; Wet- 3 Comp. Ewald, ad Apoc. Ὁ. 126 f. 


CHAP. xx., 16-18. 527 


which Mary’s attention had been aroused. ——xai οὐκ ἤδει, «.7.2.] The un- 
familiar clothing, her own troubled and weeping look, and, along with 
this, the entire remoteness from her mind of the thought of the accom- 
plished resurrection—all this may have contributed to the non-recognition. 
The essential cause, however, is to be found in the mysterious alteration of 
the corporeity and of the appearance of Jesus, which manifests itself from 
Ilis resurrection onwards, so that He comes and disappears in a marvellous 
way, the identity of His person is doubted and again recognized, etc. See 
on Matt. xxviii. 17. That John imagined a withholding of her vision, as in 
Luke xxiv. 16,’ is in nowise indicated. Again, the ἐν ἑτέρᾳ μορφῇ, Mark xvi. 
12, does not apply here. — ὁ xyrovpéc] Naturally, since this unknown person 
was in the garden, and already so early. Quite unnecessary, however, is the 
trivial assumption that He had on the clothing of the gardener,* or : He was 
clothed with the Join-cloth, a piece of raiment used for field and garden 
labour, in which He had been crucified (altogether without evidence, comp. 
on xxi. 18).*— κύριε] Address out of her deeply prostrate and helpless 
grief. — ci] With emphasis, in retrospect of ver. 18. — αὐτόν] She presumes 
that the supposed gardener has heard her words just spoken to the angels. 
— κἀγὼ abr. apo] in order to inter Him elsewhere. Her overflowing love, in 
the midst of her grief, does not weigh her strength. ‘‘ She forgets every- 
thing, her feminine habits and person,” etc., Luther. 

Ver. 16. Jesus now calls her by name. Nothing more. By the voice, and 
by this voice, which utters aloud her name, she was to recognize Him, — 
στραφεῖσα] She had therefore, after ver. 14, again turned towards the grave. 
— paBBovvi] See on Mark x. 51. — The ‘Efpaiori is, indeed, matter of course, 
and in itself is superfluous ; but in this circumstantiality there lies a certain 
solemnity in the delineation of the impressive moment. Note how, on the 
mention of her name, there follows nothing further on her side also, except 
that she utters the expressive Rabboni! More she cannot in the press of her 
joyful surprise. Thus took place the ἐφάνη πρῶτον Μαρίᾳ τῇ Mayd., Mark 
xvi. 9. 

Vv. 17, 18. Mary sees: it is the Lord. But affected and transported in 
he highest degree by His miraculous appearance, she knows not: is it He 
bodily, actually come forth out of the grave,—again become corporeally 
alive and risen? Or is it, on the other hand, His glorified spirit, which has 
been already raised up to God, and which again has descended to appear to 
her, so that He has only the bodily form, not the corporeal substance ? 
Therefore, to have the certainty which her love-filled heart needed in this 
moment of sudden, profoundest emotion, she would take hold of, handle 
’ Him, in order by fecling to obtain the conviction which the eye alone, in 
presence of this marvellous happiness, could not give her. This, however, 
Jesus prevents : touch me not / and gazing into her soul, gives her, by His 
own assurance, the certainty which she seeks, adding, as a reason for that 
repulse : for I am not yet ascended to the Father, therefore, as yet, no glori- 


1 Calvin, Grotius, comp. already Ammo- others. 
nius. 3 Hug’s invention in the Freid. Zeitschr. 
2 Kuinoel, Paulus, Olshausen, and several VIi. p. 162 ff., followed by Tholuck. 


528 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

fied spirit who has again come down from heaven whither he had ascended.’ 
[See Note LXVII. p. 587.] She would touch the Lord, as Thomas did sub- 
sequently, not, however, from unbelief, but because her faith strives after a 
definiteness with which her love cannot dispense. Only this interpretation, 
which is followed also by Baeumlein, strictly corresponds to the words gen- 
erally, especially also to the γάρ, which assigns a reason, and imports no 
scenic accompaniments into the incident which are not in the passage ; for 
ἅπτου leaves the reader to suppose nothing else that Mary desired to do, 
save simply the mere ἅπτεσθαι, therefore no embracing and the like. But 
scenic accompaniments are imported, and go far beyond the simple ἅπτου, if 
it is assumed that Mary clasped the knees of Jesus,’ and desired, as supplex, to 
manifest her προσκύνησις to Him, as to a Being already glorified and returned 
from God,* or as venerabunda.* This could not be expected to be gathered 
by the reader from the mere noli me tangere ; John must, in that case, have 
said, μὴ ἅπτου pov γονάτων, OY μὴ γονυπέτει με, ΟΥ̓ μὴ προσκύνησόν μοι, OY the like, 
or have previously related what Mary desired,’ to which it may be added, 
that Jesus elsewhere does not refuse the προσκύνησις ; comp. especially Matt. 
XXviii. 9. He does not, indeed, according to Luke xxiv. 39, repel even the 
handling, but invites thereto ; but in that instance, irrespective of the doubt- 
fulness of the account, in a historical point of view, it should be noted (1) 
that Jesus, in Luke, loc. cit. (comp. John xx. 24 ff.), has to do with the 
direct doubt of His disciples in the reality of His bodily appearance, which 
doubt he must expressly censure ; (2) that in the present passage, a woman, 
and one belonging to the narrower circle of His loving fellowship, is alone 
with Him, to whom He might be disposed, from considerations of sacred 
decorum, not to permit the ἅπτεσθαι desired in the midst of overflowing 
excitement. How entirely different was the situation with the sinning 
woman, Luke vii. 37 (in answer to Briickner’s objection) | Along with the 
correct interpretation of ἅπτεσθαι, in itself, others have missed the further 
determining of the sense of the expression, either in this way : Jesus for- 
bade the handling, because His wounds still pained Him (Paulus) ! or : 
because His new, even corporeally glorified life was still so delicate, that 
He was bound to keep at a distance from anything that would disturb it (so 
Olshausen, following Schleiermacher, Festpred. V. p. 303) ; or : because 
He was still bodiless, and only after His return to the Father was again to 


1 Τὴ οὔπω γάρ, K.T.A., is expressed, there- 
fore, not ‘the dread of permitting a con- 
tract, and that which was thereby intended, 
before the ascension to the Father should 
be accomplished” (Briickner) ; but Jesus 
means thereby to say that Mary with her 
ἅπτεσθαι already presupposed in Him a con- 
dition which had not yet commenced, be- 
cause it must have been preceded by His 
ascension to the Father. 

2 Comp. the frequent ἅπτεσθαι γούνων in 
Homer, Od. a. 512, 0. 76, φ. 65, . 357, ef al. 

3 My first edition. 


4So Liicke, Maier, Lange, Hilgenfeld, 


comp. Ewald. 

5 This also in answer to Baur, who thinks 
that Jesus was precisely on the point of 
ascending (see on ver. 18), and therefore 
did not wish to allow Himself to be detained 
by Mary falling at His feet. Comp. K6stlin, 
p. 190; Kinkel in the Stud. u. Krit. 1841, p, 
597 ff.—Among the ancient interpreters I 
find the strict verbal rendering of ἅπτεσθαι 
most fully preserved in Nonnus. who even 
refers it only to the clothing: Mary had 
approached her right hand to His garment ; 
then Jesus says: ἐμῶν μὴ Wave χιτώνων. 


CHAP. XX. 175,18. 529 


obtain a body (Weisse). There is thus introduced what is certainly not con- 
tained in the words (Paulus), what is a thoroughly imaginary supposition 
(Paulus, Olshausen), and what is in complete contradiction to the N. T. idea 
of the risen Christ (Weisse). Others take the language as an urging to hasten on 
with that which is immediately necessary ;* she is not to detain herself with the 
ἅπτεσθαι, since she can see and touch Him still at a later period ;* by which, 
however, an arbitrarily adopted sense, and one not in keeping with the sub- 
sequent ἀναβαίνω, x.r.2., would be introduced into the confirmatory clause, 
nay, the prospect opened up, in reference to the future tangere, would be 
inappropriate. Others, that Jesus demands a greater proffer of honour ; for 
as His body has already become divine, the ordinary touching of feet and 
mode of intercourse is no longer applicable (Chrysostom, Theodore of 
Mopsuestia, Theophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, Erasmus, Jansen, and several 
others). How inept in itself, and illogical in reference to the following 
οὔπω yap, x.7.A.! Others: it wasa refusal of the enjoyment now sought in 
His appearance, which as yet is untimely, and is to take place not ‘‘ terrestri 
contactu,” but spirituali,? by which, however, the proper contents, consti- 
tuting the essence of the supposed sense, is arbitrarily read between the 
lines. Others still differently, as e.g. Ammon : Jesus desired to spare Mary 
the touch of one levitically unclean ! and Hilgenfeld, Huang. p. 318 : the 
refusal of the reverential touch was made by Jesus, for the reason that He 
was not yet the man again united with the Logos, but at present only the 
Man raised again from His grave.‘ Both interpretations are entirely foreign 


1 At this conclusion Hofmann also arrives, 
Schriftbew. 11. 1, p. 524: Mary is not, in her 
joy at again having Jesus, to approach and 
hang upon Him, asif He had appeared in 
order to remain, but was to carry to the dis- 
ciples the joyful message, etc. But even 
with this turn the words do not apply, and 
the thought, especially that He had ap- 
peared not fo remain, would be so enig- 
matically expressed by οὔπω γάρ, x.7.A., that 
jit could only be discovered by the way, in 
nowise indicated, of an indirect conclusion. 
That ἅπτεσθαι may denote altach oneself, 
Fasten oneself on (comp. Godet: *‘s’attacher 
a”), is well known; but just as frequently, 
and in the N. T. throughout, it means take 
hold of, touch, handle, also in 1 Cor. vii. 1; 1 
John y. 18. 

2 So, with a different explanation in other 
respects of ἅπτεσθαι itself, Beza, Vatablus, 
Calovius, Cornelius & Lapide, Bengel, and 
several others. 

3 Melanchthon, Calvin, Aretius, Grotius, 
and several others ; substantially also, but 
under various modifications, Neander, de 
Wette, Tholuck, Luthardt, Lange, Baum- 
garten, Hengstenberg, Godet. Melanch- 
thon: ‘‘Reprehenditur mulier, quod de- 
siderio humano expetit complexum Christi 
et somniat eum revixisse ut rursus inter 
amicos yvivat ut antea...j; nondum scit, 


fide praesentiam invisibilis Christi deinceps 
agnoscendam 6556." So substantially also 
Luther. According to Luthardt, Mary 
would grasp, seize, hold Jesus fast, in order 
to enjoy His fellowship and satisfy her 
love. This Jesus denies to her, because at 
present it was not yet time for that; abid- 
ing fellowship as hitherto will first again 
commence when He shall have ascended, 
consequently shall have returned in the 
Paracelete ; it will not then be brought 
about corporeally, but the fellowship will 
be in the Spirit. According to Baumgar- 
ten, arenewed bodily fellowship is promised 
to Mary, but completely freed from sin, 
and sanctified by Christ’s blood. Accord- 
ing to Hengstenberg, Mary would embrace 
Jesus in the opinion that now the wall of 
separation between Him and her has fallen ; 
but the Lord repels her, for as yet His glo- 
rification is not completed, the wall of sepa- 
ration still in part subsists, etc. Godet: 
‘It is not yet the moment for thee to atfach 
thyself to me, as if I were already restored to 
you. ForI amnot as yet arrived at the 
state in which I shall be able to contract 
with my disciples the superior relation 
which I have promised to you;” thus sub- 
stantially like Luthardt. 

4In his Zeitschr. 1868, p. 436, Hilgenfeld 
modifies his interpretation to the extent that 


530 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


to the meaning. Scholten’s view (p. 172) is also an impossibility, as if 
Jesus had said οὔπω μὲν yap, x.7.A., aS one already glorified. Conjectwres 
even have been attempted ; Vogel : μὴ σὺ πτόου, Gersdorf and Schulthess : 
μου ἅπτου, OF σύ μου ἅπτου. --- πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφ. μου] This designation of the 
disciples as His beloved associates in the filial relation to God, to His now 
fulfilled earthly work (comp. πρὸς τ. πατέρα, k.7.2.), is not at all intended to 
serve the purpose of tranquillizing them on account of their flight (Bengel, 
Luthardt, comp. Luther). Of this the text contains no indication, all the 
less that the expression is found only in the address to Mary, but not as to 
be communicated to the disciples. Rather has the designation its reference to 
Mary herself, who isto gather from it, that the loving fellowship of the 
Lord with His own, far removed from being dissolved by the new condi- 
tions of this miraculous manifestation, rather continues, indeed, now first 
(comp. xv. 15) has its completion. Note the like expression in Matt. 
XXviii. 10, where, however (see zm loc.)., the pointing to Galilee is an essen- 
tial variation in the tradition ; against which Luthardt, without reason, 
objects that Matt. xxviii. 10 refers to the promise, xxvi. 32. Certainly ; 
but this promise already has, as its historical presupposition, the appear- 
ance of the Lord before the disciples, which was to be expected in Gadlilee, 
as this is, xxviii. 16 ff., in fact set forth as the first and only one in 
Matthew. — ἀναβαίνω, κ.τ.λ.}1 The near and certain future. To announce this 
consequence of His resurrection to the disciples, must be all the more on His 
heart, since He so frequently designates His death as His departure to the 
Father, and had associated with it the personal hope of the disciples. This 
was not to be changed by His resurrection ; that was only the passage from 
death to the heavenly glory. As to the mode and way of the ascension ἀναβ. 
contains nothing. The added x. πατέρα ὑμῶν and κ. θεὸν ὑμῶν was, however, 
intended to confirm the hope of the disciples in respect of their own ovvdo- 
ξασθῆναι, since in truth, in.virtue of their fellowship with Christ, the Father of 
Christ was also become their Father, the God of Christ (to whom Christ solely 
belongs and serves, comp. Matt. xxvii. 47, and sec, in detail, on Eph. i. 17) 
also their God (comp. on Rom. i. 8) ; this is now, after the execution of 
the redemptive work, entirely accomplished, and will one day have also the 
fellowship in δόξα as its final result, comp. Rom. viii. 17, 29. Note in πρὸς 
τὸν πατέρα, x.t.2., that the article does not recur, but embraces all in the 
unity of the Person. To understand the pres. ἀναβ., however, of, that 
which ensues forthwith and immediately, and in the following way’ that 
already the appearance that follows is to be placed after the ascension (comp. 
Ewald, who understands the pres. of the ascension as already impending), is 
decisively opposed by the fact of the later appearance, vv. 26, 27, unless we 
surrender this as actual history, or, with Kinkel, resort to the extravagant 
notion of many ascensions. 


Jesus, as the Risen One, did not as yet desire fore His believing ones as Dispenser of the 
to be the object of the reverence which be- Spirit (vi. 62, 63). But even thus the points 
longed to Him as Lora of the Church (Phil. to be understood are quite too far-fetched. 
ii. 10). This was then first to begin, when, 1 Baur, p. 222 ff.,and Neutest. Theol. Ὁ. 381, 
after His ascension, He should appear be- _ Ililgenfeld, and others. 


CHAP, ΣΧ; 19.20, 531 

Vy. 19, 20. Comp. Luke xxiv. 36 ff., where, however, handling and 
eating is already added from tradition. The account in Mark xvi. 14 is 
different. Schweizer’s reasons against the Johannean origin of vv. 19-29 
amount to this, that, according to John, the resurrection of Jesus was no 
external one on this side of the grave, and that consequently the appearances 
couid only be visionary. Against this 11. 21, 22, x. 17, 18 are decisive, as 
well as the faith and the testimony of the entire apostolic Church. — τ. θυρῶν 
kexAecou.| can all the less be without essential significance, since it is re- 
peated in ver. 26 also, and that without διὰ τὸν φόβον τ. ’Iovd.]. It points to 
a miraculous appearance, which did not require open doors, and which took 
place while they were closed. The how does not and cannot appear ; in any 
ease, however, the ἄφαντος ἐγένετο, Luke xxiv. 31, is the correlate of this im- 
mediate appearance in the closed place ; and the constitution of His body, 
changed, brought nearer'to the glorified state, although not immaterial, is the 
condition for such a liberation of the Risen One from the limitations of space 
that apply to ordinary corporeity. Euth. Zigabenus : ὡς λεπτοῦ ἢδη Kai κούφου 
More minute information concerning 
this change withdraws itself from more definite judgment ; hence, also the 
passage can offer no proof of the Lutheran doctrine of ubiquity, especially 
as the body of Jesus is not yet that which is glorified in δόξα. According to 
B. Crusius, and already Beza and several others,’ the doors must have sud- 
denly opened of themselves. But in this way precisely the essential point 
would be passed over in silence. According to Baeumlein, nothing further 
is expressed than that the disciples were assembled in a closed room.? But 
how easily would John have known how actually to express this | As he has 
expressed himself, τ. θυρῶν κεκλεισμ. is the definite relation, under which the 
ἦλθεν, κιτ.. took place, although it is not said that He passed διὰ τ. θυρ. 
kekA., aS many Fathers, Calovius and others, represent the matter. — εἰς τὸ 
μέσον] into the midst, after ἔστη, as in Herod. iii. 130, and frequently. Comp. 
on ver. 7, xxi. ὃ. -- εἰρήνη ὑμῖν] The usual greeting on entrance : Peace to 
you! This first greeting of the risen Lord in the circle of disciples still re- 
sounded deeply and vividly enough in the heart of the aged John to lead 
him to relate it (in answer to Tholuck) ; there is therefore no reason for im- 
porting the wish for the peace of reconciliation (comp. εἰρήνη ἡ ἐμή, Xiv. 27). 
— ἔδειξεν αὐτοῖς, κ-τ.}.} In proof of the corporeal identity of His Person ; for 
on the hands and on the side they must see the wounds. This was sufficient ; 
it was not also required to exhibit the feet. Variation from Luke xxiv. 40, 
where the feet are shown instead of the side, the piercing of which is not 
related by the Synoptics. Altogether groundlessly then is the present pas- 
sage employed against the nailing of the feet (see generally on Matt. xxvii. 
35) ; equally groundless also is the opinion that the jlesh of Christ was only 


καὶ ἀκηράτου γενομένου TOV σώματος αὐτοῦ. 


1 Comp. also Thenius, Hvangel. der Hvan- 
gelien, p. 45. 

2 Schleiermacher, Z. J. p. 474, does not 
make the 700m at all, but only the ovse to 
be closed, and says there ‘‘may also have 
been somebody who had been appointed to 
open.”’ Schenkel, to whom the Risen One 


is “ the Spirit of the Church,” can, of course, 
only allow the entrance through closed 
doors to pass as anemdlem. Scholten, who 
considers the appearances of the Risen One 
to be ecstatic contemplations of the glorified 
One, eraploys the closed doors also for this 
purpose. 


ον THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 
the already laid-aside earthly envelope of the Logos (Baur). Comp. oni. 
14. — οὖν] In consequence of this evidence of identity. Terror and doubt, 
certainly the first impression of miraculous appearance, now gave way to 
joy. And from out their joyful thoughts comes the utterance of John : ἰδόν- 
τες τὸν κύριον. 

Vv. 21, 22. Ody] For now, after the joyful recognition, He could carry 
out that which He had in view in this His appearance. Hence He began 
once again, repeated His greeting, and then pursued His further address. 
The repetition of εἰρήνη ὑμῖν is not a taking leave, as Kuinoel, Liicke, B. 
Crusius, and several others, without any indication in the text, still think, 
which brings out a strange and sudden change from greeting to departure, 
but emphatic and elevated repetition of the greeting, after the preliminary 
act of self-demonstration, ver. 20, had intervened. Hengstenberg makes an 
arbitrary separation : the first εἰρ. ὑμῖν refers to the disciples, the second to the 
apostles as such, —xabd¢ ἀπέσταλκε, x.7.2.] Comp. xvii. 18. Now, however, — 
and in fact designated a second time, according to its connection with the 
proper divine delegation, the mission of the disciples is formally and sol- 
emnly ratified, and how significantly at the very first meeting after the res- 
urrection, to be witnesses of which was the fundamental task of the 
apostles !?— ἐνεφύσησε] To interpret it merely as a symbol of the impartation of 
the Holy Spirit, under the relationship of breath and spirit (comp. Ezek. 
xxxvii. 5 ff.; Gen. ii. 7),? neither satisfies the preceding πέμπω ὑμᾶς, nor 
the following λάβετε, «.7.4. 3 for, in connection with both, the breathing 
on the disciples could only be taken as mediwm (medians) of the impartation 
of the Spirit, 1.6. as vehicle for the reception, which was to take place by 
means of the breathing, especially as λάβετε (mark the imperat. and the aor.) 
cannot merely promise a reception belonging to the future,? but expresses 
a reception actually present. So substantially Origen, Cyril, Melanchthon, 
Calvin, Calovius, and several others, including Tholuck, Lange, Briickner 
(in answer to de Wette’s symbolical interpretation), Hengstenberg, Godet, 
Ewald, and several others ; while Baur considers the whole occurrence as 
being already the fulfilment of the promise of the Paraclete,* which is thus 
an anticipation, and inapplicable to the idea of the sending of the Paraclete. 
The later and full outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost, by 
‘which Christ returned in the Paraclete, remains untouched thereby ; more- 
over, we are not to understand merely the in-breathing of a χάρις δεκτικῇ for 
the later reception of the Spirit (Euth. Zigabenus). An actual jirst fruits of the 
Holy Spirit is imparted to the disciples on account of a special aim belong- 
ing to their mission. Bengel well says: ‘‘arrha pentecostes.” It belongs 
to the peculiarities of the miraculous intermediate condition, in which Jesus 


1 Acts i. 22, ii. 82, iv. 2, e¢ al. 

2 Augustine, De trin. iv. 29, and many 
others: ‘‘demonstratio per congruam sig- 
nificationem.”’ 

3 Chrysostom, Theodore of Mopsuestia, 
Grotius, Kuinoel, Neander, Baeumlein, and 
several others. 

4Comp. Hilgenfeld in his Zeitsch7. 1868, 


p. 438, according to whom here, as in ver. 
17 the ascension, the feast of Pentecost 
should be taken up into the history of the 
Resurrection. The originally apostolic 
idea of apostles is, so soon as Paul is called 
by the Risen One, ‘‘ adjusted’ according to 
the Pauline conception. 


CHAP. XX., 23. 533 


at that time was, that He, the Bearer of the Spirit (111. 34), could already 
impart such a special jist fruits, while the full and proper outpouring, the ful- 
filment of the Messianic baptism of the Spirit, remained attached to His ex- 
altation, vii. 39, xvi. 7. The articleneeded as little to stand with πνεῦμα dy. 
as ini. 33, vii. 89 ; Acts i. 2, 5, and many other passages. This in answer 
to Luthardt, who lays the emphasis on ayov ; it was a holy spirit which the 
disciples received, something, that is, different from the Spirit of God, 
which dwells in man by nature ; the breath of Jesus’ mouth was now holy 
spirit,’ but this is not yet the spirit of the world-mighty Jesus ; it is not as 
yet τὸ πνεῦμα ἅγιον, but nevertheless already the basis of it, and stands inter- 
mediately between the word of Jesus on earth and the Spirit of Pentecost. 
Such a sacred intermediate thing, which is holy spirit and yet not the Holy 
Spirit, the new living breath of the Lord, but yet only of like kind to the 
Spirit of God (Hofmann), cannot be established from the N. T., in which 
‘rather πνεῦμα ἅγιον with and without the article is ever the Holy Spirit in 
the ordinary Biblical dogmatic sense. Comp. on Rom. viil. 4 ; Gal. v. 16. 
The conceivablencss of the above intermediate Spirit may therefore remain 
undetermined ; it lies outside of Scripture. — αὐτοῖς] belongs to ἐνεφύσησε. 
Comp. Job iv. 21. 

Ver. 23. The peculiar authority of the apostolical office, for the exercise 
of which they were fitted and empowered by this impartation of the Spirit. 
It was therefore an individual and specific charismatic endowment, the 
bestowal of which the Lord knew must be connected with His personal 
presence, and was not to be deferred until after His ascension,? namely, that 
of the valid remission of sins, and of the opposite, that of moral disciplinary 
power, consisting in the authority not only to receive into and expel from 
the church,* but also to exercise pardoning or penal discipline on their 
Jellow-members. The apostles exercised both prerogatives, and it is without 
reason to understand only the former, since both belonged essentially to the 
mission (πέμπω, ver. 21) of the apostles. The promise, Matt. xvi. 19, xviii. 
18, is similar, but not equivalent. The apostolic power of the keys in the 
sense of the Church is contained directly in the present passage, in Matt. 
only indirectly. It had its regulator in the Holy Spirit, who separated its 
exercise from all human arbitrariness, so that the apostles were therein 
organs of the Spirit. This was the divine guarantee, as the consecration of 
moral certainty through the illumination and sanctification of the judgment 


1Comp. also Hofmann, Schriflbew. II. 1, 
p. 522f.; Gess, Fes. Chr. p. 251; Weiss, 
Lehrbeg?. Ὁ. 289. 

* Hence the objection: ‘they required 
at present no such impartation’ (Hof- 
mann), is precipitate. They made wse of 
it first at a future time, but the bestowal 
was still to take place face to face, in this 
last sacred fellowship, in which a quite pe- 

. culiar distinction and consecration was 
given for this gift. 

3 This in answer to de Wette and several 
others, including Ahrens (Ami d. Schliissel, 


1864, p. 31), who explains it of the reception 
or non-reception ¢éo baptism, and to the for- 
giveness of sins therewith connected. So 
also Steitz in the Stud. u. Arit. 1866, p. 480. 
But baptism is here, without any indica- 
tion of the text, imported from the insti- 
tution, which is non-relevant here, in Matt. 
xxviii. 18 ff. On the apostolic penal disci- 
pline, in virtue of the κρατεῖν τὰς ἁμαρτίας, 
on church members, comp. the apostolic 
handing over to Satan, and see ΟΠ] Cor. 
v. 5. 


534 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


in the performance of its acts.’— ἀφίενται] They are remitted, that is, by God. 
-- κρατῇῆτε] He abides by the figure ; opposite of loosing : hold fast.? — xexpar. | 
They are held fast, by God. Here the perf. ; for the κρατεῖν is on the part 
of God no commencing act (such is the ἀφιέναι). --- That upon Thomas, who was 
at that time absent (ver. 24), the same full authority under the impartation 
of the Spirit was further particularly and supplementarily (after ver. 29), 
bestowed, is, indeed, not related, but must be asgumed, in accordance with 
the necessity which was involved in the equality of his position. —The 
objections of Luthardt against our interpretation of this verse are unim- 
portant, since in reality the eleven are thought of as assembled together 
(vv. 19, 24) ; and since the assertion, that a// charismatic endowments date 
only from Pentecost, is devoid of proof, and is overthrown precisely by the 
present passage ; comp. also already Luke ix. 55. Calovius well says: ‘‘ ut 
antea jam acceperant Spiritum ratione sanctificationis, ita nunc accipiunt 
ratione ministerii: evangelici.” The full outpouring with its miraculous gifts, ἢ 
but for the collective church, then follows at Pentecost. 

Vv. 24, 25. Θωμᾶς. . . Aidvuoc] See on xi. 10. ---οὐκ ἦν per’ αὐτῶν, εἰκὸς 
yap, αὐτὸν μετὰ τὸ διασκορπισθῆναι τοὺς μαθητὰς. . . μήπω συνελθεῖν αὐτοῖς, Huth. 
Zigabenus. There may also have been another reason, and conjectures 
(Luthardt : melancholy led him to be solitary, similarly Lange) are fruitless. 
— Thomas shows himself, ver. 25 (comp. on xiv. 5), in a eritical tendency of 
mind, in which he does not recognize the statement of eye-witnesses asa 
stfficient ground of faith. From this, however, we perceive how com- 
pletely remote from his mind lay the expectation of the resurrection. In the 
fact that he wished to feel only the wounds of the ands and of the side, some 
have found a reason against the nailing of the feet to the cross (so still Liicke 
and de Wette). Erroneously ; the above requirement was sufficient for 
him ; in feeling the wounds on the feet, he would have required something 
which would have been too much, and not consistent withdecorum. Comp. 
on Matt. xxvii. 90. --- τύπον is then interchanged with τόπον (see critical 
notes), as correlative to seeing and feeling. Comp. Grotius: ‘‘ τύπος videtur, 
τόπος impletur.” — βάλω τὴν χεῖρά μου, κ.τ.}.} is regarded as a proof of the 
peculiar greatness of the wound. But he would lay his hand in truth not in 
the wound, but in the side, in order, that is, there to touch with his fingers the 
wound on the mere skin, but which, at the same time, must have been even 
then considerable enough. — Note, further, the cirewmstantiality in the 
words of 'Thomas, on which is stamped an almost defiant reliance in his un- 
belief, not melancholy dejection (Ebrard). 

Vv. 26, 27. ‘‘Interjectis ergo diebus nulla fuerat apparitio,” Bengel. 
This appearance is contained only in John. — πάλιν ἦσαν ἔσω] points back to 
the same locality as in ver. 19. Wetstein, Olshausen erroneously transfer 
the appearance to Galilee. They were again within, namely, in the house 
known from ver. 19 (comp. Kypke, I. p. 412), and again from a like self- 
intelligible reason as in ver. 19, with closed doors. But that they were gathered 


1On ἂν instead of ἐάν, see Hermann, ad 2 Polyb. viii. 20. 8; Acts ii. 24. 
Viger. pp. 812, 822 ; frequent in Greek prose. 


GHAP. KXs) 28; 29. δοῦ 


together for the celebration of the resurrection-day (Luthardt, Lange), and that 
Jesus desired by His appearance to sanction this solemnity (Hengstenberg), 
is without any indication. The direction, ver. 27, presupposes an im- 
mediate knowledge of what is related in ver. 25, which in John least 
of all required to be indicated (in answer to Liicke, who, as also Schlei- 
ermacher, supposes a communication of the disciples to Jesus). — Bengel, 
moreover, well remarks : ‘‘Si Pharisaeus ita dixisset : nisi videro, etc., nil 
impetrasset ; sed discipulo pridem probato nil non datur.” —¢épe . . . καὶ 
ide] The wounds in the hand he is to feel and see ; the wound in the side, 
under the garments, only to feel. Observe the similarity in circumstantiality 
and mode of expression of the words of Jesus with the expression of the 
disciple in ver. 25. —xai μὴ γίνου ἄπιστος, ἀλλὰ πιστ.1 Not : be, but : become 
not unbelieving, etc. Through his doubt of the actual occurrence of the 
resurrection Thomas was in danger of becoming an unbeliever (in Jesus gen- 
erally), and in contradistinction to this his vacillating faith he was, through 
having convinced himself of the resurrection, to become a believer. 

Vv. 28, 29. The doubts of Thomas, whose faith did not now require 
actual contact (hence also merely ἑώρακας, ver. 29), are converted into a 
straightforward and devoted confession ; comp. xi. 16. —6 κύριός μου κ. ὁ θεός 
μου] is taken by Theodore of Mopsuestia’ as an exclamation of astonishment 
directed to God. So recently, in accordance with the Socinians,’ especially 
Paulus. Decisively opposed to this view is εἶπεν αὐτῷ, as well as the neces- 
sary reference of ὁ kip. μου to Christ. It is a confessionary invocation of 
Christ in the highest joyful surprise, in which Thomas gives the fullest 
expression of profound emotion to his faith, which had been mightily ele- 
vated by the conviction of the reality of the resurrection, in the divine 
nature of his Lord. For the doctrinal conception, the vehement emotion cer- 
tainly seems in itself scarcely calculated to produce this exclamation, which 
’ Ewald even terms extravagant ; but this is outweighed (1) partly by the 
account of John himself, who could find in this exclamation only an echo of 
his own ϑεὸς ἦν ὁ λόγος, and of the attestations of Jesus to His own divine 
nature ; (2) and chiefly by the approval of the Lord which follows. Eras- 
mus aptly says : ‘‘ Agnovit Christus utique repulsurus, si falso dictus fuisset 
Deus.” Note further (1) the climax of the two expressions ; (2) how the 
amazed disciple keeps them apart from one another with a solemn emphasis 
by repeating the article* and the μου. This μου, again, is the outflow ‘‘ ex 
vivo et serio fidei sensu,” Calvin. — Ver. 29. The ὁ κύριός μ. κ. ὁ ϑεός μου Was 
the complete and highest confession of Messianic faith, by the rendering 
of which, therefore, the above μὴ γίνουν. . . πιστός was already fulfilled. 
But it was the consequence of his having seen the Risen One, which should 
not have been required, considering the sufficient ground of conviction 
which lay in the assurance of his fellow-disciples as eye-witnesses. Hence 
the loving reproof (not ewlogy, which Paulus devises, but also not a confir- 
mation of the contents of Thomas’ confession, as Luthardt assumes, which is 


1 “quasi pro miraculo facto Deum col- 2 See against these Calovius. 
laudat,”’ ed. Fritzsche, p. 41. 3 See Dissen, ad Dem. de Cor. p. 814. 


536 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

implied only in μακάριοι, x.7.2.) for him who has attained in this senswous way 
to decisive faith, and the ascription of blessedness to those who, without such 
a sensuous conviction, have become believers, —which is to be left asa general 
truth, and not referred to the other disciples, since it is expressed in a general 
way, and, in accordance with the supersensuous and moral nature of faith, 
is universally valid. In detail, note further : (1) to read πεπίστευκας interrog- ᾿ 
atively (with Griesbach, Scholz, Lachmann, Ewald) makes the element of 
reproof in the words, indicated by the emphatic (comp. i. 51) precedence of 
ὅτι ἑώρ. με, Appear with more vivid prominence ; (2) the perf. is : thow hast 
become believing and believest now ; the aor. participles ἰδόντες and πιστεύσ. do 
not denote wont (Liicke), which usage is never found in the N. T., and 
would here yield no suitable meaning, but those who, regarded from the 
point of time of the μακαριότης predicated of them, have not seen, and yet 
have believed ; they have become believers without having first seen. (9) The 
point of time of the μακαριότης is, in correspondence with the general propo- 
sition, the universal present, and the μακαριότης itself is the happiness which 
they enjoy through the already present, and one day the eternal, possession 
of the Messianic ζωή. (4) The μακαριότης is not denied to Thomas, but for 
his warning the rule is adduced, to which he also ought to have subjected 
himself, and the danger is pointed out to him in which one is placed who 
demands sight as a way to faith, as he has done. (5) The antithesis in the 
present passage is, therefore, not that of faith on account of that which has 
externally taken place, and of faith certain in itself of its contents (Baur, comp. 
Scholten), but of faith (in a thing that has taken place) with and without a 
personal and special perception of it by the senses. (6) How significant is 
the declaration μακάριοι, «.7.2., standing at the close of the Johannean 
Gospel! The entire subsequent historical development of the church rests 
in truth upon the faith which has not seen. Comp. 1 Pet. i. 8. 

Vv. 80, 31. Conclusion of the entire book (not merely of the main portion 
of it, as Hengstenberg maintains) ; for chap. xxi. is a supplement. — πολλὰ 
μὲν οὖν] Multa quidem igitur.*— καὶ ἄλλα] On the well-known καί after πολλά 
(et quidem alia), see Baeumlein, Partik. p. 146. Comp. Acts xxv. 7.— 
σημεῖα] miraculous signs, by which He has proved Himself to be the Messiah, 
the Son of God (ver. 81). Comp. xii. 37. To this corresponds in general 
also the conclusion of the appendix, xxi. 35." Justly might John, looking 
back upon his now finished βιβλίον, adduce as its contents from the begin- 
ning of his history down to this conclusion, @ potiori, the σημεῖα which Christ 
had wrought, since these form the distinguishing characteristic in the 
working of Jesus (comp. x. 41), and the historical basis, with which the 
rest of the contents (particularly the discourses) are connected. Others 
have taken σημεῖα in exclusive, or at least, like Schleiermacher, pre-eminent 
reference to the resurrection: documenta resurrectionis (comp. Acts i. 3).° 


1 Τῇ serves as a concluding summary, so 
as to prepare the way fora thought intro- 
duced by δέ. Comp. Baeumlein, Pariik. Ὁ. 
178. See Klotz, ad Devar. p. 663. 

2 Correctly so, by way of suggestion, 
Luth. Zigabenus, further Calvin, Jansen, 


Wolf, Bengel, Lampe, Tholuck, de Wette, 
Frommann, Maier, B. Crusius, Luthardt, 
Hilgenfeld, Hengstenberg, Godet, Baeum- 
lein, Scholten, and several others. 

3.50. Chrysostom, Theophylact, Euth. 
Zigabenus, Ruperti, Luther, Beza, Calovi- 


NOTES. 5a? 


But to this corresponds neither the general and absolute σημεῖα in itself, nor 
the predicate πολλὰ x. ἄλλα, since Christ, after His resurrection, both in 
accordance with the accounts in the Gospels, and also with that of 1 Cor. 
xv., certainly appeared only a few times ; nor, finally, ἐποίησεν and ἐν τῳ 
β'βλ. τούτῳ, which latter shows that John (for ἐνώπ. τ. wadyr., moreover, 
does not point to another writer, against Weizsiicker) has in view the con- 
tents of his entire Gospel. —ivor. τ. μαϑ.] So that thus still many more 
σημεῖα might have been related, as by an eye-witness, by John, who, in 
truth, belonged to the μαϑηταί ; hence this addition is not to be employed 
as a ground for the interpretation by Chrysostom, etc., of σημεῖα, because, 
that is to say, Jesus before His death performed His signs in the sight of the 
people, etc. (comp. xii. 57). ---- ταῦτα dé] 86. τὰ σημεῖα, namely, those recorded 
in this book, this selection which composes its contents. — iva πιστεύσ. | refers 
to the readers, for whom the Gospel was designed. ‘‘ Scopus evangelii,” 
Bengel.’ Of the conversion of the Gentiles (Hilgenfeld) to the faith, there is 
no mention. — ὁ υἱὸς τ. Seov] in the Johannean sense. Without being this, 
He would not be the promised Messiah. — πιστεύοντες) in your believing. 
Thus, then, the ζωὴν ἔχειν is conceived of as a possession already beginning 
with faith ; faith, however, as a subjective principle of life, quite as with 
Paul, although the latter more sharply separates from one another, as con- 
ceptions, justification, and life.*— ἐν τῷ ὀνόμ. αὑτοῦ] belongs to ζωὴν ἔχ. In 
the name of Jesus, as the object of faith (i. 12), the possession of life is 
causally founded. — Baur, in accordance with false presuppositions, holds 
vv. 30, 31 to be spurious, because the previously related appearances (which, 
according to Baur, took place from out of heaven) must in themselves so 
bring to a close the appearance of the Risen One, that we cannot think of 
further appearances of this kind (πολλὰ κ, ἄλλα), 


Norse spy AMERICAN Eprtor. 


LXVIL. Μή μου ἅπτου. Ver. 17. 


The first question, in this disputed passage, is of the meaning of ἅπτου, 
whether it is simply equivalent to θιγγάνω, touch, or has its more full and proper 
meaning of fasten oneself upon, hold on to, cling. Both the present tense and 
the connection seem to me to point to the latter. For simply touch we should 
naturally have the aor. ἅψαι, and merely to touch the Lord would surely not be 
forbidden to Mary. 

As to the reason for the prohibition, omitting several of those invented by 
German ingenuity, we may mention three or four which have been alleged. 
First, the incidental reasons, as (1) That our Lord was on His way to His ascension 
and could not be detained, for which certainly there seems no sufficient ground. 
The arguments for repeated ascensions, one immediate, are by no means con- 
vincing. (2) That Mary would not delay in her execution of His message to the 


us, Maldonatus, Semler, and several others, 1 Comp. Introd. ὃ 5. See also, as regards 
including Kuinoel, Liicke, Olshausen, muoTevo., ON XIX. 35, _ 
Lange, Baur, Ewald, and several others. 2 Comp. Schmid, Bibl. Theol. ΤΙ. p. 391. 


538 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


Apostles—which, however, seems hardly an adequate reason for such a demand 
—besides which, Christ does not give this as the real reason. (9) That the lan- 
guage is a familiar hyperbole for ‘‘I do not go immediately,’’ as ‘we say 
“Tam not yet gone,’’ which may relieve Mary from the anxious endeavour, 
by her clasp, to detain Him. I may mention (4) the quasi indecorum which 
Meyer finds in His receiving the touch (for He holds it as no more) of a woman, 
which I think, with Weiss, nearly fanciful. 

The real or essential reason for the repelling of the clasp is given not very 
intelligibly by Meyer, as ‘‘ I am not yel ascended to my Father, therefore, as yet 
no glorified spirit who has again come down from heaven, whither He had 
ascended.” More satisfactorily, perhaps, Meyer says in his note, ‘‘ Jesus inti- 
mates that Mary’s ἅπτεσθαι presupposes in Him a condition which has not yet 
commenced, because it must have been preceded by His ascension to His 
Father!” 

Better, I think, Weiss: ‘‘The prohibition lies simply in this, that He, 
although His ascension is not yet accomplished, is on the eve of ascending, 
and thus His appearance cannot have the purpose to renew His earlier inter- 
course with His friends.” 

To the same effect Luthardt: ‘‘It is not the one who has already ascended 
who is standing before her ; and accordingly it is not yet the time of which He 
had spoken, when He declared that He would go away to the Father, and then 
come to them. The time has not yet dawned at which their fellowship with 
Him is to come to the goal ofits completion. . . . The time directly at hand is 
for the disciples as little as for Mary, a time of external sensible fellowship ; 
it is the time of the departure and distance of Jesus in which they can be sure 
of Him only by belief.”’ 

The single article with ἀναβαίνω πρὸς τόν, etc. makes the clause equivalent to 
‘‘Him who is my Father and your Father and my God and your God,”’ at once 
putting them and Him in a common relation to God, and yet by not saying 
‘‘our Father and our God”? (τὸν πατέρα ἡμῶν κ. τὸν Θεὸν ἡμῶν), keeping them dis- 
tinctly separate. 


CHAP. XXI. 539 


CHAPTER XXI. 


Ver. 3. Instead of ἐνέβησαν, Elz. has ἀνέβησαν, against decisive testimony. — 
After πλοῖον, Elz. Griesb. Scholz have : εὐθύς, which is condemned by decisive 
testimony. — Ver. 4. yevou.] Tisch. : yevou., which is to be preferred, since to 
the witnesses C.* E. L., A. B. with yevou. are to be added ; though with the 
copyists yevou. was more current. — εἰς] Lachm. Tisch. : éxi. The Codd. are 
very much divided ; ἐπέ came to be more readily added as a gloss than εἰς. 
Comp. Matt. xiii. 2, 48 ; Acts xxi. 5. —Ver. 6. icyvoav] Tisch. : ἴσχυον, accord- 
ing to preponderant testimonies. The aorist form was involuntarily suggested 
from the surrounding context (ἔβαλον, éAxvoar). — Ver. 11. ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς] Lachm. 
Tisch. : εἰς τὴν γῆν, according to A. B. C. L. &., etc. Nevertheless, the Recepta 
is to be retained. Ἐπὶ τὴν y. (so 1). Curss.) was written as a gloss in some in- 
stances,—in others, after ver. 9, εἰς τ. y. was written. —In vy. 15, 16, 17, as in 
i. 43, instead of ’Iwvd, we are to read : ᾿Ιωάννου. --- Ver, 17. πρόβατα] A. B. C.: 
προβάτια. Rightly adopted by Tisch. The Recepta is a repetition from ver. 16, 
Tisch. has, indeed, even already in ver. 16, προβάτια, but only according to B. 
C., so that the testimony of A. appears only for ver. 17. — Ver. 22. Read with 
Lachm. Tisch., μοι ἀκολούθει. --- Ver. 25 is wanting in δὲ. ἢ, is explained in 
Scholia as an addition, and has in detail the variations ἅ (Lachm. Tisch.) instead 
of ὅσα ; Χριστὸς ᾿Ιησοῦς (D.), in one Cod. of It. with the addition: quae non 
seripta in hoc libro ; οὐδ᾽ (Lachm. Tisch.) instead of οὐδέ ; χωρήσειν (Tisch. ac- 
cording to B. C.* §&.** Or.) ; at the conclusion ἀμὴν (Elz.). 


Chap. xx. 30, 31, bears so obviously the stamp of a formal conclusion worthy 
of an apostle, while chap. xxi., moreover, begins in a manner so completely un- 
expected, that this chap. can appear only as a supplement. 'The question is, 
however,! whether this supplement proceeds from John or not. This question first 
became a subject of investigation from the time of Grotius, who saw in the 
chapter a supplement of the Ephesian chw'ch, composed after the apostle’s death 
by the bishop (perhaps by John the Presbyter). Since all witnesses contain 
the chapter, a judgment can only be pronounced from internal grounds. These, 
however, decide only against ver. 25, which contains an exaggeration so surpris- 
ing, unapostolical, and in such absolute contradiction to the Johannean sim- 
plicity, intelligence, and delicacy, that it is impossible that it can have pro- 
ceeded from the pen of the apostle, but must appear probably as a later, although 
very ancient, form of conclusion, an apocryphal and inharmonious echo of xx. 
30. The omission 3 of ver. 25 in δὲ", and its suspicious character in the Scholia, 


1 See generally Hoelemann, der Ypilog des 
Evang. Joh., in his Bibelstudien, ΤΙ. p. 61 fe. 

2 According to the usual statement, ver. 
25 should also be wanting in Cod. 63. This, 
however, Tisch. (Wann wurden unsere 
Ewangelien verf. p. 127, ed. 4) declares to be 
an error. On ver. 25 in δὲ, Tisch. passes 


this judgment : the copyist of this Cod. did 
not find the verse in his copy, and therefore 
did not add it ; but the words are supplied, 
“ab eo qui eadem aetate totum librum re- 
censebat ac passim ex alio exemplari corri- 
gebat atque augebat,”’ Cod. &. ed. Lips. p. 
LIX, 


540 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

rests upon a correct critical feeling. On such feeling, however, also rests the 
fact that this omission and suspicion have not likewise affected ver. 24, which 
contains absolutely nothing that John could not have written, but rather forms 
a worthy conclusion to the entire supplement of chap. xxi., and does not by 
οἴδαμεν betray the work of a strange hand (see the exegetical notes). The 
grounds, moreover, brought forward against the authenticity of vv. 1-23 are 
untenable. For (1) it by no means follows from ver. 23, that at the time of the 
composition the apostle was already dead (Weizsicker, Keim, and others), since 
the speech there mentioned required precisely the correct historical explana- 
tion for the eventuality of his still future death. Comp. Ewald, Jahrb. 111. 
p. 172. (2) The advent of Christ, mentioned in vv. 22, 23, is without any rea- 
son declared to be non-Johannean. See on xiv. 3. Just as little is (3) the self- 
designation, ver. 20, un-Johannean ; it corresponds rather just as well to the 
importance which the recollection, therein expressed, of the never-to-be-for- 
gotten moment must have had for John, in and of itself, as also to the connec- 
tion into which it is interwoven. See on ver. 20. Further, (4) the individual 
expressions! which are designated as non-Johannean (as e.g. ver. 3, ἔρχεσθαι 
σύν instead of ἀκολουθεῖν ; ver. 4, πρωΐας γινομ. instead of πρωΐ; ver. 12, τολμᾶν 
and ἐξετάζειν ; ver. 18, φέρειν instead of ἄγειν) are, taken together, phenomena 
so unessential, nay, having for the most part in the sense of the context so- 
natural a foundation, that they, especially in consideration of the later time of 
the composition of the supplement, leave behind them no serious difficulty 
whatever, and are far outweighed by the otherwise completely Johannean 
stamp, which the composition bears in itself, in the language, in the mode of 
presentation, and in the individual features which betray the eye-witness (how 
entirely different is the section concerning the adulteress !). For, in particular, 
(5) the alleged want of Johannean clearness and demonstrativeness is removed 
partly by correct exposition, partly in the question as to the genuineness, ren- 
dered ineffective by the fact that John, even in the earlier part of the Gospel, 
does not always narrate with equal clearness and perspicuity. (6) It is not 
correct to say that with the spurious conclusion the entire chapter also falls 
to the ground,” since the non-Johannean conclusion may have been added 
to the Johannean chapter, especially as, on the assumption of the gennine- 
ness of ver. 24, the appendix itself did net go forth without a conclusion 
from the hand of the apostle. In accordance with all that has been ad- 
vanced, the view is justified, that John by way of authentic historical explanation of 
the legend in ver. 23, some time after finishing his Gospel, which he had closed with 
xx. 31, wrote chap. xxi. 1-24,3 as a complement of the book, and that this appendia, 
simply because its Johannean origin was immediately certain and recognized, already 
at a very early period, whilst the Gospel had not yet issued forth from the narrower 
circle of its first readers (Einl. sec. 5), had become an inseparable part of the Gospel ; 
but that simply owing to the fact that now the entire book was without a principa: con- 


1 For a minute discussion of the peculiar- 
ities of language in chap. xxi., and their va- 
1iation from the Gospel, see in Tiele, Anno- 
tutio in locos nonnull. ev. Joh. ad vindicand. 
huj. ev. authent., Amst. 1853, p. 115 ff. In 
answer to Scholten, who believes he has 
found most linguistic deviations, see Hil- 
genfeld in his Zettschr. 1868, p. 441 ff. 

2 Much more correct would it be to say: 


the chap. partially betrays, in so striking a 
manner, the Johannean delicacy and orig- 
inality (pre-eminently vy. 15-17), that with 
this the whole stands as a production of 
the apostle. 

3 Vv. 1-14 hardly have an object unknown 
to us (Briickner), since they are in simple 
objective historical connection with what 
follows. 


CHAP! XRT ly 2. 541 


clusion, the apocryphal conclusion, ver. 25, exaggerating the original conclusion, xx. 
31, came to be added. This addition of ver. 25 must have been made at a very 
early date, because only a few isolated traces of the spuriousness of ver. 25 
have been preserved, which, however, by the evidence of S8.* go back to a very 
ancient time ; while, on the other hand, in reference to vv. 1-24, not the faint- 
est echo of a critical tradition is found which would have testified against 
their genuineness. Tisch. also designates only ver. 25 as spurious. — The 
apostolic origin of the chapter was controverted, in connection with very various 
theories, especially its derivation from the author of the Gospel, after Grotius, 
by Clericus, Hammond, Semler, Paulus, Gurlitt,! Liicke, Schott, de Wette, 
Credner, Wieseler? (John the Presbyter wrote the chap. after the death of the 
apostle), Schweizer, Bleek, Schwegler, Zeller, Baur (because it is not in keeping 
with the main idea of the whole), Késtlin, Keim, Scholten, and several others ; 
Briickner has doubts. In opposition to Baur’s school, according to which it 
would seem designed, along with the entire chap., for the purpose of exalting the 
apostle of Asia Minor over Peter, see especially Bleek. — The Johannean origin, 
or at least the derivation from the writer of the Gospel, is defended, but in 
such a way that recently vy. 24, 25 have been for the most part rejected by 
Calovius, Rich. Simon, Mill, Wetstein, Lampe, Michaelis, Krause,* Beck, 4 
Hichhorn, Kuinoel, Hug, Wegscheider,® Handschke,* Erdmann,’ Weber,’ Guerike, 
Redding (Disput. Groning. 1833), Frommann, Tholuck, Olshausen, Klee, Maier, 
B. Crusius (not decidedly),® Luthardt, Lange, Laurillard (Disp. L. B. 1853), 
Ebrard (on Olshausen), Hengstenberg, Godet, Hoelemann, Schleiermacher (at 
least in respect of the contents), According to Ewald, a friend of the apostle 
(probably a presbyter at Ephesus), of whose hand, probably also of whose art, 
John availed himself in the composition of the Gospel, wrote the appendix for 
himself alone at a later date, without desiring in the slightest degree to conceal 
that it was by a different person. In his Johann. Schriften, I. p. 54 ff., Ewald 
ascribes the composition to the same circle of friends, in which the Gospel may 
have remained perhaps for ten years before its publication ; that the apostle 
himself, however, permitted the publication with this appendix (inclusive also 
of vv. 24, 25) before his death. Similarly Baeumlein. — Very superficially and 
peremptorily does Hengstenberg designate the entire view that chap. xxi. is a 
supplement, as leading to a view of the accidental nature of the authorship, 
which is unworthy of the apostle, and in conflict with the character of the 
Gospel. Hilgenfeld assigns the chap., with inclusion of vv. 24, 25, to the evan- 
gelist, who, however, was not the apostle. Comp. also Bretschneider, p. 182. 


Vv. 1, 2. Μετὰ ταῦτα] Referring, in conformity with the nature of a sup- 
plement, to the Jast narrative before the conclusion in xx. 30, 31. — ἐφανέρωσεν 
ἑαυτόν] Comp. the passive expression, Mark xvi. 12, 14; the reflexive form 
of construction, however, is decidedly Johannean, see vil. 4. It presup- 


1 Lection: im N. T. Spec. 11. Hamb. 1805. 7 Bemerk. tib. Joh., Rostock, 1821. 
Bertholdt, Seyffarth (Beitr. zur Specialchar- 8 Authentia... argumentor. intern, usu vin- 
akt. der Joh. Schriften, Lpz. 1828, p. 271 ff. dic., Hal. 1823. 

2 Diss. 1839. ® He, as also Lange, Hengstenberg, Hoele- 

3 Diss, Viteb. 1793. mann, ascribes also vv. 24, 25 to the apos- 

4 Lips. 1795. tle, in opposition to which Luthardt regards 

5 Hinl. in ἃ. Hv. Joh. 24, 25 as a testimony added from the Ephe- 


6 De αὐθεντίᾳ ο. 21 ev. Joh. e solaorat.indole  sianchurch. Stud. u. Krit. 1849, p. 601 ff. 
dijud., Lips. 1818. 10 J.c.,, comp. also Jahrb. X. p. 87. 


542 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN, 


poses a state of concealment, from which He now again (πάλιν points back to 
ver. 14, to the two preceding appearances, xx. 19, 26) came forth and made 
Ilimself manifest to His disciples, brought Himself into view,—not a spirit- 
ual existence (de Wette), not ‘‘a sphere of invisibility, in which He moves 
by Himself ” (Luthardt, comp. Tholuck), but rather a wonderfully altered 
existence, no longer belonging to ordinary intercourse, brought nearer to a 
state of glorification, yet still material, διὰ τὸ λοιπὸν ἄφϑαρτον εἶναι τὸ σῶμα καὶ 
ἀκήρατον, Chrysostom. — ἐπὶ τῆς ϑαλ.] on thelake, because the shore is over the 
lake.’ It belongs to égav. — ἐφανέρωσε δὲ οὕτως] 86. ἑαυτόν, not, as Hengsten- 
berg borrows from ii. 11, τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ. Further, an iteration of this kind, 
in simple, continuous narration, is not elsewhere found in John. But he 
may here have purposely written in so diffuse a manner as a set-off to the 
distortions of actual fact in tradition (comp. ver. 23).— Of the seven dis- 
ciples, ver. 2, the two last remain unnamed. Hence they are probably 
(vi. 60, vii. 3, vill. 31, xviii. 19) to be deemed disciples in the wider sense, 
with which ver. 1 does not conflict (in answer to Hengstenberg, who con- 
jectures Andrew and Philip), since the two unnamed are simply subordinate 
persons. That of the disciples in the narrower sense the sons of Zebedee 
are mentioned last, accords with the composition of the narrative by John 
himself. Not any deeper or emblematic significance is to be sought as 
lying behind the succession of the names, or behind the number seven. 
Another author would probably have placed the sons of Zebedee immedi- 
ately after Peter. —6 ἀπὸ Kava τ. Tad.] added, without any special design, in 
this supplement of late composition. According to Hengstenberg, the rep- 
resentative of the first miracle (chap. ii.) could not but be indicated, which 
is pure invention. — oi τοῦ Ζεβεδαίου] does not occur elsewhere in John ; but, 
at the same time, it is only here that the occasion presents itself to him to 
mention in a series of names himself * and his brother along with others. — 
On the tradition recorded by Luke, which is altogether irreconcilable 
with Galilean appearances of the Risen One, unless upon arbitrary harmon- 
istic assumptions (such as even Luthardt entertains), see on Luke xxiv. 50. 
Acts i. 4 does not, however, necessarily presuppose, in reference to the ap- 
pearances, that none took place in Galilee. Matthew, onthe other hand, ex- 
cludes the appearances which took place before the disciples at Jerusalem, 
which are related by John xx. See on Matt. xxviii. 10. Harmonistic ex- 
pedients also in Hengstenberg and Godet. 

Vv. 8, 4. "Epydu. x. ἡμεῖς σὺν σοί] John has not employed ἀκολουθεῖν, nor 
said ἄγωμεν x. ἡμεῖς (ΧΙ. 16), because he has thought just what was said. — 
The circumstantiality is not un-Johannean (Liicke), but comp. e.g. 1. 39, 40, 
ix. 1-12. In particular, moreover, the ὑπάγω ἁλιεύειν is only the simple 
language of familiar association, in which neither a ‘‘ brusque.tone,” nor ‘‘an 
internal impulse, a presentiment”’ (Godet), is tobe recognized. The disci- 
ples desire again to pursue their earthly employments, ‘‘ quod privatos 
homines decebat,” Calvin. — ἐξῆλθον] from the place indicated in ver. 2, prob- 





1 Comp. on Matt. xiv. 25; Xen. Anab. iv. °Hence Nathanael cannot be John 
8. 28: ἐπὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ, and passages from (Spath); comp. on i. 46, 
Herodotus in Schweighauser’s Lew. p. 245. 


GEDA NEXT ὅν 543 


ably Capernaum, out to the lake, ver. 1. — By night fishing was productive.’ 
But they caught nothing. How entirely different was it afterwards, when 
they cast out at the bidding of the Lord ! — ἔστη] Expressing the sudden ap- 
pearance. Comp. xx. 19, 26. — εἰς τ. aiy.] Comp. xx. 19, 26. —ov μέντοι, 
«.T.A. | To be explained from the entirely altered condition and appearance of 
the Risen One. Chrysostom assigns the reason to the will of Jesus : οὐκ εὐθέως 
ἑαυτὸν δείκνυσιν, comp. also Luthardt and Hengstenberg, of which John, how- 
ever, gives no indication. Comp. rather on xx. 14. 

Vv. 5, 6. Παιδία] Not un-Johannean (1 John ii. 14, 18), although in xiii. 
33 τεκνία is used. — μή te προσφάγ. ἔχετε] The emphasis lies, as frequently, on 
the concluding word : you are not, I suppose, (already) in possession of some- 
thing to cat? The question presupposes the opinion of the questioner, that 
they had probably as yet taken nothing, as well as the thought that in the 
opposite case He need not step in. That, however, He designates exactly 
Jishes by προσφάγιον, is grounded on the fact that He intends to take a break- 
fast with the disciples on the fishes, after which He inquires.*— The dis- 
ciples simply answer: no; they have therefore taken Him for an entire 
stranger, who perhaps wishes to buy fishes for breakfast. The παιδία, intended 
by Jesus in the sense of fatherly love, they may have regarded, in the mouth 
of the unknown, as a friendly designation of the state of service (Nonnus : 
παῖδες ἁλὸς δρηστῆρες ; Euth. Zigabenus : τοὺς ἐργατικούς). Comp. on vi. 6. 
- εἰς τὰ δεξιὰ μ.1 They had the net then in the lake, on quite another side 
of the boat. — οὐκέτι] no longer, as previously, when it was empty and light. 
Observe the pictorial imperf. ἴσχυον (see the critical notes). — ἑλκῦσαι] draw, 
draw up the submerged net. On the other hand, σύροντες, ver. 8 : tugging, 
dragging forth.* —ar6é| on account of.*—To regard the above fruitless toils 
(on the lefé, it is thought), and this abundant taking on the right, as a figure 
of the apostolic ministry, in relation first to the Jews and then to the Gentiles, 
is too special, and not even accordant with history (Gal. ii. 9; Acts xxil. 
20, et al., comp. Luthardt), without prejudice, however, to the symbolism of 
the draught of fishes in itself ; see note after ver. 14. 

Ver. 7. Πάλιν τὰ ἰδιώματα τῶν οἰκείων ἐπιδείκνυνται τρόπων οἱ μαθηταὶ Wétpoc 
καὶ ᾿Ιωάννης. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ θερμότερος, ὁ δὲ ὑψηλότερος qv" καὶ ὁ μὲν ὀξύτερος ἦν, ὁ δὲ 
διορατικώτερος. Διὰ τοῦτο ὁ μὲν ᾿ΙΤωάννης πρῶτος ἐπέγνω τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν᾽ ὁ δὲ ἹΠέτρος 
πρῶτος ἦλθε πρὸς αὐτόν, Chrysostom, Comp. xx. 3 ff. —rov ἐπενδύτην διεζώσατο)] 
He had laid aside the ἐπενδύτης, and wasin so far unclothed, which, however, 
does not prevent his having on the shirt, χιτωνίσκος, according to the well- 
known usage of γυμνός, nudus, and 031}'.7 In order, however, not to appear 


1 Comp. on Luke vy. 5; Aristot. H. A. viii. 5 Grotius, Weitzel, Hengstenberg, Godet, 
19. Hilgenfeld, and several others. 
2On προσφάγ. itself, which is, like the 6 This also in opposition to Godet, accord- 


Attic ὄψον, used especially of fishes (comp. ing to whom Peter was quite naked. This 
προσφάγημα, Moeris, p. 204. 24; προσόψημα, would have been disgraceful even amongst 
Athen. iv. p. 162 C, vii. p. 276 E) see Sturz, barbarians. See Kriiger on Thue. i. 6. 4. 


Dial. Al. p. 191; Fischer, de vitiis, Lex. Ὁ. 7See Perizonius, ad Ad. V.. ΗΠ. vi. 11; 
697 f. Cuper. Obss. i. 7, Ὁ. 89, Interpp. zu Jes. Xxx. 
8 See Tittmann, Synon. p. 57 f. 2; Grotius iv loc. 


4 See Bernhardy, p. 224. 


544 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


unbecomingly in his mere shirt before Jesus, he girded around him the 
ἐπενδύτης, overgarment, 1.6. he drew it on, and gathered it with a girdle 
on his body. Hengstenberg says incorrectly : he had the ἐπενδύτ. on, and 
only girded himself in the same (accus. of closer definition), in order to be 
able to swim the better. The middle with accus. of a garment always 
denotes to gird oneself therewith (Lucian, Somm. 6, de conscrib. hist. 8). Comp. 
περιζώννυσθαι, Rev. i. 13. The ἐπενδύτης is not equivalent to χιτών,᾽ but an 
overwrap, an overcoat. Any garment drawn over may be so called ;? it was, 
however, according to Nonnus and Theophylact, in the case of fishermen, 
and according to the Talmud, which has even appropriated to itself the 
word 8N7})D8, in the case of workmen generally, a linen article of clothing 
(possibly a short frock or blouse) which, according to the Talmud, was 
worn, provided with pockets, over the shirt (according to Theophylact, 
also over other articles of clothing). See especially Drusius in loc. Accord- 
ing to Euth. Zigabenus, it reached to the knees, and was without sleeves. — 
γυμνός] He had, in point of fact, no other clothing on except the mere shirt τ 
for precisely διὰ τὴν γύμνωσιν he quickly put on the ἐπενδύτης, which had been 
laid aside during his work. — He reached the land sewimming, not walking, 
on the water (Grotius and several others), which is a fanciful addition. 
The ἔβαλεν ἑαυτόν graphically represents the rapid self-decision. 

Vv. 8, 9. Τῷ πλοιαρ.] in the little boat, on board of which they remained ; 
local dative. Comp. Herod. v. 99: ἀπικέατο εἴκοσι νηυσί. See generally 
Becker, Homer. Blitter, p. 208 f. —The γάρ in the parenthesis states the 
reason why they did not quit the vessel ; they could in this way also quickly 
enough reach the shore, which was very near (200 cubits = 4 stadium, 300 
feet).°— On the form πηχῶν instead of the Attic πηχέων, see Lobeck, ad Phryn. 
p. 245f. On ἀπό, see on xi. 18. — τὸ δίκτυον τῶν ἰχθ.] the net, which was filled 
with the fishes (ver. 6).°— Ver. 6. βλέπουσιν, x.7.2.] John relates simply what 
they saw on landing, namely, a fire of coals lying there, and food lying thereon 
(i.e. a mess of fish, see on vii. 9; the singul. not of a single fish, as Beza, 
Hengstenberg, Godet, and others think, but collectively, as also ἄρτον, and 
bread. That this preparation for the breakfast to be given was made by 
Jesus, would be understood by the reader as matter of course (see vv. 12, 13). 
“But how He brought together the materials, and who kindled the fire, 
cannot be determined ; He might, before He called to the disciples, have 
Himself, or by other hands, made the preparations. Hence the narrative 
yields no miracle (bringing forth out of nothing, thought Chrysostom, 
Theophylact, Euth. Zigabenus, Grotius, Calovius, Maldonatus, and several 
others ; but Nicephorus, Jansen, Luthardt : the angels had provided Him 
therewith ; finally, Hengstenberg, Godet : without more precisely defining 
the marvellous How), nor even the appearance of such (Liicke). But 


1 Fischer, Kuinoel, Bretschneider. 5 See Wurm, de ponder, etc., p. 195; Her- 

2 See the LXX. in Schleusner, 7hes. IT. p. mann, Privatalterth. § 46. 7. 
436; Soph. fragm. in Pollux, vii. 45; Dind. 6 Comp. on this genit., Nagelsbach, 2. 
391, comp. ἐπένδυμα in Plut. Alex. 32. Ilias, Ὁ. 31, ed. 3. 

3Comp. Dem. 583. 21: γυμνὸν ἐν τῷ 7™Comp. Polyb. xxxiy. 8. 6: τὸ θαλάττιον 
χιτωνίσκῳ. ὄψον. 


4 Theodoret, Heracleus. 


"» 


CHAP. XXI., 10-15. 545 


wherefore did Jesus make this preparation? Because the disciples were to 
eat with Him the early meal, with which He designed to connect so signi- 
ficant a transaction as that related in vv. 15 ff. ; He willed to be the giver of 
the meal. Much that is irrelevant in the older expositors. According to 
Luthardt, the design is to depict how Jesus, without requiring their aid, 
knows how to feed the disciples from His own resources. But to what 
purpose any such further representation, when He had long ago miracu- 
lously fed thousands before the eyes of the disciples ? 

Vv. 10, 11. ’Evéyxare, «.7.A.] for the completion, in accordance with their 
needs, of the dish of fish already found upon the fire of coals. That the - 
' eating of Jesus and of the disciples was no material, but a spiritual one 
(the enjoyment which Jesus has from the labors of His apostles), is a 
fiction of Hengstenberg’s. — According to ver. 11, Peter alone draws the 
full net to land, which, of course, since it hung on the vessel, that lay on 
the shore, was easier than to draw it up out of the water into the boat. ver. 
6.. According to Hengstenberg, he is, indeed, named only as being the 
chief person, because he had been the instrument of the spiritual fishing. The 
statement of the nwmber of the fishes is as little an apoeryphal trait as the 
statement of the number of those who were miraculously fed, vi. 10, and 
the less, since it is not a rownd number which is named. The μεγάλων 
heightens the miracle. — καὶ τοσούτων ὄντων, κ.τ.2.1] Regarded by John 
as incomprehensible, and as effected by Christ; by Strauss, as mani- 
festly legendary, as well as the number of the fishes, which, however, 
might surely well be to the minds of the disciples, in this miraculous 
experience, important enough, and such as never to be forgotten. On the 
allegorical interpretations of the number 153, see note after ver. 14. 

Vv. 12, 13. "Αριστον is, as little as in Matt. xxii. 4, Luke xi. 38, the prin- 
cipal meal, which, in spite of ver. 4, Hengstenberg suggests in the interest 
ot allegorical interpretation, but breakfast. —érérua] dared, presumed. 
Although, that is, it had been possible for them, in respect of the external 
appearance, to doubt whether He was the Lord, they were nevertheless con- 
vinced of His identity, and hence dared not to ask Him: Who art thou ? 
Reverential awe (comp. already iv. 27), in presence of the marvellous ap- 
pearance of the Risen One, deprived them of the courage to do so. Accord- 
ing to Augustine, Beda, Jansen, and several others, they dared not doubt, 
which however, is not expressed. Chrysostom aptly remarks : οὐκέτι yap τὴν 
αὐτὴν παῤῥησίαν elyov' . . . τὴν δὲ μορφὴν ἀλλοιοτέραν ὁρῶντες Kal πολλῆς ἐκπλή- 
ξεως γέμουσαν, σφόδρα ἧσαν καταπεπληγμένοι, καὶ ἐβούλοντο Te περὶ αὐτῆς ἐρωτᾶν" 
ἀλλὰ τὸ δέος καὶ τὸ εἰδέναι αὐτούς, ὅτε οὐχ ἕτερός τις ἦν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτός, ἐπεῖχον τὴν 
ἐρώτησιν. --- ἐξετάσαι] to explore’ sciscitari ; strong expression from the point 
of view from which the respectful timidity of the disciples regarded the 
daring nature of the question. — εἰδότες] Constructio κατὰ σύνεσιν. --- Ver. 
18. ἔρχεται] The δεῦτε, ver. 12, has summoned the disciples to the place of 
the meal where the fire of coals was ; Jesus Himself, who had therefore 


1 Matt. ii. 8, x. 11; Sir. xi. 7, xiii. 11, fre- 2 See Kiihner, IT. § 419a@; Kriiger, §58. 4. 5. 
quent in the classics. j 


546 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

stood at some distance therefrom, now steps forward, in order to distribute 
the breakfast. — τὸν ἄρτον] points back to ver. 9, but τὸ ὀψάριον to vv. 9 and 
10 : the bread lying there, etc. Both are again collective. It is not merely one 
loaf and one fish which Jesus distributes, as Hengstenberg, for the purpose 
of symbolically interpreting it of a heavenly reward of toil, assumes ; see 
ver. 10. —A thanksgiving before the δίδωσιν is not related, not as though 
Jesus omitted τὰ ἀνθρώπινα (Euth. Zigabenus) ; nor as though He did not 
desire positively to offer Himself to their recognition (Lange, in opposition 
to ver. 12); nor, again, as though the meal was to bea si/ent* one (Lu- 
thardt, who adds : ‘‘ for such is the table fellowship of Jesus and His own 
in the present aeon’’) ; nor, again, because the meal represented future bless- 
ings (Hengstenberg),—but because here it is not a question of any proper 
meal, as in Luke xxiv. 20, but rather only of a breakfast, of a morning 
meal, partaken of only while standing (there is no mention, moreover, of a 
lying down), which also was not to have, like that early meal of Paul, Acts 
xxvii. 35, acharacter of solemnity. It was not this breakfast in itself, which 
Christ prepared for the disciples, but that which preceded (the draught of 
fishes) and succeeded (vv. 15 ff.), that was the object for which the Risen 
One here appeared. 

Ver. 14. Τοῦτο ἤδη τρίτον] This already for the third time. See on 2 Cor. 
xiii. 1. — ἤδη presupposes, on the one hand, that, according to John, 
until now any other appearances before the disciples had not taken place, 
with the exception of the three related (xx. 19 ff., 26 ff., xxi. 1 ff.) ; but, on 
the other hand, that at a later date several other appearances occurred. Since 
he, moreover, refers his τρίτον only to the appearances that were made to 
the circle of disciples (not to individual persons), a wider scope is thereby 
given to harmonists ; in no case, however, can they succeed in reconciling 
the three appearances with the statements of Paul, 1 Cor. xv. 5 ff., espe- 
cially as there εἶτα and ἔπειτα (in opposition to Wieseler) denote chronological 
sequence. The Apostle Paul is charged, on the supposition that his ac- 
count is to be understood in an internal way, with a great arbitrariness, 
when it is asserted that the three appearances related by John are comprised 
in εἶτα τοῖς δώδεκα in Paul (Luthardt, Lange). Not even can ὠφθη Kya in 
Paul be reconciled with John. To John, however, must be accorded the 
preference over the tradition followed by Paul, so far as the latter does not 
agree with the former. 


Notr.—To the draught of fishes, to contest the historical truth of which, in a 
manner which evinced arbitrariness, and in part even malice, the similarity of 
the earlier history, Luke y. 2 ff., afforded a welcome opportunity (Strauss, 
Weisse, Schenkel, and several others), a symbolical destination has, since the 
most ancient times (Chrysostom and his followers, Cyril, Augustine, and many 
others), been ascribed, and in general justly, since the word of Jesus, Matt. iv. 


1 That the meal passed generally in entire 
silence, as also Hengstenberg suggests, as 
little appears from the text as that Jesus 
did not Himself partake of it (Hengsten- 
berg). In fayour of a symbolical interpre- 


tation of details, a gloomy and monstrous 
character is given to the incident. . But the 
text breaks off with the distribution of the 
bread and of the mess of fish, and it says 
nothing of the progress of the breakfast. 


CHAP. XXI., 14. 547 


19, parall., gives, naturally enough, the psychological solution why He, as the 
Risen One, performs, precisely in this fashion, a miraculous work in the pres- 
ence of His disciples. The tradition in which, from the above word, the 
draught of fishes, Luke v., took shape (see on Luke vy. 1 ff.), has, although 
pushing hackward the later occurrence, nevertheless apprehended with right 
feeling the idea which it contained. The disciples themselves could not 
but find in the words of that first call, Matt. loc. cit., the key to the symbolical 
significance of the miraculous fact, in which that word, which Jesus had spoken 
at the beginning, was now, on the boundary of their earthly intercourse with Him, 
and before the restoration (a renewed calling, as it were) of Peter, set forth and 
sealed as a fact with the highest appropriateness. Only in the interpretation 
of this symbolism, we have no right to go beyond Matt. iv. 14, and read in it 
more than the rich blessing of the apostolical office, of which the men fishers of 
Jesus were to be the possessors. To go further, and, with Augustine, expound 
all the individual features of the history allegorically,! is groundless and arbi- 
trary, and without any definable limits. Especially unauthorized is an interpre- 
tation of the fish meal that refers it to the heavenly supper,? ““ which the Lord 
prepares for His own with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the kingdom of God,’’ 3 
since that supper of the kingdom does not concern the apostles as such, and 
foreign elements would mix themselves with the reference. The meal of our 
passage is only an ἄριστον, a breakfast, serving merely as an occasion for the 
appearance, and for the draught of fishes, as well as for the further scene with ° 
Peter. In a manner which serves as a special warning have the allegorical 
tendencies of the Fathers, in respect of the number of fishes, displayed them- 
selves, Thus, Severus,Ammonius, Theophylact (also τινές in Euth. Zigabenus) see 
depicted in the 100 fishes the Gentiles, in the 50 the Jews, and in the 3 the Trin- 
ity. Jerome, followed by Késtlin 4 and Hilgenfeld, recognizes in the 153 fishes, 
in spite of the fact that they were large ones only, all genera piscium, and thereby 
the universality of the apostolic activity,® which Ruperti even derives from the 
text by an arithmetical analysis® of the number ; whilst Hengstenberg, on the 
other hand (after Grotius), finds the key in the 153,600 strangers,* making John 
count a fish for every thousand (with which the surplus of 600 falls away) ! — 
That John says nothing regarding the symbolical purpose of the draught of fishes, 
is sufficiently explained from the fact that Jesus Himself does not expressly de- 
clare it, but allows the thing to speak for itself its silent symbolical language, as 
He also has not Himself interpreted the symbolism of the withered fig-tree 
(Matt. xxi. 21). 


1 50 recently, especially Weitzel in the 
Stud. u. Krit. 1849, p. 618 f., Luthardt, Lange, 
Hengstenberg. 

2 Even the Lord’s Supper was found by 
Augustine to be signified, and he went so 
far as to say: “ piscis assus Christus est pas- 
sus.” 

3 Olshausen, after Augustine. 

4 Theol. Jahrb. 185 1, p. 195. 

5 Hilgenfeld in his Zeiéschr. 1868, p. 446: 
“*The copious draught... ., 2.¢., the spiritual 
harvest from the Gentile world, is now added 
to the provision of fish and bread already 
lying ready, I think, for the feeding of the 
Jewish people (comp. John yi. 19). The 


fundamental thought is, he thinks, in x. 16. 

® Recently enigmatic numeration has been 
attempted in the case of these fishes, so 
that according to the Hebrew numerical let- 
ters 118+ 35= 71" jyow is = Ξίμων Ἰωνᾷ. 
See Theol. Jahrd. 1854, p. 185; on the other 
hand: Ewald, Jahrb. vi. p. 161. Volkmar 
€lso (Mos. Prophetie, Ὁ. 61f.) gives the enig- 
matic solution of the number as “ Simeon 
Bar Jona Kepha.’’—Calvin already correct- 
ly observes: “‘ quantum ad piscium numer- 
um speetat, non est sublime aliquod in eo 
quaerendum mysterium.” 

72 Chron. ii. 17, 


548 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

Vv. 15-17. The thrice-repeated question : ‘‘ut illi occasionem praeberet, 
triplicis abnegationis maculam triplici professione eluendi,” Wetstein, which 
Hengstenberg arbitrarily denies. — Σίμων ᾿Ιωάννου] Thrice the same complete 
mention of the name with a certain solemnity of deeply-moved affection. In 
the use of the name Simon Joh. in itself, we are not to recognize—since cer- 
tainly it is not at all susceptible of proof, that Jesus elsewhere addressed 
the apostle by the name Peter or Cephas—another and special purpose as 
in view, either a reminiscence of the lost confidence (de Wette), or of the 
human condition of the apostolical calling (Luthardt), or a replacement 
into his natural condition for the purpose of an exaltation to the new dig- 
nity (Hengstenberg). The name of Peter is not refused to him (Hoele- 
mann). —dyaz.| He does not ask after his faith; for this had not become 
wavering, but the Jove proceeding from the faith had not been sufficiently 
strong. [See Note LXVIII. p. δῦσ] --- τούτων] ἢ οὗτοι, than these my other 
disciples. They are still present ; comp. on ver. 20. Peter had given ex- 
pression, in his whole behaviour down to his fall, to so pre-eminent a love 
for Jesus (bear in mind vi. 68, the washing of the feet, the sword-stroke, 
and xiii. 37), and in virtue of the distinction, of which Jesus had deemed 
him worthy (i. 43), as well as by his post at the head of the apostles (comp. 
on Matt. xvi. 18), into which he was not now first introduced (Hengst.), so 
pre-eminent a love was to be expected from him, that there is sufficient occa- 
sion for the πλεῖον τούτων without requiring a special reference to Matt. xxvi. 
33 (from which, in comparison with John xiii. 37, a conclusion has been 
drawn adverse to the Johannean authorship). — Peter in his answer substi- 
tutes for the ἀγαπ. (diligis) of the question, the expression of personal heart 
emotion, φιλῶ, amo [See Note LXIX. p. 556] (comp. xi. 3, 5, xx. 2), by which 
he gives the most direct satisfaction to his inmost feeling ; appeals, in so 
doing, in the consciousness of the want of personal warranty, to the Lord’s 
knowledge of the heart, but leaves the πλεῖον τούτων unanswered, because 
his fall has made him humble, for which reason Jesus also, in tender for- 
bearance, omits that πλεῖον τούτων in the questions that follow—vivid origi- 
nality of the narrative, marked by such delicacy of feeling. — βόσκε τὰ ἀρνία 
μου] Restoration to the previous standing, which the rest of the apostles 
did not require, therefore containing the primacy of Peter only in so far as 
it already previously existed ; see on Matt. xvi. 18. —apvia] Expression of 
tender emotion : Jittle lambs, without obliterating the diminutive significa- 
tion also in Rev. v. 6; Isa. xl. 11, Aq. The discourse becomes firmer in 
ver. 16, where πρόβατα, and again, more emotional, in ver. 17, where προ- 
Barca, little sheep (see the critical notes), is found. By all three words, the 
ἀρχιποίμην ’ means His believing ones in general (1 Pet. v. 4), without making 
a separation between beginners and those who are matured,” or even be- 


1 To apply the sense of the thrice-uttered feeling. In each of the three expressions 


behest so differently : duty of individuals; 
care for the whole ; bringing in of individu- 
als for, the whole (Luthardt),—is a separa- 
tion of the idea which cannot be proved by 
the change of the words, and is entirely out 
of keeping with the mood of emotional 


lies the whole duty of the shepherd. “‘ Quam 
yocum vim optime se intellexisse Petrus 
demonstrat, 1 Pet. v. 2,’’ Grotius. 

2 Huth. Zigabenus, Wetstein, Lange, and 
several others. 


CHAP, XXTAWS, 049 


tween laity and clergy.’ Maldonatus aptly remarks : the distinction is non 
in re, sed in voce, where, notwithstanding, he, with other Catholic exposi- 
tors, erroneously lays emphasis on the fact that precisely to Peter was the 
whole flock entrusted ; the latter shared, in truth, with add the apostles, the 
same office of tending the entire flock. — πάλιν δεύτερον] See on Matt. xxvi. 
42. — ποίμαινε] More universal, and more expressive of carefully ruling activ- 
ity in general” than βόσκε, in which rather the special reference of nourishing 
protective activity is brought out.’ The latter, therefore, corresponds to 
the diminutive designations. —In His third question, ver. 17, Jesus takes 
up the φιλῶ σε of Peter, and cuts, by means of the thus altered question, 
still more deeply into his heart. Peter was troubled about this, that Jesus 
in this third question appeared to throw doubt even upon his φιλεῖν. Hence 
now his more earnest answer, with an appeal to his Lord’s unlimited knowl- 
edge of the heart: σὺ πάντα οἶδας, x.7.2., which popular and deeply emotional 
expression is not to be interpreted of absolute omniscience (Baur), but ac- 
cording to the standard of xvi. 30, ii. 25, iv. 19, vi. 64, i. 49 f. 

Ver. 18. With the thrice-uttered βόσκε τὰ προβάτιά μου Peter is again in- 
stalled in his vocation, and with solemn earnestness (ἀμήν, ἀμήν, κ.τ.}.) 
Jesus now immediately connects the prediction of what he will one day have 
to endure in this vocation. The prediction is clothed ina symbolic form. 
Comp. Acts xxi. 11. — dre ἧς νεώτερος] than now. Peter, who had been al- 
ready for a considerable time married (Matt. viii. 14), was at that time of 
middle age. In the contrast of past youth and coming old age (γηράσῃς) the 
present condition certainly remains without, being characterized ; but this, 
in the vivid delineation of the prophetic picture, must not be pressed. 
Every expression of prophetic mould is otherwise subject to its “ obliquity” 
(against, de Wette). But the objection of the want of a simplicity worthy of 
Jesus (de Wette) is, considering the entire concrete and illustrative form of 
the prophecy, perfectly unjust. Note, moreover, that ὅτε ἧς νεώτερος . . 
ἤθελες is not designed with the rest for symbolical interpretation (as refer- 
ring perhaps to his self-willedness before his conversation, Euth. Zigabe- 
nus, Luthardt, or in the earlier time of youth, Lange ; to the autonomic 
energy in his calling, Hengst.), but serves only as a plastic preparation 
for the prediction (ray δὲ γηράσῃς) from which, as a background, the pre- 
dictive figure stands out more vividly. — ἐκτενεῖς τὰς yeip. cov] Feebly stretch- 
ing them out to the power of strangers, and therewith surrendering thyself 
to it. Then will another (undefined subject of the hostile power) gird thee, 
ie. surround thee with fetters, as with a girdle, bind thy body around with 
bonds, and convey thee away, whither thou wilt not, namely, to the place of ex- 
ecution (comp. Mark xv. 22); for with ὅπου ob ϑέλεις : τῆς φύσεως λέγει τὸ 
συμπαϑὲς καὶ τῆς σαρκὸς τὴν ἀνάγκην, Kal ὅτε ἄκουσα ἀποῤῥήγνυται τοῦ σώματος ἡ 
ψυχή, Chrysostom. Note further, that as with the three clauses of the first 
half of the verse there is a complete correspondence formed by means of the 


1 Eusebius, Emiss, Bellarmine. and βόσκημα, victus, and the compounds like 
2 Acts xx. 285; 1 Pet. v..2; Rev. ii. 27, vii. γηροβοσκεῖν, et al.; see also Philo, deter. insid. 
17, and see Dissen, ad Pind. Ol. x. 9. pot. I. p. 197; Ellendt, Lex. Soph. TI. p. 312 f, 


3 Hom. Od. μ. 97, ξ. 102, et al. » comp. βοσκή, 


5d0 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

three clauses of the second, namely (1) by ὅταν δὲ γηρ. ; (2) by ἄλλος σε ζώσει 5 
and (3) by οἴσει ὅπου ob ϑέλεις, the words ἐκτενεῖς τὰς χεῖράς σου form no inde- 
pendent point, but only serve for the illustration of the second, graphically 
describing the surrender into the power of the ἄλλος, who will perform the 
ζώσει (not the joy at being bound with fetters, Weitzel). Erroneously, then, 
do the Fathers, and most later expositors,’ make éxrev. τ. χεῖρ. o. the charac- 
teristic point of the prediction, and interpret it of the stretching out on the 
transverse beam of the cross. In this case unless (with Hengst.) we volatilize 
ἄλλος ce ζώσει into the mere general idea of passivity, we must refer the 
ζώσει to the binding to the cross before the nailing,*. or (with Briickner and 
Ewald) to the girding with the loin cloth (which can by no means be histor- 
ically proved by Hv. Nicod. 10).* It is decisive against the entire explana- 
tion, referring it to the crucifixion, that oice: ὅπου ob ϑέλεις, not before but 
after the stretching out of the hands and girding,* would be wholly incon- 
gruous, and we must then understand it of the bearing to the cross by the 
executioner’s assistants,° in which, however, in spite of this very special in- 
terpretation, we again give up the reference of the stretching out of the hands 
to the crucifixion, and leave only the above doubtful binding of the girdle 
round the loins as a specific mark of crucifixion. Others (so especially Gur- 
litt and Paulus) have found nothing more than the prediction of the actual 
weakness of old age, and therewith made of the saying so weightily intro- 
duced a mere nullity. Olshausen refers to youth and old age in the spirit- 
ual life;® Peter, that is to say, will in his old age be in manifold ways 
hindered, persecuted, and compelled against his will to be active here and 
there, of which experiences his cross is the culminating point. Ina simi- 
lar manner Tholuck: the apostle is given to understand how he, who had 
been governed in the earlier period of his life more by self-will, will come 
more and more under a higher power, and will submit himself at last even 
with resignation to the martyr-death destined by God. Comp. Lange, and 
even Bleek, p. 235f., who by the ἄλλος actually understands Jesus ; a mis- 
taken view also in Mayerhoff.? All such spiritual allusions fall to the 
eround in virtue of ver. 19, as also ὕπου ob ϑέλεις is not appropriate to the 
supposed representation of complete surrender, which should rather have 
required perhaps ὅπου ἄρτι ov ϑέλεις. Unsuitable also would be ὅταν γηράσῃς, 
since in truth that spiritual maturity of the apostle could not first be a sub- 
ject of expectation in his old age. Beza is correct : ‘‘ Christus in genere 


praedicat Petri mortem violentam fore.” Nonnus : ᾿Οψὲ δὲ γηράσκων τανύσεις 


1Jncluding Tholuck, Maier, de Wette, 
Briickner, Hilgenfeld, Hengstenberg, 
Baeumlein. 


binding round the body, would be an inap- 
propriate figure of the attaching the hands. 
—Logical subtleties cannot succeed in put- 


2 Tert. Scorp. 15. 
3 See Thilo, ad Cod. Apocr. I. p. 582 f. 
4A resource has indeed been sought 
with Casaubon by referring ἐκτ. τ. χεῖρ. σ. to 
the circumstance that before the crucifixion 
took place the cruciarii were carried about 
““collo furcae inserto et manibus dispessis 
οὐ δα fureae cornua deligatis,” Wetstein. 
Sut the girding, as it necessarily points to 


ting right the incongruity above alluded to, 
although Briickner has made the attempt. 

5 Ewald, comp. Bengel. 

8 Comp. Euth. Zigabenus: to the life of 
Peter under the law, in which he has acted 
with self-will, the full maturity of the ἡλικία 
πνευματική is opposed, in which he will 
stretch out his hands for crucifixion, etc. 

7 Petr. Schr. Ὁ. 8%. 


CHAP? XXY.7 19-21, 551 


σέο χεῖρας ἀνάγκῃ" | καί σε περισφίγξουσιν ἀφειδέες ἀνέρες ἄλλοι, εἷς τινα χῶρον 
ἄγοντες, ὃν οὐ σέο θυμὸς ἀνώγει. Beyond this we cannot go without arbitrari- 
ness. Comp. also Luthardt and Godet. 

Ver. 19. A comment, quite of Johannean stamp, on the remarkable utter- 
ance. Comp. xviii. 32, also xii. 33. — ποίῳ θανάτῳ] 1.6. by what manner of 
death, namely, by the death of martyrdom, for which Peter, bound round 
with setters, was conveyed to the place of execution. John, who wrote long 
after the death of Peter, presupposes the details as well known, as also Clem. 
Cor.I.5. Peter was crucified, as tradition, from the time of Tertullian,’ and 
Origen in Eusebius, credibly relates ; the reader had therefore to take this 
special element of the ποιότης of the execution from history, as the fulfilment 
of the less definite word of prophecy, in addition to, but not to derive it 
rom, the words of Christ themselves. — δοξάσει τ. θεόν] For such a death 
tended to the glorifying of God, in whose service he suffered for the revela- 
tion of His counsel and for the victory of His work (comp. xvii. 4, 6) ; 
hence δοξάζειν τ. θεόν became ‘‘magnificus martyrii titulus,” Grotius.* — 
ἀκολούθει μοι] [See Note LXX. p. 556.] On the announcement of the martyr- 
dom which is destined for Peter in his old age, there now follows, after a 
pause, the swmmons thereto, and that in the significant form : follow me! 
Comp. xiii. 36 ; Matt. x. 38, xvi. 34. This, then, refers, according to the 
context, to the following of Christ in the like death that He had died, i.e. 
in the death of martyrdom, which Peter is to undergo. Luther: ‘‘ give thy- 
self willingly to death.” Too special is the interpretation which refers it to 
the death of the evoss, since this was not expressly characterized in ver. 18.* 
In opposition to the context (see also ver. 22), others, after Chrysostom and 
Theophylact, have referred it to the appointment to be oecumenical bishop. 
The reference to the guidance of the church is by no means to be connected 
with that to the death of martyrdom,‘ since ἀκολ. is the opposite of μένειν, 
ver. 22. Others divest the words of all significance : Jesus had something 
particular to speak of with Peter, and hence summoned him to go with Him. 
So Kuinoel, Paulus, and even Tholuck and Schleiermacher, while Grotius, 
Bengel, Luthardt, Lange, Hengstenberg, Briickner, Baeumlein, Godet blend 
together the proper and symbolical meaning. 

Vv. 20, 21. From axoAovfoivra—which here, as belonging to the narrative, 
is, as a matter of course, not to be taken in the significant sense of the 
ἀκολούθει belonging to the language of Jesus, ver. 19—it results that Jesus, 
during the preceding conversation with Peter (not now first, as assumed by 
Luthardt, in accordance with ἀκολούϑει μοι, ver. 19, which is to be left purely 
in its higher sense), has gone away with him a little distance from the dis- 
ciples. Peter, engaged in walking with Jesus, turns round® and sees that 
John is following them. — ὃν ἠγάπα ὁ ᾿Τησοῦς] Not to be connected with ἀκολουθ. 
(‘‘he knew that Jesus loved his company,” Ewald, loc. cit.), but comp. xiii. 


1 Scorp. 15, ‘‘ Tune Petrus ab altero cin- 3 Against Euth. Zigabenus and many 
gitur, cum cruci adstringitur,’’ de praescr. others. 
3D. 4 Ewald, Jahrd. 111. p. 171. 

2See Suicer, 71:65. 1. p. 949. Comp. also 5 ἐπιστραφείς, comp. Matt. ix. 22. 


Phil. i. 20 ; 1 Pet..iv. 16 ; Acts v. 41. 


δος THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

23. — ὃς καὶ ἀνέπεσεν, x.7.2.] Retrospect of the special circumstance, xiii. 25 ; 
hence, however, not : who also lay at table, etc. (Hengstenberg and others), 
but : who also laid himself down (with the head) at the well-known Supper 
(ἐν τῷ δείπνῳ) on the breast of Jesus. Ὃς . . . παραδ. σε is not to be placed in 
«a parenthesis, since ver. 21 begins anew sentence, The subjoining of this 
observation is not intended to state the reason for John, as the confidant of 
Jesus following Him ;’ but to prepare the way for the following question 
of petty jealousy, in which lies the point of the further narrative, while it 
indicates the consideration which determines Peter to put this question, 
whether possibly a destiny of suffering might not in like manner be contemplated 
Sor the disciple so pre-eminently beloved and distinguished by Jesus, this ἐπιστήϑιος 
of the Lord. According to Chrysostom, Theophylact, and Euth. Zigabenus 
(similarly Olshausen), its purpose is to remind the reader how jar bolder than 
at the Last Supper Peter has now become after his restoration. But the 
subsequent question neither presupposes any special boldness (comp. on ver. 
22), nor, considering the peculiar situation of the Last Supper, was a want 
of boldness the reason why Peter did not himself put the question, xiii. 25. 
The καί after ὅς expresses the relation corresponding to ὃν ἠγάπα. ---- οὗτος δὲ 
τί] 86. ἔσται." Nonnus: καὶ τί τελέσσει οὗτος ἐμὸς συνάεϑλος 3 but what will 
become of this man if the result is to be such for me? Will the issue be other- 
wise with him ? οὐκ ἀκολουϑήσει σοι ; ob τὴν αὐτὴν ἡμῖν ὁδὸν τοῦ ϑανάτου βαδιεῖ- 
vat; Euth. Zigabenus. The rendering : but what is this man to do? Shall 
he now be with us (Paulus and several others), a part of the false expla- 
nation of ἀκολούϑει μοι, ver. 19. On the neut. τί, comp. Acts xii. 18.* 

Ver. 22. Jesus gives, in virtue of His personal sovereignty over the life 
and death of His own (comp. Rom. xiy. 9), to the wnwarranted question, 
put by Peter, too, not merely out of curiosity, but even from a certain jeal- 
ousy (Chrysostom, Erasmus, Wetstein, and several others conceive : out of 
particular love to John),°® the answer: that it does not at all concern him, 
if He have possibly allotted to John a more distant and happier goal, and 
leads him, who had again so soon turned away his gaze from himself, im- 
mediately back to the task of ἀκολούϑει μοι imposed upon him, ver. 19.— 
μένειν] Opposite of the ἀκολουϑεῖν, to be fulfilled by the death of martyrdom; 
hence : be preserved in life.’ Olshausen (and so substantially even Ewald) 
arbitrarily adds, after Augustine, the sense : ‘‘to tarry in quiet and peace- 
ful life.” 7— ἕως ἔρχομαι] By this Jesus means, as the solemn and absolute 


1 Bengel, Luthardt, Lange, Godet. 

2 Baeumlein, Partik. Ὁ. 152. 

3 See Buttmann, Neut. Gr. Ὁ. 328 [E. T. p. 
394]. 

4Xen. Hell. ii. 3. 175 ἔσοιτο ἡ πολιτεία ; 
Stallbaum, ad Plat. Rep. Ὁ. 332 E. 

5 Comp. Luthardt: ‘‘ only loving interest 
for his comrade,’’ to which, however, the 
reproving τί πρὸς σέ, ver. 22, does not apply. 

6 Comp. xii. 34; Phil. i. 25.5; 1 Cor. xv. 6; 
Kypke, I. p. 415 f. 

7Comp. Godet, who, strangely enough, 
finds here an allusion to the fact that John 


remained at rest in the boat, and with his 
comrades (except Peter) towed the full net 
to land, where Jesus was. This allusion 
again includes the other, that John, in the 
history of the development of the founding 
of the church, received ‘‘a@ calm and col- 
lected part.’ And with this Godet finally 
connects: At the great gospel draught of 
fishes in the Gentile world, where Peter at 
the beginning stood foremost,” John was 
present thereat until the end of the first century, 
atypeof the whole history of the church, and 
here begins the mystery—perhaps he is associat- 


CHAP. XXL, 23% 553 


ἔρχομαι itself renders undoubted, His final historical Parousia, which He, 
according to the apprehension of all evangelists and apostles, has promised 
will take place even before the passing away of the generation (see note 3 
after Matt. xxiv.), not the destruction of Jerusalem, which, moreover, John 
far outlived (τινὲς in Theophylact, Wetstein, Lange, and several others, in- 
cluding Luthardt, who sees in this destruction the beginning of the Parousia, 
in opposition to the view of the N. T. generally, and to ver. 23); not the 
world-historical conflict between Christ and Rome, which began under 
Domitian (Hengstenberg) ; not the removing by a gentle death;? not 
the leading out from Galilee (where John in the meanwhile was to remain) 
to the scene of apostolic activity (Theophylact) ; not the apocalyptic com- 
ing in the visions of John’s revelation (Ebrard); not the coming at any 
place, where John is to wait (Paulus)! See rather xiv. 3; 1 John ii. 28, 
ili, 2. On ἕως ἔρχομαι (as 1 Tim. iv. 13), as long as until Tcome, see Butt- 
mann, Neut. Gr. p. 199 [E. T. p. 231]. In σύ μοι ἀκολ., ob bears the empha- 
sis, in contrast with the other disciples. 

Ver. 23. Hence there went forth (comp. Matt. ix. 26), in consequence of 
this answer of Jesus, the following legend? among the brethren (Christians) : 
that disciple does not die (but remains in life until the Parousia, whereupon he 
experiences, not death, but change, 1 Thess. iv. 17; 1 Cor. xv. 51, 52). 
—The legend, which correctly took ἔρχομαι in the solemn sense of Maran- 
atha (1 Cor. xvi. 22), would with reason have inferred its οὐκ ἀποϑνήσκει from 
the word of Christ, had the latter run categorically : ϑέλω αὐτὸν μένειν ἕως 
épx. In the manner, however, in which Jesus expressed Himselfa 
categorical judgment was derived from the conditional sentence, and ὦ 
quently the case supposed by Jesus, the occurrence of which is to b 
the. decision of experience (ἐάν, ‘not εἰ), was proclaimed as an actually exist- 
ing relation. This John shows to be an overstepping of the words of Jesus, 
and hence his observation intimates that, on the ground of that saying, it 
was at once without reason asserted : this disciple dies not,—that rather 
the possible occurrence of the case supposed by ἐὰν ϑέλω must be left 
over to the experience of the future, without asserting by way of anticipa- 
tion either the οὐκ ἀποϑνήσκει or the opposite. Considering the expected 
nearness of the Parousia, it is conceivable enough how John himself does 
not absolutely declare the saying, which was in circulation about him, to 
be incorrect, and does not contradict it (it might in truth be verified through 
the impending Parousia), but only refers to its conditional character (‘‘ leaves 
it therefore to hangin doubt,” Luther), and places it merely in its historical 
light, with verbally exact repetition of its source. According to others,‘ 
John would indicate that there is yet another coming of Jesus than that 
which is to take place at the close of history. But this other the expositors 





ed with it in an incomprehensible manner un- 1 O]shausen, Lange, Ewald, after the older 
til the end of the present economy, until the expositors, as MRuperti, Clarius, Zeger, 
vessel touches the shore of eternity.” Thus, if Grotius, and several others. 


we depart from the clear and certain sense 2 Which therefore did not originate from 
of the words, we fall into the habit of the Apocalypse (Baur, Hilgenfeld). 
phantasy, so that we no longer expound, but 3 See especially Heumann, B. Crusius, 


invent and create. Hengstenberg. 


dod THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 

have here invented, see on ver. 22.—After the death of the apostle, the 
legend was further expanded, to the effect that he slumbered in the grave, 
and by his breath moved the earth.’ 

Ver. 24. Conclusion by John to this his supplement, vv. 1-23, which he 
makes known as his work, and the contents of which he maintains to be 
true. To his book he had given the conclusion, xx. 31; all the less should 
the apostolic legitimation be wanting to the appendix added by him 
at a later time. — περὶ τούτων and ταῦτα refer to the supplementary nar- 
rative in vv. 1-23. — Observe the change of participles, pres. μαρτυρῶν (for 
his witness, i.e. his eye- and ear-witness, still continued a living one in an 
oral form) and aor. ypawac.?— οἷδαμεν] Not oida μέν ;* but John, as he has 
avoided throughout in the Gospel. in accordance with his delicate peculiar- 
ity, the self-designation by J, here speaks out of the consciousness of jfellow- 
ship with his readers at that time, none of whom the aged apostle justly pre- 
supposed would doubt the truth of his testimony. With this good apostolical 
confidence he utters his οἴδαμεν. Ne might have written, as in xix. 35, oidev 
(Beza so conjectured). But his book up to this appendix, chap. xxi., had 
belonged in truth already for a considerable time to the narrower circle of 
his first readers ; they could not therefore but know from it how truly he 
had testified concerning all that he had written ; all the more could he now, 
when by way of supplement he further added the appendix, conceive what 
was to be said concerning the truth of the contents in the above form of 
fellowship, and as he conceived it, so he says it ; as he is in so doing certain 
of the concurrence of his readers (comp. 3 apt 12) with his own conscious- 
ness, so he writes it. 
for recognizing in οἴδαμεν a composer different from the γράψας (Bleek, 
Baeumlein), and conceiving of the Ephesian presbyters or friends of the apos- 
tle as the subject, whether the chapter be now ascribed to them (or to an 
‘jndividual among them),* or only vy. 24, 25,° or again merely ver. 24, ver. 
25 being rejected (Tischendorf). 

Ver. 25, Apoeryphal conclusion to the entire Gospel (see the critical notes) 
after the Johannean appendix, vv. 1-24, had been added. — ὅσα] a4, which 
Lachmann, Tischendorf, after B. C.* X. 8. Or. read, would give the rela- 
tive limitation simply as to matter (quae fecit) ; but ὅσα gives it quantitatively 
(quotquot fecit), as, frequently also in the classics, ὅσος follows after πολύς. 
The ἐποίησεν (without σημεῖα, xx. 31) designates the working of Jesus in its 
entire universality, but as that which took place on earth, not also the Logos 
activity from the beginning of the world, as, in spite of the name ὁ ᾿Τησοῦς, 
comp. xx. 30, Hoelemann, p. 79 ff., assumes, who sees in ver. 25 the com- 
pletion of the symmetry of the gospel in keeping with the prologue. The 


According to this, no satisfactory reason is apparent 


1 See Introd. § 1, and generally Ittig, δεῖ. 
capita hist. eccl. sec. I. p. 441 ff. 

2 Note also how the witness is identical 
with the γράψας, so that John himself ex- 
pressly announces himself as the composer 
of the appendix, and consequently also of 
the whole Gospel, with which the assump- 
tion that the Gospel proceeds from the 


apostle through a second hand, stands in 
contradiction. 

3 Chrysostom, Theophylact. 

4 Grotius, Liicke, Ewald, Bleek, and 
others. 

5 Tholuck, Luthardt, Godet, and others. 

6 Hom, J/, xxii. 380; Xen. Hed/. ili. 4, 3. 


NOTES. 599 
pre-human activity of the Logos might be an object of speculation, as i. 
1 ff., but not the subject of histories, written in detail (καϑ᾽ ἔν) : not 
the theme of a Gospel. Hence the composer of ver. 25, moreover, has 
throughout indicated nothing which points back further than to the activ- 
ity of the Incarnate One,’ and not even has he written ὁ Χριστός, or ὁ κύριος, 
or ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ Oeov, but ὁ Inoovc. — ἅτινα] quippe quae, utpote quae. The relative 
is likewise gualitative,? namely, in respect of the great multitude ; hence 
not the simple 4. —kaW ἐν] one by one, point by point.* — οὐδὲ αὐτὸν τ. κόσμ.] 
ne ipsum quidem mundwm, much less a space in it. — οἶμαι} Placed in John’s 
mouth by the composer of the concluding verse. — χωρῆσαι] to contain 
(comp. ii. 6; Mark ii. 2). The infin. aor. after oijuac without ἄν, a pure 
Greek idiom,* expresses what is believed with certainty and decision.® — τὰ 
γραφόμενα] the books, which, if the supposed case occurs, are being written. 
The world is too small, then thinks the writer, to include these books within 
it, not, as Luthardt suggests, to embrace the fulness of such testimonies, to 
which he inaptly (since in sooth it is books that are spoken of) adds : ‘* for 
only an absolute external circumference is in keeping with the absolute 
contents of the Person and of the life of Christ.” Hengstenberg also applies 
the expression of external dimension to the ‘internal overflowing great- 
ness ;” comp. Godet ; the object of the history is greater than the world, 
ete.; Ebrard extraordinarily : there would be for the books no room in 
literature. In opposition to the context, Jerome, Augustine, Ruperti 
(who says: the world is ‘‘et ad quaerendum fastidiosus et ad intelli- 
gendum obtusus”), Calovius, Bengel, and several others have explained 
it of the capacitas non loci, sed intellectus (comp. on Matt. xix. 11). — Not 
only is the absurd and tasteless exaggeration in ver. 25 un-Johannean (un- 
successfully defended by Weitzel,* and softened down by Ewald, with a 
reference also to Coh. xii. 12), bearing the Apocryphal stamp,’ but also the 
periodic mode of expression, so at variance with the Johannean simplicity, 
as well as the first person (οἶμαι), in which John in the Gospel never speaks ; 
moreover, nowhere else does he use οἴεσθαι, which, however, is also found 
only once in Paul (Phil. i. 17). The variations are (see the critical notes) 
of no importance for a critical judgment. 





Notrs py American Epiror. 


LXVIII. ‘‘ He does not ask after his faith.’ Ver. 15. 


The distinction here made seems unfounded. Both the faith and love of 
Peter had been in temporary abeyance. Both the Lord knew to be equally 
genuine and deep ; both had alike faltered under the ordeal. He naturally 


1 For that καθ᾽ ev should point back toi. 3, 
and τὸν κόσμον toi. 10, is without any inter- 
nal justification, and could be discovered 
by no reader. 

2 Kiihner, II. § 781, 4, 5, and ad Xen. Mem. 
ii, 1. 30. 

8 Bernhardy, p. 240; Ast, Lea. Plat. I. p. 
629 f. 


4 Lobeck, ad Phryn. Ὁ. 751 ff. 

5 See Bernhardy, p. 383, and on the dis- 
tinction of the infin. pres. (Pflugk, αα Hur. 
Hec. 283) and future, Kiihner, II. p. 80 f. 

6 Loc. cit. Ὁ. 682 ff. 

7 Comp. similar hyperboles in Fabricius, 
ad Cod. Apocr. 1. p, 321 f., and Wetstein in 
loc. 


5d6 THE GOSPEL OF JOHN. 


expresses the quality which is the deepest element and essential mainspring of 
the character, and in which it properly expresses itself. Faith is but a special 
modification of the vital, all-controlling quality of love. 


LXIX. ‘‘ Lovest thou me?’’ Ver. 15. 


Whether the ordinary distinction between ἀγαπᾶν and φιλεῖν is observed in 
these questions and answers has been matter of much doubt. According to 
their usual classical distinction, the Lord in the first two questions asks Peter 
not so much after his personal affection_as after that love of moral choice which 
affects less immediately his relations toward Himself than his fitness for his 
apostolic work. Peter replies in each case by the assertion of that personal af- 
fection which had been apparently most immediately involved in his denial : 
in this he had turned his back directly on the person. In the third question 
Jesus changes the verb, and asif satisfied of his love of moral choice, lets the 
interrogation turn on his personal attachment. It scarcely seems that the 
change in verbs can have been without a purpose. The Lord means, I think, 
to draw from Peter his assurance of his love under both its forms ; while Peter, 
feeling that each form of affection virtually includes the other, chooses in his 
reply, and adheres to, the term which expresses most fully that consciousness 
of personal love to which his denial had done so gross wrong, and to which 
his ardent nature cannot refrain from giving utterance, 


LXX. * Follow me.” Ver. 19. 


Weiss dissents from Meyer in his interpretation of this ‘‘ follow me,” by re- 
ferring it, as he conceives according to the demands of the context, to a literal 
temporary following of Jesus as He steps aside from the group of the apostles, 
This would seem, indeed, at first view indicated by the immediately following 
ἀκολουθοῦντα (ver. 20) of John, which must be so taken, and which seems at first 
to be a mere echo of the preceding ἀκολούθει addressed to Peter. Yet this in- 
fluence is more than counterbalanced by the emphatically recurring σύ μοι axo- 
λόυθει (ver. 22), which must in the connection be taken in the deeper moral sense 
of following Jesus in His life and to and in His death. But this seems very cer- 
tainly a repetition and echo of the first ἀκολόυθει, and cannot be taken in a dif- 
ferent sense. Ifthe oneisclear, soistheother. Both manifestly refer to a fig- 
urative and moral following. The occurrence of the ἀκολουθοῦντα applied to 
John (ver. 20) is accidental, and without reference to the ἀκολουθεῖν and 
μένειν of the next verse. It would seem, indeed, that Jesus accompanied His 
injunction to Peter with a physical movement, stepping a little aside from the 
company, which after the Oriental style may have had a symbolical signifi- 
cance (as the scourge of John ii. 15 ; the binding, Acts xxi. 11.) 

The ‘‘follow me’’ thus interpreted has peculiar significance, and even dra- 
matic force and beauty. Some two or three years earlier, by this very sea, 
quite possibly near this very spot, the Lord had addressed to Peter words of 
the same import (δεῦτε ὁπίσω μου, come after me), which Peter and his compan- 
ions unhesitatingly obeyed. That now, after the experiences of these wonder- ἡ 
ful intervening years, he should again, after a like miracle (Luke v. 4-8), such 
as had then resulted in their following Him (ἠκολούθησαν αὐτῷ, ver. 12), and after 
this triple test of questioning, and the prophetic announcement of the tragic 


NOTES. bot 


issue of his discipleship—that now, when Peter could to much better judge 
(though still but inadequately) what the following involved, the Lord should 
solemnly and finally, in the very spot where the disciple had made his first 
surrender and consecration, lay upon him the command to follow him—seems 
singularly appropriate, and an eminently fitting close of the Lord’s and the 
disciple’s earthly companionship. 


vs oes a 
να 


ior 


Ἂν 





TOBIC AT 


< | 

Abraham, his seed, 279 seq. ; as the 
father of the Jews, 289 seq. ; the 
promise to, 291 seq. 

Adultery, its punishment, 259 seq.; 
its forgiveness, 264. 

Aenon, 136 seq. 

Affliction, in the world, 457. 

Alexandrine Philosophy, 46 seq. 

Alogi, The, 13. 

Andrew, 87 seq., 369 seq. 

Angels, 93 seq. ; at Christ’s tomb, 
526 seq. 

Annas, 481. 

Antichrist, 467. 

Apocalypse, The, its origin, 18 seq. ; 
its author, 22, 39 seq. 

Apollinaris, 9. 

Athenagoras, 9. 

Atonement of Christ, The, 79 seq., 
213, 275 seq., 324 seq., 326, 358 seq., 
370 seq., 372 seq., 376 seq., 399 seq. 

Authority, Human, deified, 331 ; the 
source of, 506; church and dis- 
ciplinary, 533 seq. 


Β. 


Baptism, by John, 73, 75 seq., 77 seq., 
186 seq.; of Christ, 83 seq.; and re- 
generation, 123 seq., 144; by 
Christ’s Disciples, 136 seq., 149; 
not referred to, 392. 

Barabbas, 496. 

Barley-bread, 201. 

Basilides, 12. 

Believer, Blessedness of the, 130 seq. 

Bethabara, 76 seq. 

Bethany, 336, 3438, 363, 386. 

Bethesda, 174 seq. 

Blasphemy, alleged, 330 seq., 504. 

Blessedness, Degrees of, 407 seq. 

Blind, The, healed, 299 seq.; confess- 
ing Christ, 310. 

Boasting, religious 278 seq. 

Body of Christ, The, 521 seq., 528 
seq., 531 seq., 534 seq. 

Bread of Life, The, 212 seq. 





INDEX. 


C. 


Caiaphas, 357 seq., 481. 
Cana, in Galilee, 101 seq., 167, 506. 
Canon of Muratori, 10 seq. 


| Capernaum, 109, 167, 218, 227 seq. 


Casting of Lots, 511 seq. 
Casuistry, 259 seq. 
Jelsus, 13, 


| Ceremonial Purification, 488 seq. 
| Cerinthus, 13. 


Children, of God, 58 seq.; love to the, 
548 seq. 

Christ, Jesus, the day of his death, 
9, 15 seq., 479, 486 seq. ; the length 
of his ministry, 18 ; the person of, 
23 seq., 29 seq. ; as the Logos, 43, 
46 seq. ; subordination of, 49, 423 ; 
his divinity, 48, 141, 237, 282 seq., 
462, 472 ; rejected of the Jews, 57, 
95, 510 seq. ; as the Son of God, 
57 ; his regenerating power, 58 seq. ; 
his incarnation, 60 seq.; his two 
natures, 62 seq. ; the glory of, 63 
seq., 96; as preceding the Baptist, 
66 seq. ; his name announced, 69 ; 
declaring God, 70 seq. ; as the Mes- 
siah, 75 seq., 81 seq., 83 seq., 99; 
his baptism, 75 seq., 77 seq. ; as 
the Lamb of God, 78 seq. ; his 
atonement, 79 seq. ; his first disci- 
ples, 87 seq., 94 seq. ; as the search- 
er of hearts, 89, 91, 117 ; his com- 
munion with God, 93 seq., 99; his 
first miracle, 102 seq., 107 seq., 
117; his brothers, 109, 230 seq. ; 
cleansing the temple, 110 seq., 117 
seq. ; and Nicodemus, 119 seq. ; 
lifted up, 130 seq. ; revealing the 
Father’s love, 132 seq. ; revealing 
moral truth, 135 ; and the Baptist, 
138 seq. ; his power from God, 143; 
retires to Galilee, 148 seq. ; at Sy- 
char, 149 seq.; did not baptize, 
136, 149 ; as a prophet, 155 ; as the 
Messiah, 159; refusing food, 160 ; 
his work of redemption, 160; the 
power of his word, 164 ; heals the 
nobleman’s son, 167 seq. ; returns 


60 TOPICAL INDEX. 


to Galilee, 167, 170; and the Sab- 
bath-day, 177 seq. ; his relation to 
the Father, 179 seq. ; his Messianic 
work, 180 seq. ; quickening the 
dead, 181 seq.; as the Judge, 182 
seq., 982 seq.; his works testifying 
of him, 189 seq.; crosses the Sea of 
Tiberias, 199; feeds the 5000, 198 
seq.; walks on the sea, 202 seq. ; as 
the Bread of Heaven, 207 sey. ; his 
prehuman state, 211 seq. ; as the 
bread of life, 212 seq. ; his propitia- 
tory death, 213 seq., 219 seq.; is con- 
fessed of Peter, 224; his retiracy, 
232 seq.; his alleged inconstancy, 
232 seq.; goes up to Jerusalem, 
234; his learning and teaching, 235 
seq. ; his doctrine, 236 ; imparting 
the Holy Spirit, 248 seq., 254; tempt- 
ed by the Pharisees, 258 seq. ; as 
the light of life, 265 seq. ; confesses 
himself, 272 seq. ; his sinlessness, 
285 seq.; his eternal existence, 
293, 297; heals the blind man, 299 
seq., 313; utters the parable of the 
Good Shepherd, 317 seq. ; raises 
Lazarus from the dead, 342 seq., 
353 seq. ; retires to Ephraim, 359 ; 
enters Jerusalem, 367 seq. ; desires 
to glorify God, 372 seq.; overcoming 
the devil, 375 ; loves his disciples, 
385 seq., 402 seq. ; washes his disci- 
ples’ feet, 389 seq. ; givesa new com- 
mandment, 400 ; consoles his disci- 
ples, 406 seq. ; promises the Com- 
forter, 415 seq.; also life, 418 ; as the 
Vine, 429 seq. ; his return to heav- 
en, 451 seq., 457 ; his high-priestly 
prayer, 459 seq., 475 ; receiving all 
power, 460; his glory, 472 seq., 
476 ; betrayed by Judas, 478 seq. ; 
seized by the Romans, 480 ; taken 
to Annas, 481 ; to Caiaphas, 484 seq. ; 
to Pilate, 486 seq. ; confesses his 
kingship, 494 seq., 501 ; is scourged, 
503 seq.; his last word to Pilate, 
505 seq. ; brought to the Praetori- 
um, 507 seq..; his crucifixion, 510 
seq.; commits Mary to John’s care, 
513 ; his last words, 514 ; his death, 
515, 517 seq. ; his side pierced, 516 ; 
his burial, 521 seq. ; his resurrec- 
tion, 113 seq., 525 seq. ; appears to 
Mary, 526 seq. ; his glorified body, 
528 seq., 531 seq. ; his ascension, 
530; appears to his disciples, 531 
seq., 534 seq., 541 seq. ; draws out 
Peter’s love, 548 seq. ; restores 
Peter, 549; prophesies concerning 
Peter’s old age, 549 seq.; also 
about John’s end, 551 seq.; his 
numerous works, 554 seq. - 


Christian Union, 325, 470. : 

Christianity, and Judaism, 120; and 
baptism, 124; its spirit, 158 seq. ; 
its universality, 324 ; its chief com- 
mandment, 399 seq. 

Church, The, its true spirit, 157 seq. 

Circumcision, 239 seq. 

Clay, used in healing, 302 seq., 314. 
Clementine Homilies, 6; quote from 
John’s Gospel, 10 ; their date, 10. 
Comforter, The, promised, 415 seq., 

421 ; testifving of Christ, 440. 

Commandment, The New, 399 seq., 
414, 434. 

Communion, with God, 93, 104. 

Concealment of Christ, 378. 

Confessing Christ, 223, 228, 310, 346, 
401, 455 seq., 535 seq. 

Consecration, 468 seq. 

Consolation, 406 seq., 425 seq., 457. 

Creation, The, 42 seq. ; wrought by 
the Logos, 49 seq., 56. 

Crucifixion of Christ, alluded to, 130 
seq. ; caused by the Jews, 275 seq. ; 
the world-attraction, 376 ; on what 
day ? 486 seq., 497 seq., 508 seq. ; ac- 
complished, 510 seq. ; final scenes 
of, 515 seq. 

Curetonian Text, The, 11. 

Custom at Meals, 396. 


D. 


Daemon, or Demon, 238, 326 seq. 

Darkness, 52 seq., 398. 

Death, in sins, 269 seq. ; spiritual 
death, 289; and sleep, 341; and 
life, 371; of Christ, 486 seq., 497 
seq., 508 seq., 515, 517 seq. 

Decrees, Divine, 128 seq. 

Dedication, Feast of, 327. 

Denarius, 200 seq. 

Devil, The, 283; the father of lies, 
284° seq., 296 seq. ; a murderer, 
284, 296; overcome, 375 ; corrupts 
Judas, 389, 397 seq., 403 seq. ; con- 
tends against Christ, 424, 

Discernment of Jesus, 85, 91, 117, 154. 

Disciples of Christ, the first, 87 seq., 
94 seq., 99 seq., 231 ; based on the 
Word, 276 seq.; safely protected, 
329 seq. ; loved by Christ, 385, 402 
seq., 434 seq. ; to exercise love and 
humility, 393 seq. ; their faith and 
fidelity to be rewarded, 413 ; receive 
the promise of life, 418 seq. ; also: 
of peace, 422; as branches, 429 
seq. ; fruitful in good works, 433 
seq. ; as friends, 4385; not of this 
world, 437; bearing witness of 
Christ, 440 ; spiritually illuminated, 
453 seq.; their confessing faith, 


TOPICAL 


455 seq.; prayed for, 464 seq. ; 
sanctified by the truth, 467 seq. ; 
their unity, 470 seq. ; their glory, 
470 seq. ; hear Christ’s voice, 495 ; 
informed of Christ’s resurrection, 
530 ; are greeted by Christ, 531 seq. ; 
receive their commission, 532 seq. ; 
their disciplinary authority, 533 
seq.; resume their occupations, 
543. 

Discrepancy, apparent, 368, 488 seq., 
497 seq., 523. 

Divorce, 261 seq. 

Docetism, 203, 234, 294. 

Doctrine, learned by practice, 236 seq. 

Drinking Christ's blood, 216, 

Dualism, Moral, 287. 


E. 


Easter Controversy, The, 15 seq., 363 
seq., 387 seq., 486 seq.,.497 seq., 
508 seq. 

Eating Christ’s flesh, 213 seq. 

Economy, 202 ; a false, 366, 383. 

Election, of Grace, 208 seq., 210 seq., 
324, 359. 

Embalmment, 366, 383, 522. 

Enthusiasm, Popular, 202. 

Envy, stirred up, 138. 

Ephesus, The Church at, 2 ; 
residence at, 38. 

Ephraim, The village of, 359. 

Eusebius, 13 ; quotes Papias, 14 seq. 

Excommunication, 308. 

Experience, Christian, 67 seq. 


F. 


Faith, of Nathanael, 93; caused by 
Christ’s first miracle, 107; by 
Christ’s signs, 1160, 121, 243; the 
ground of, 128 seq. ; the blessed- 
ness of, 130 seq., 247 ; involves life, 
143 ; secures grace and truth, 152 
seq., 246 seq. ; its remedial power, 
167 seq., 176 seq., 247 ; as the work 
of God, 205 seq. ; conditions life, 
212; in Christ’s atonement, 213 
seq. ; a saving, 226 ; its object, 332, 
381 seq., 537 ; of Martha, 344 seq. ; 
a timid, 380; refusal of, 382 ; en- 
couraged, 412 seq.; all-powerful, 
413 seq, 432 ; based on fellowship, 
431 seq. ; vacillating, 456 seq. ; the 
blessedness of, 536, 

Falsehood, 284 seq. 

Fear, of Man, 380. 

Feet-washing, 389 seq. ; not a sacra- 
ment, 393. 

Fellowship, with Christ, 217 seq., 226, 
319, 324, 409, 416 seq., 420, 430 sea. 
470 seq. ; dynamic, 330. 

Fidelity, encouraged, 412 seq. 


John’s 








INDEX. 561 


Food, heavenly, 205 seq., 212 seq., 
218. 
Fragment of Papias, 14. 

Fraternal Love, 399 seq., 484. 
Freedom, Moral, 208 seq., 210 seq. ; 


and the truth, 277 ; of Christ, 424. 


+ 


Gabbatha, 507. 
Galilee, the home of no prophet, 25 52, 


ΤΣ The, 245; to be saved, 359. 

Gerizim, Mt., 155 seq. 

Gethsemane, 478. 

Glorification of Christ, The, 249 seq., 
372 séeq., 399, 414, 451, 460 seq., 471, 
476. 

Gnosticism, 31, 40. 

God, The unity of, 49, 330 seq., 333 ; 
His love to man, 132 seq.; the source 
of all gifts, 138 seq., 145 seq.; and 
His people, 139 seq.; His worship, 
156 seq.; His work of Creation, 178 
seq.; His relation to the Son, 179 
seq., 208, 472; testifying for the 
Son, 190 seq.; the Will of, 209, 267 
seq.; His love of Christ, 325. seq., 
473 seq.; glorifying the Son, 290, 
372 seq.; speaking from heaven, 
373 seq.; glorified by Christ, 462 
seq.; His holiness, 465 seq.; His 
righteousness, 474 seq.; the source 
of all authority, 506. 

Grace, 65 ; received, 68 seq., 96 ; im- 
parted through faith, 152 seq. © 

Grecian Jews, 269 seq. 


H. 


Harvest, The time of, 161. 

Heaven, 407, 426. 

Hebrews, The Gospel of the, 37. 

Hellenists, 369 seq. 

Heresy, its development, 32. 

High-priest, 857 seq. 

Hireling Teachers, 323 seq. 

Holy Spirit, The, subordination of, 
49 ; and the Logos, 85 seq.; and re- 
generation, 123 seq.; the operations 
of, 126 seq.; not given by measure, 
142 seq.; giving life, 221 seq., 247 
seq. ; promised by Christ, 415 seq. ; 
his work in the world, 447 seq.; the 
guide to Truth, 450 ; to consecrate 
the disciples, 468 seq. ; given with 
the disciples’ commission, 532 seq. 

Honor, at home, 165 seq. 

Humility, exercised, 393 seq. 

Hypocrisy, of the Jews, 348. 

Hyssop, 514. 


Als 
Incarnation, The, 60 seq., 97 seq., 291. 


O62 


Inconstancy, alleged, 233 seq., 253. 
Indignation, 127. 

Irony, 127, 207, 280, 308. 

Israelite, A true, 91 seq. 

Itala, The, 11. 


J. 


Jacob, The well of, 150, 152. 

‘ James, the Elder, 1. 

Jews, The, 156; their worship, 157 ; 
priority in salvation, 157 ; breaking 
the law, 237 seq.; boasting of their 
descent, 277 ; not spiritual children 
of Abraham, 280 seq.; at Bethany, 
343 seq.; their hypocrisy, 348 ; their 
unbelief, 355 seq.; their hatred of 
Christ, 439 seq.; their legal rights, 
492 seq., 504; their diplomacy, 
507 ; their custom of burial, 522. 

John the Baptist, 1; his testimony 
of the Logos or Christ, 53 seq., 66, 
73 seq., 75 seq., 96 seq. ; his bap- 
tism, 73 seq., 75 seq., 82 ; his person 
and mission, 73 seq., 75 seq.; his 
revelation of Christ’s Messiahship, 
81 seq., 99, 83 seq.; subordinate to 
Christ, 139 seq., witnessing for 
Christ, 141 seq., 188 seq., 195; 
works no miracles, 334. 

John the Evangelist, his parentage 
and early life, 1; his latter life, 2 ; 
legends as to his end, 3 ; his char- 
acter and influence, 3 seq.; the 
author of the Gospel, 4 seq. ; of the 
first Epistle, 5; an apostle to.the 
Jews, 20; as an eye-witness, 21; 
his residence, 38; follows Christ, 
87 seq., 481; is entrusted with 
Mary, 513; at the tomb of Christ, 
524 seq. ; his end, 551 seq.; his 
closing testimony, 554. 

John, The Gospel of, 1 seq. ; its gen- 
uineness, 4 seq. ; quotations from, 
8 seq. ; by name, 10 seq. ; its ori- 
gin and early use, 14 seq. ; a histor- 
ical argument against it, 15 seq. ; 
no spiritualized Apocalypse, 18 seq ; 
its apostolic character, 19 seq. ; its 
author, 21 seq. ; its original features, 
22 seq. ; its historic contradictions 
25 seq. ; its treatment by the Ligher 
criticism, 26 seq. ; literature upon, 
27 seq.; its design, 29 seq., 537; 

_its intellectual unity, 30 seq. ; its 
catholic tendency, 31; its relation 
to the Synoptical Gospels, 33 seq. ; 
its miracles, 35 ; its source, 35 seq. ; 
its unity, 36 ; its place of composi- 
tion, 37; its time, 37 “seq. ; its 
original language, 37; the plan of, 
38 seq. ; its Anti-Gnostic purpose, 
31, 40; the end of, 586 seq. ; the 





TOPICAL INDEX. 


last chapter of, 599 seq. ; the last 
verse apocryphal, 554 seq. 

John the Presbytery, 5. 

Joseph, 101. 

Joseph of Arimathea, 521. 

Judas Iscariot, 225 seq., 365, 388 seq., 
403 seq., 394 seq., 397 seq., 466, 
478 seq. 

Judas Thaddaeus, 419 seq. 

Judgment, of God, 133 seq. ; commit- 
ted to the Son, 184 seq. ; righteous, 
241 ; of Christ, 266 seq., 311, 382; 
of the Spirit, 448 seq. 

Justin Martyr, 5 seq. ; his Apologies, 
6 seq. ; his doctrine of the Logos, 
7; and the author of the Apoca- 
lypse, 15. 

ke 


Kidron, The, 478. 

Kingdom of Christ, The, 494 seq., 
501. 

Kiss, of Judas, 479. 

Knowledge, of the truth, 277 ; of God 
in Christ, 410 seq. ; as life eternal, 
461. 

Ie, 


Laodicean Controversy, The, 17 seq. 

Law, Mosaic, The, 261. 

Lazarus, 336 seq. ; his resurrection, 
352 seq., 363 seq., 367. 

Life, as the Logos, 51 seq. ; bestowed 
by the Son, 182 seq., 184 seq., 461 ; 
the gift of heaven, 207 seq. ; eter- 
nal, 209 seq., 371, 382 seq.; con- 
ditioned by faith, 212; by appro- 
priating Christ’s death, 215 seq. ; 
given by the Spirit, 221 seq., 248 seq. ; 
the light of, 265; in Christ, 322, 
410, 418 ; the love of, 371 seq. ; of 
a Christian, 431. 

Light, as the Logos, 51 seq., 95; as 
conscience, 52; as truth, 134 seq. ; 
as Christ, 265, 377 seq., 382. 

Logos, The doctrine of the, 7 seq. ; 
presented by John, 23, 35, 43 seq., 
46 seq. ; set forth by Philo, 45 seq. ; 
its true meaning, 47 seq.; at the 
creation, 49 seq., 56; as life and 
light, 50 seq., 95; as the true light, 
54 seq. ; is Jesus Christ, 58 ; the in- 
carnation of the, 60 seq. ; the glory 
of, 63 seq. ; his pre-existence, 67 ; a 
summary of, 71 seq. ; and the Holy 
Spirit, 85 seq. ; its analysis, 97 seq. ; 
in the work of grace, 208 ; his hu- 
map. manifestation, 214; in the 
Old Test., 380. 

Lord’s Supper, The, its institution, 
16 seq., 387, 401, 402 seq., 497 seq.: 
its reference to Christ’s flesh and 
blood, 214 seq., 218, 221 seq. 


TOPICAL 


Love of Christ, 
403, 435. 


The, 386, 399 seq., 


Love of God to man, 132 seq.; to 
Christ, 325. 
Love, ministering, 393 seq.; recipro- 


cal, 434 seq.; morally and personally 
considered, 548 seq. 
Luke, The Gospel of, 36 seq. 


M. 


Magnanimity of soul, 139 seq. 

Malchus, 480. 

Malice, expressed, 349 seq. 

Man, his physical and spiritual na- 
tures, 125 seq.; loving error, 135 


seq. 

Manhood, The age of, 292. 

Manna, 206 seq., 218. 

Marcion, quotes John’s Gospel, 11. 

Mariolatry, 103. 

Marriage Feast, 
410: 

Martha and Mary, 336, 344 seq., 363. 

Mary Magdalene, 512 seq., 523 seq., 
526 seq. 

Mary, the Mother of Jesus, 101 seq., 
526 seq. 

Matthew, The Gospel of, 34. 

Maundy Thursday, 393. 

Melito, his clavis, 8. 

Mercy, of Christ, 264. 

Messiah, The, ancestry of, 241 ; birth- 
place, 250, 252 seq., 254. 

Messiahs, False, 193. 

Messianic Kingdom, The, 121 seq.; 
the mysteries of, 128 seq.; picture 
of, 139 seq.; the life of, 153, 209 ; 
its establishment, 157 seq., 161 seq., 
O77. 

Miracles, of Christ, turning water in- 
to wine, 102 seq., 117; healing the 
impotent man, 169 seq.; feeding the 
5000, 199 seq.; walking on the sea, 
202 seq. ; healing the blind man, 
299 seq., 313 ; in answer to prayer, 
309; raises Lazarus from the dead, 
342 seq.; exhibits his power, 480; 
many not recorded, 537; the 
draught of fishes, 543 seq., 546 seq. 

Misfortune, and sin, 299 seq., 309. 

Mockery, 268 ; rebuked, 270 seq. 

Montanism, 12 seq. 

Moral blindness, 312, 314 seq. 

Moses, as an accuser, 193 seq.; giving 
the law, 237 ; instituting circumci- 
sion, 239 seq. 


The, at Cana, 102, 


N. 


Nablus, 151. 
Nathanael, 90 seq.; his confession of 
Christ, 92 seq. 





INDEX. 563 


Nazareth, 91. 

Nicodemus, 119 seq.; his unbelief, 
127, 144 ; coming by night, 252 
seq.; at Christ’s burial, 521. 

Nobleman, The, and the Centurion, 
169, 


O. 


Obedience, of Christ, 326. 
Ointment, 364 seq. 
Original Sin, 309. 


ἘΝ 


Palm-Sunday, 367. 

Parable, of the Good Shepherd, 317 
seq ; aS commonly understood, 319 
seq.; the Vine and branches, 429 
seq. 

Parousia, The, 408, 416, 419, 451, 457, 
859 seq. 

Passover, The, 16 seq., 199, 360, 363 
seq., 385 seq., 402 seq., 486 seq., 497 
seq., 508 seq 

Peace, The, δ Christ, 422 ; the greet- 
ing of, 531. 

Pentecost, The Day of, 419. 

Persecution, of the disciples, 437 seq. 

Peshito, The, 11. 

Peter, 89 seq.; his confession of Christ, 
223 seq., 228 ; his bold avowal, 401 ; 
rebuked, 480; follows Jesus, 481 ; 
denies Christ, 483, 485 ; at the tomb 
of Christ, 524 seq.; at the sea of 
Tiberias, 543 seq.; his love to 
Christ, 548 seq.; his old age, 549 seq. 

Pharisees, The, 243 seq.; their ill- 
will, 251 seq. ; their blindness, 312 
seq. ; reproved, 320 seq., 328 seq. ; 
proceed against Christ, 360. 

Philip, 369 seq., 411. 

Pilate, 486 seq., 503 seq., 506 seq. 521 

Polycrates, 10. 

Pope, The, and feet-washing, 393. 

Popular Opinion, 234 seq., 238 seq., 
241 seq., 250 seq., 377. 

Prayer, and miracles, 309; answered, 
351 seq., 372 seq ; in Christ’s name, 
413 seq., 453 seq.; of Christ himself, 
459 seq., 475 ; intercessory, 463 ; for 
consecration, 468 seq. ; for unity, 470. 

Predestination, 318. 

Pre-existence of souls, 300. 

Promise, fulfilled, 376 ; of Christ, 408 


seq. 

Prophecy, of the HighPriest, 358 ; of 
Isaiah, fulfilled, 378 seq. ; about 
Christ, 380, 511, 514, 520; about 
Judas, 394. 

Providence of God, 294. 

Purification, questions about, 138 ; 
moral, 390 seq., 429 seq. 

Purim, The Feast of, 173. 


564 TOPICAL 


R 


Recompense, 162, 372. 

Redemption, Christ’s work of, 160, 
32. 

Reformation, of the Church, 111. 

Regeneration, 121 seq., 324 ; and bap- 
tism, 123 seq., 144. 

Remission, of Sins, 533. 

Repentance, 121, 153. 

Resurrection, of Christ. 113 seq., 326, 
525 seq., 530 seq., 531 seq.; of the 
dead, 186 seq., 209 ; in the person 
of Christ, 345. 

Righteousness, of Christ, 447 seq. 

Roman Authority, in Palestine, 492. 


᾿Ξ. 


Sabbath Day, The, 176; its obsery- 
ance, 177 seq., 364; healing on, 
239, 301, 303, 306; circumcision on, 
240 seq. ; its sacred rights, 515 seq. 

Sacrifice, The idea of, 79 seq. ; vica- 
rious, 80, 324 seq., 325 seq. 

Salim, 137. 

Salome, 1, 512. 

Salvation, 265 ; certainty of, 329. 

Salvation of the Jews, 157 seq. 

Samaritans, The, 149 seq., 155 seq. ; 
their worship of God, 156 seq. ; 
hope in the Messiah, 159 ; their 
conversion, 161 seq. 

Samaritan Woman, The, 149-165. 

Sanctification, 469. 

Sanhedrim, The, 73, 177 seq., 243 seq., 
251 seq., 258 seq., 356, 492 seq. 

Scourge, Making a, 110, 118. 

Scriptures, testifying to Christ, 191 
seq., 196. 

Self-education, 235. 

Self-renunciation, 139 seq. 

Sepulchre, 350. 

Sheepfold, and Shepherd, 317 seq. 

Silence, of Jesus, 505. 

Sickness, long-continued, 175; and 
God’s glory, 337. 

Siloam, The pool of, 304 seq. 

Sin, its universality, 262 seq. ; its 
slavery, 278 seq. ; not necessary to 
human development, 287 ; and mis- 
fortune, 299 seq. ; original, 309 ; the 
world convicted of, 447 ; the remis- 
sion of, 533 seq. 

Sinlessness, of Jesus, 285 seq., 296 
seq., 424, 

Solomon’s Porch, 327 seq. 

Sons of God, 58 seq. 

Sowing, and Reaping, 163. 

Spiritual Elevation, 129. 

Spittle, The, used in healing, 302 seq., 
314, 

Superscription of the Cross, 511. 

Subordination, 49, 326, 423. 








INDEX. 


Suffering, Fear of, 372. 

Sychar, 149 seq. 

Synoptic ‘Tradition, 127, 145, 489 
seq., 497 seq. 


ΠῚ 


Tabernacles, The Feast οἵ, 230, 245 
seq. 

Tatian, 8 ; his Diatessaron, 8 seq. 

Temple, Cleansing the, 110 seq., 117 
seq. ; building and destruction of, 
112 seq. 


‘Temptation, The, 98 seq. 


Testimony of Christ, 266 seq., 274 seq. ; 
leads to faith, 276. 

Testimony of the Spirit, 236. 

Theophany in Christ, 411 seq. 

Theophilus, quotes John’s Gospel, 
10 


Thomas, Didymus, 342, 409, 534 seq. 

Tiberias, Sea of, 199. 

Time, for God’s work, 338 seq. ; Ro- 
man reckoning of, 509. 

Tomb of Christ, The, 521 seq., 525 
seq. 

Tradition, The Synoptic, 137, 145, 

Transmigration of Souls, 300. 

Treachery, 394 seq., 479. 

Treasury, The, 269. 

Trust, in God, 406 seq. , 425 seq. 

Truth, as the Logos, 51 seq., 65 ; re- 
ceived, 68 seq., 96; revealed as 
light, 135 seq. ; imparted through 
faith, 152 seq.; proclaimed by 
Christ, 274 seq.; its knowledge 
promised, 276 seq.; the ground of 
faith, 334 ; in Christ, 410 ; the Spir- 
it of, 415; to sanctify believers, 
468 seq. ; its commanding infin- 
ence 495 ; what is, 495 seq. 

[8 

Unbelief, involves death, 143, 270 
seq.; is blindness, 312 seq., 314 
seq. ; unjustifiable, 332; confirm- 
ed, 379.; of the Jews, 380 seq., 
447 ; of Thomas, 534 seq. 

Union, with God, 139 ; in Christ, 217 
seq.; of all Christ’s followers, 
325, 470 seq. ; with Christ, 409, 416 
seq., 420, 430 seq. 

Unity, of God, 330 seq. ; dynamic, 
333 ; of believers, 470 seq. 


Vi: 


Valentinians, The, 11 seq. 
Vision of God, 211 seq. 
Voice from Heaven, A, 373 seq. 


Wee 


Water, turned into wine, 104 seq. ; 


TOPICAL INDEX. 


used in baptism, 124 seq., 144 ; used 
figuratively, 152. 

Water-pitchers, 105 seq. 

Way, The, in Christ, 410 seq, 

Weeping in Sorrow, 349 seq. 

Will, of God, The, 209 seq. ; and His 
doctrine, 236 seq. 

Wine, made of water, 104 seq. 

Woman, her inferior position, 159 ; at 
the cross, 512. 





565 


Woman, The, taken in adultery, 255 
seq., 294 seq. 

Worship of God, The, 156 seq. ; in 
spirit and truth, 158. 

Work, of man, 301 seq. 

Wrath, of God, upon unbelief, 143 seq. 


Z. 


Zealots, The, 258. 
Zebedee, 1. 


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